Handy Literal Translations

THE

FIRST FOUR BOOKS

OF

XENOPHON'S ANABASIS

Literally Translated

With Explanatory Notes

BY

J. S. WATSON

ARTHUR HINDS & CO 4 COOPER INSTITUTE, NEW YORK CITY



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XENOPHON'S

ANABASIS,

OR

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.



BOOK I.—CHAPTER I.

Parentage of Cyrus the Younger. After the death of his father he is accused of plotting against his brother Artaxerxes, who imprisons him, but releases him on the intercession of his mother, and sends him back to his province, where he secretly collects forces, of which a large proportion are from Greece, to make war on his brother.

1. Of Darius[1] and Parysatis were born two sons,[2] the elder Artaxerxes,[3] and the younger Cyrus. After Darius had fallen sick, and suspected that the end of his life was approaching, he was desirous that both of his sons should attend him.

2. The elder then happened to be present; Cyrus he sent for from the province of which he had made him satrap. He had also appointed him commander of all the forces that muster in the plain of Castolus.[4]

Cyrus accordingly went up, taking with him Tissaphernes as a friend, and having also with him three hundred heavy-armed Greeks,[5] and Xenias of Parrhasia,[6] their captain.

3. But when Darius was dead, and Artaxerxes was placed upon the throne, Tissaphernes brought an accusation against Cyrus before his brother, saying that he was plotting against him. Artaxerxes was induced to give credit to it, and had Cyrus arrested, with the intention of putting him to death; but his mother, having begged his life, sent him back to his province.

4. When Cyrus had departed, after being thus in danger and disgrace, he began to consider by what means he might cease to be subject to his brother, and make himself king, if he could, in his stead. Parysatis, their mother, was well disposed towards Cyrus,[7] as she loved him better than Artaxerxes, who was on the throne. 5. Whatever messengers from the king[8] came to visit him, he let none of them go till he had inclined them to be friends to himself, rather than the monarch.[9] He also paid such attention to the Barbarians[10] that were with him, that they were in a condition to take the field, and well inclined towards himself. 6. His Greek force he collected as secretly as he could, that he might surprise the king as little prepared as possible.

He collected troops in the following manner. Whatever garrisons he had in his towns, he sent orders to the commanders of them to procure respectively as many Peloponnesians as they could, of the best class of soldiers, on pretence that Tissaphernes was forming designs upon those towns. For the cities of Ionia had formerly been, under the government of Tissaphernes, having been assigned to him by the king, but had at this time all revolted to Cyrus except Miletus. 7. Tissaphernes, discovering that the people of Miletus were forming a similar design, [to go over to Cyrus,[11]] put some of them to death, and sent others into banishment. Cyrus, receiving the exiles under his protection, and assembling an army, laid siege to Miletus by land and sea, and used every exertion to restore these exiles; and he had thus another pretext for augmenting the number of his forces. 8. He then sent to the king, and requested that, as he was his brother, these cities should be given to him rather than that Tissaphernes should govern them; and in this application his mother supported him. Thus the king had no suspicion of the plot against him, but supposed that Cyrus, from being at war with Tissaphernes, was spending the money upon troops; so that he was not at all concerned at the strife between them, especially as Cyrus remitted to him the tribute arising from the cities which Tissaphernes had had.

9. Another army was collected for him in the Chersonesus opposite Abydos, in the following method. Clearchus, a Lacedaemonian, happened to be in exile. Cyrus, having met with him, was struck with admiration for him, and made him a present of ten thousand darics.[12] Clearchus, on receiving the gold, raised, by means of it, a body of troops, and making excursions out of the Chersonesus, made war upon the Thracians that are situated above the Hellespont, and was of assistance to the Greeks; so that the towns on the Hellespont willingly contributed money for the support of his men. This too was a force thus secretly maintained for Cyrus.

10. Aristippus, also, a Thessalian, happened to be a guest-friend[13] of Cyrus, and, being pressed by an adverse faction at home, came to him, and asked him for two thousand mercenary troops, and three months' pay for them, representing that he would thus be enabled to overpower his enemies. Cyrus granted him four thousand, and six months' pay, desiring him not to terminate the strife until he should consult him. Thus another body of troops was clandestinely supported for him in Thessaly.

11. He then requested Proxenus a Boeotian, who was also his guest-friend, to join him with as many men as he could procure, stating that he intended to make war on the Pisidians, as they molested his territories. He also desired Sophaenetus of Stymphalus,[14] and Socrates, an Achaean, both of them his guest-friends, to come to him, and bring as many men as possible, pretending that he was going to war with Tissaphernes on behalf of the Milesian exiles; and they acted as he wished.

[Footnote 1: Darius II., surnamed Nothus, who reigned from B. C. 423 to B. C. 404, the year in which Cyrus went up to Babylon.]

[Footnote 2: Several children of his are mentioned by Plutarch, Life of Artax. c. i. 27.]

[Footnote 3: Afterwards Artaxerxes II., surnamed Mnemon; he began his reign B. C. 405.]

[Footnote 4: [Greek: Eis Kastolou pedion].] In each of the provinces of the Persian empire, certain open places, plains or commons, were appointed for the assembly and review of troops. See i. 2. 11; 9. 7; Hellen. 43. Heeren, Ideen, vol. ii. p. 486. Castolus is mentioned as a city of Lydia by Stephanus of Byzantium. Kuehner.]

[Footnote 5: [Greek: Ton Hellenon —— hoplitas —— triakosious].] Three hundred of the Greeks that were in his pay, or of such as he could then procure.]

[Footnote 6: A city and district in the south-western part of Arcadia.]

[Footnote 7: [Greek: Hyperche to Kyro].] "Partibus et consiliis ejus [Cyri] favebat." Schneider. "Cyro addicta et adjumento erat." Kuehner. Compare v. 6. 23; Hellen. vii. 5. 5.]

[Footnote 8: [Greek: Hostis —— ton para basileos].] We must understand those who are called [Greek: ephodoi], Cyrop. viii. 6. 16: compare Oecon. iv. 6. Zeune. They were officers appointed to visit the satrapies annually, and make a report respecting the state of them to the king.]

[Footnote 9: [Greek: Houto diatitheis apepempeto, k. t. l.]] "He sent them all away (after) so disposing them, that they were friends rather to himself than the king."]

[Footnote 10: By this term are meant chiefly the Asiatics that were about Cyrus. The Greeks called all people Barbarians that were not of their own nation.]

[Footnote 11: [Greek: Apostenai pros Kyron].] These words are regarded as spurious by Schneider, on the suggestion of Wolf and Wyttenbach. Krueger and Kuehner retain them, as added explicationis causa.]

[Footnote 12: The daric was a Persian gold coin, generally supposed to have derived its name from Darius I.; but others think this doubtful. From c. vii. 18, it appears that three hundred darics were equal to a talent. If the talent be estimated therefore, as in Mr. Hussey's Essay on Anc. Weights and Money, ch. iii. sect. 12, at L243 15s., the value of the daric will be 16s. 3d. The sum given to Clearchus will then be L8125.]

[Footnote 13: [Greek: Xenos].] I have translated this word by guest-friend, a convenient term, which made its appearance in our language some time ago. The [Greek: xenoi] were bound by a league of friendship and hospitality, by which each engaged to entertain the other, when he visited him.]

[Footnote 14: A town of Arcadia, on the borders of Achaia.]



CHAPTER II.

Cyrus begins his march, proceeding from Sardis through Lydia into Phrygia, where he is joined by new forces. The city of Celaenae; the plain of Caystrus, where the soldiers demand their arrears of pay, which Cyrus discharges with money received from the queen of Cilicia. The town of Thymbrium; the fountain of Midas. Cyrus enters Cilicia, and is met at Tarsus by Syennesis, the king of the country.

1. When it seemed to him time to march up into the country, he made it his pretext for doing so that he wished to expel the Pisidians entirely from the territory, and mustered, as if for the purpose of attacking them, the whole of the troops, as well Barbarian as Greek, that were on the spot.[15] He also sent word to Clearchus to join him, bringing whatever force was at his command; and to Aristippus, as soon as he had come to terms with the party at home, to send him back the troops that he had. He also desired Xenias the Arcadian, who commanded for him the mercenaries in the several towns, to bring him all his men except such as would be required to garrison the citadels. 2. He summoned, too, the army that was besieging Miletus, and invited the exiles to accompany him on his expedition; promising them, that if he successfully accomplished the objects for which he undertook it, he would never rest till he had re-established them in their country. They cheerfully consented, as they had confidence in him, and, taking their arms, joined him at Sardis.

3. To Sardis also came Xenias, bringing with him the troops from the several towns, to the number of four thousand heavy-armed men. Thither came also Proxenus, with heavy-armed men to the number of fifteen hundred, and five hundred light-armed; Sophaenetus the Stymphalian with a thousand heavy-armed; Socrates the Achaean with five hundred; and Pasion of Megara with three hundred heavy-armed, and the same number of peltasts.[16] Both Pasion and Socrates were among those serving in the army at Miletus.

4. These joined him at Sardis. Tissaphernes, observing these proceedings, and considering the force to be greater than was necessary to attack the Pisidians, set out, with all possible speed, to give notice of the matter to the king, taking with him about five hundred cavalry; 5. and the king, as soon as he heard from Tissaphernes of the preparations of Cyrus, made arrangements to oppose him.

Cyrus, at the head of the force which I have stated, commenced his journey from Sardis,[17] and proceeded through Lydia, three days' march,[18] a distance of twenty-two parasangs,[19] as far as the river Maeander. The breadth of this river is two plethra,[20] and a bridge was thrown over it, constructed of seven boats. 6. Having crossed the stream, he went forward through Phrygia, one day's march, eight parasangs, till he reached Colossae, a populous city, wealthy and of considerable magnitude. Here he halted seven days; when Menon the Thessalian joined him with a thousand heavy-armed troops and five hundred peltasts, consisting of Dolopians, AEnianes, and Olynthians.

7. Hence he proceeded in three days' march, a distance of twenty parasangs, to Celaenae, a populous, large, and rich city of Phrygia. Here Cyrus had a palace, and an extensive park full of wild beasts, which he was accustomed to hunt on horseback whenever he wished to give himself and his horses exercise. Through the middle of this park flows the river Maeander; its springs issue from the palace itself; and it runs also through the city of Celaenae. 8. There is also at Celaenae a palace of the Great King,[21] situated near the source of the river Marsyas, under the citadel. This river too runs through the city, and falls into the Maeander. The breadth of the Marsyas is twenty-five feet. Here Apollo is said to have flayed Marsyas, after conquering him in a trial of musical skill, and to have hung up his skin in the cave, where the source of the stream rises: and on this account the river is called the Marsyas. 9. Xerxes is said to have built both this palace and the citadel of Celaenae, when he was returning from Greece after his discomfiture in battle.

Cyrus remained here thirty days; during which time Clearchus, the Lacedaemonian exile, joined him with a thousand heavy-armed men, eight hundred Thracian peltasts, and two hundred Cretan archers. At the same time Sosis[22] of Syracuse arrived with three hundred heavy-armed men, and Sophaenetus, an Arcadian, with a thousand. Here Cyrus held a review of the Greeks in the park, and took their number; and they were in all eleven thousand heavy-armed troops, and about two thousand peltasts.[23] 10. Hence he proceeded two days' march, a distance of ten parasangs, to Peltae, a well-peopled city, where he halted three days, during which Xenias the Arcadian celebrated the sacred rites of Lycaean Jove,[24] and held public games on the occasion; in which the prizes were golden strigiles.[25] Cyrus was present at the games as a spectator. Thence he proceeded, two days' march, twelve parasangs, to Ceramon Agora, a populous city, the last on the side of Mysia.

11. Hence he proceeded, in three days' march, the distance of thirty parasangs, to the Plain of Caystrus, a populous city. Here he halted five days; and at this time more than three months' pay was due to the troops, which they frequently went to his tent to demand. Cyrus put them off, giving them hopes, but was evidently distressed; for it was no part of his character not to pay when he had the means. 12. But while he was there, Epyaxa, the wife of Syennesis king of the Cilicians, paid him a visit, and was said to have presented him with a large sum of money. He in consequence gave the troops pay for four months. The Cilician queen had with her a body-guard of Cilicians and Aspendians; and it was reported that Cyrus had connexion with her.

13. Hence he proceeded two days' march, ten parasangs, to Thymbrium, a populous city. Here, by the road-side, was a fountain, called the fountain of Midas, king of Phrygia; at which Midas is said to have captured the Satyr,[26] by mixing wine with the water.

14. Hence he proceeded, two days' march, ten parasangs, to Tyriaeum, a well-peopled city, where he stayed three days. The Cilician queen is said to have requested Cyrus to show her his army. With the desire therefore of exhibiting it to her, he reviewed his troops, as well Greek as Barbarian, in the plain. 15. He ordered the Greeks to be marshalled, and to take their places, as they were accustomed to do for battle, each captain arranging his own men. They were accordingly drawn up four deep; Menon and his troops took the right wing; Clearchus and his men the left; and the other captains occupied the centre. 16. First of all, then, Cyrus reviewed the Barbarians, who marched past him, drawn up in troops and companies;[27] and afterwards the Greeks, riding by them in his chariot, with the Cilician queen in her car.[28] They had all brazen helmets, scarlet tunics, greaves, and polished shields. 17. When he had ridden past them all, he stopped his chariot in front of their phalanx, and sent Pigres the interpreter to the Greek officers, with orders for them to present arms,[29] and to advance with their whole phalanx. The officers communicated these orders to their soldiers; and, when the trumpeter gave the signal, they presented arms and advanced. Then, as they proceeded with a quicker pace and loud shouts, the soldiers of their own accord took to running, bearing down upon the tents of the Persians. 18. Upon this, there arose great terror among the rest of the Barbarians; the Cilician queen fled from her car; and the people in the market deserted their goods and took to their heels; while the Greeks marched up to the tents with laughter. The Cilician queen, on beholding the splendour and discipline of the army, was struck with admiration; and Cyrus was delighted when he saw the terror with which the Greeks inspired the Barbarians.

19. Hence he advanced, three days' march, a distance of twenty parasangs, to Iconium, the last town of Phrygia; where he halted three days. He then went forward through Lycaonia, five days' march, a distance of thirty parasangs; and this country, as being that of an enemy, he permitted the Greeks to ravage.

20. From hence Cyrus despatched the Cilician queen, by the shortest road, into Cilicia; and sent with her the troops which Menon had, and Menon himself. Cyrus, with the rest of the army, proceeded through Cappadocia, four days' march, a distance of twenty-five parasangs, to Dana, a populous, large, and wealthy city. Here he stayed three days; in the course of which he put to death a Persian, named Megaphernes, a wearer of the royal purple,[30] and a certain other person in power, one of the provincial governors having accused them of conspiring against him.

21. They then made an attempt to enter Cilicia; but the sole entrance was a road broad enough only for a single carriage, very steep, and impracticable for an army to pass, if any one opposed them. Syennesis, besides, was said to be stationed on the heights, guarding the defile; on which account Cyrus halted for a day in the plain. The next day, a messenger came to inform him that Syennesis had quitted the heights, on receiving information that Menon's army was already in Cilicia within the mountains, and hearing that Tamos had a number of galleys, belonging to the Lacedaemonians and Cyrus himself, sailing round from Ionia to Cilicia. 22. Cyrus accordingly ascended the mountains without any opposition, and saw[31] the tents in which the Cilicians kept guard. Hence he descended into a large and beautiful plain, well watered, and abounding with all kinds of trees, as well as vines. It also produced great quantities of sesamum, panic, millet,[32] wheat, and barley. A chain of hills, strong and high, encompasses it on all sides from sea to sea. 23. Descending through this plain, he proceeded, in four days' march, a distance of twenty-five parasangs, to Tarsus, a large and opulent city of Cilicia. Here was the palace of Syennesis, the king of the Cilicians; and through the midst of the city runs a river, called the Cydnus, the breadth of which is two plethra. 24. This city the inhabitants, with Syennesis, had deserted for a strong-hold upon the mountains, except those who kept shops.[33] Those also remained behind, who lived near the sea at Soli and at Issi.

25. Epyaxa, the wife of Syennesis, had arrived at Tarsus five days before Cyrus. But in passing over the mountains which skirt the plain, two companies of Menon's troops had perished; some said that they had been cut to pieces by the Cilicians, while committing some depredations; others, that being left behind, and unable to find the rest of the army or their road, they had been destroyed while wandering about. They amounted to a hundred heavy-armed men. 26. When the rest of Menon's troops came up, full of resentment at the fate of their comrades, they plundered both the city of Tarsus and the palace in it. Cyrus, on entering the city, sent for Syennesis to come to him; but Syennesis answered, that he had never yet put himself in the power of one stronger than himself; nor would he then consent to go to Cyrus, until his wife prevailed upon him, and he received solemn assurances of safety. 27. Afterwards, when they had met, Syennesis gave Cyrus a large sum of money for the support of his army, and Cyrus in return presented him with such gifts as are held in estimation by a king, a horse with a golden bit, a golden chain and bracelets, and a golden scimitar and Persian robe. He also engaged that his country should no more be plundered, and that he should receive back the captured slaves, if they anywhere met with them.

[Footnote 15: [Greek: To te barbarikon kai to Hellenikon to entautha strateuma].] There has been much dispute about the exact signification of [Greek: entautha] in this place. Zeune would have it mean "illuc, in illum locum ubi sunt Pisidae;" and Krueger thinks that "towards Sardis" is intended. But this is to do violence to the word; I have followed Weiske and Kuehner, who give it its ordinary signification. "Barbarorum et Graecorum [exercitum]," says Kuehner, "quem Cyrus ibi, ubi versabatur, collectum habebat." The [Greek: to] before [Greek: entautha] is an addition of Dindorf's, which Kuehner pronounces unnecessary.]

[Footnote 16: The [Greek: peltastai] were troops armed with a light shield, called [Greek: pelte], holding a middle place between the [Greek: hoplitai] and [Greek: psiloi]. They were first made an efficient part of the Greek forces by Iphicrates: see his Life in Corn. Nep.; and Xen. Hellen. iv. 4. 16; 3. 12.]

[Footnote 17: Xenophon begins his account of the expedition from Sardis, because he there joined the army, but afterwards constantly computes from Ephesus, the sea-port from whence he began his journey. Stanford.]

[Footnote 18: [Greek: Stathmoos].] The word [Greek: stathmos] means properly a station or halting-place at the end of a day's march, of which the length varied, but was generally about five parasangs.]

[Footnote 19: The parasang in Xenophon is equal to thirty stadia; see ii. 2. 6. So Herodotus, ii. 6; v. 53. Mr. Ainsworth, following Mr. Hamilton and Colonel Leake, makes the parasang equal to 3 English miles, 180 yards, or 3 geographical miles of 1822 yards each. Travels in the Track, pref. p. xii. Thus five parasangs would be a long day's march; these marches were more than seven; and the next day's was eight. But Rennell thinks the parasang not more than 2.78 English miles. Mr. Hussey, Anc. Weights, &c., Append. sect. 12, makes it 3 miles, 787-1/2 yards.]

[Footnote 20: The plethrum was 100 Greek or 101.125 English feet. See Hussey, Append. sect. 10, p. 232.]

[Footnote 21: The king of Persia was called the Great King by the Greek writers, on account of the great extent of his dominions, or of the number of kings subject to him; a title similar to that of the successors of Mahomet, Grand Signior.]

[Footnote 22: This is the reading of the name adopted by Dindorf and Kuehner; most other editors have Socrates, which occurs in four manuscripts; two have Sosias, and one Sostes.]

[Footnote 23: The word is here used, as Spelman observes, in a more general sense than ordinary, to signify all that were not heavy-armed.]

[Footnote 24: [Greek: Ta Lykaia].] The festival of Lycaean Jove is mentioned by Pausanias, viii. 2. 1, and the gymnastic contests held in it by Pindar, Ol. ix. 145; xiii. 153; Nem. x. 89. Schneider.—Mount Lycaeum was sacred to both Jupiter and Pan. Kuehner.]

[Footnote 25: [Greek: Stlengides].] Generally supposed to be the same as the Latin strigilis, a flesh-scraper; an instrument used in the bath for cleansing the skin. To this interpretation the preference seems to be given by Kuehner and Bornemann, to whom I adhere. Schneider, whom Krueger follows, would have it a head-band or fillet, such as was worn by women, and by persons that went to consult oracles. Poppo observes that the latter sort of prizes would be less acceptable to soldiers than the former. There were, however, women in the Grecian camp, as will afterwards be seen, to whom the soldiers that gained the prizes might have presented them. The sense of the word must therefore be left doubtful. The sense of strigilis is supported by Suidas; see Sturz's Lex. s. v.]

[Footnote 26: [Greek: Ton Satyron].] Silenus. See Servius ad Virg. Ecl. vi. 13.]

[Footnote 27: [Greek: Kata ilas kai kata taxeis].] [Greek: Ile] signifies properly a troop of horse, consisting of 64 men; and [Greek: taxis], a company of foot, which Xenophon, in the Cyropaedia, makes to consist of 100 men.]

[Footnote 28: [Greek: Eph' harmamaxes].] The harmamaxa was a Persian carriage, probably covered, for women and children. See Q. Curt. iii. 3, 23; Wesseling ad Herod, vii. 41.]

[Footnote 29: [Greek: Probalesthai ta hopla].] "To hold out the shield and the spear, the one to defend the person, and the other to repel or attack an adversary." Kuehner.]

[Footnote 30: [Greek: Phoinikisten basileion].] AEmilius Portus, on the authority of Zonaras, Lex. p. 1818, interprets this "dyer of the king's purple;" an interpretation repugnant to what follows. Morus makes it purpuratus; Larcher, vexillarius, because in Diod. Sic. xiv. 26 a standard is called [Greek: phoinikis]: Brodaeus gives 'unus e regiis familiaribus, punicea veste indutus, non purpurea.' "Without doubt he was one of the highest Persian nobles, as he is joined with the [Greek: hyparchoi dynastai]." Kuehner.]

[Footnote 31: [Greek: Eide].] This seems to be the reading of all the manuscripts, and is retained by Poppo, Bornemann, Dindorf, and Kuehner. But Schneider and Weiske read [Greek: eile], "took possession of," on the suggestion of Muretus, Var. Lect. xv. 10, who thought it superfluous for Xenophon to say that Cyrus merely saw the tents. Lion, however, not unreasonably supposes this verb to be intended to mark the distance at which Cyrus passed from the tents, that is, that he passed within sight of them, the Cilicians having retired only a short space to the rear.]

[Footnote 32: [Greek: Sesamon kai melinen kai kenchron].] Sesamum is a leguminous plant, well known in the East; the seeds of it resemble hemp-seed, and are boiled and eaten like rice. [Greek: Meline], panicum, is a plant resembling millet. [Greek: Kenchros], milium, millet, is far the best known of the three to Europeans. Panic bears its grain in ears; millet, in bunches.]

[Footnote 33: [Greek: Kapeleia].] [Greek: Kapeleion] is often used in the sense of a tavern; sometimes in a more general sense, as any kind of shop. We may suppose that all those remained behind who had anything to sell, with the hope of getting profit.]



CHAPTER III.

Cyrus is forced to stay twenty days at Tarsus by a mutiny of the Greek soldiers, who, suspecting that they were led against the king, refuse to go farther, and offer violence to Clearchus, who endeavours to force them to proceed. But being told by Cyrus that the expedition is directed against Abrocomas, and promised an increase of pay, they agree to continue their march.

1. Here Cyrus and the army remained twenty days; for the soldiers refused to proceed farther, as they now began to suspect that they were marching against the king, and said that they had not been hired for this purpose. Clearchus, first of all, endeavoured to compel his soldiers to proceed; but, as soon as he began to advance, they pelted him and his baggage-cattle with stones. 2. Clearchus, indeed, on this occasion, had a narrow escape of being stoned to death. At length, when he saw that he should not be able to proceed by force, he called a meeting of his soldiers; and at first, standing before them, he continued for some time to shed tears, while they, looking on, were struck with wonder, and remained silent. He then addressed them to this effect:

3. "Wonder not, soldiers, that I feel distressed at the present occurrences; for Cyrus engaged himself to me by ties of hospitality, and honoured me, when I was an exile from my country, both with other marks of esteem, and by presenting me with ten thousand darics. On receiving this money, I did not treasure it up for my own use, or squander it in luxury, but spent it upon you. 4. First of all, I made war upon the Thracians, and, in the cause of Greece, and with your assistance, took vengeance upon them by expelling them from the Chersonesus, when they would have taken the country from its Grecian colonists. When Cyrus summoned me, I set out to join him, taking you with me, that if he had need of my aid, I might do him service in return for the benefits that I had received from him. 5. But since you are unwilling to accompany him on this expedition, I am under the obligation, either, by deserting you, to preserve the friendship of Cyrus, or, by proving false to him, to adhere to you. Whether I shall do right, I do not know; but I shall give you the preference, and will undergo with you whatever may be necessary. Nor shall any one ever say, that, after leading Greeks into a country of Barbarians, I deserted the Greeks, and adopted, in preference, the friendship of the Barbarians.

6. "Since, however, you decline to obey me, or to follow me, I will go with you, and submit to whatever may be destined for us. For I look upon you to be at once my country, my friends, and my fellow-soldiers, and consider that with you I shall be respected, wherever I may be: but that, if separated from you, I shall be unable either to afford assistance to a friend, or to avenge myself upon an enemy. Feel assured, therefore, that I am resolved to accompany you wherever you go."

7. Thus he spoke; and the soldiers, as well those under his own command as the others, on hearing these assurances, applauded him for saying that he would not march against the king; and more than two thousand of the troops of Xenias and Pasion, taking with them their arms and baggage, went and encamped under Clearchus.

8. Cyrus, perplexed and grieved at these occurrences, sent for Clearchus; who, however, would not go, but sending a messenger to Cyrus without the knowledge of the soldiers, bade him be of good courage, as these matters would be arranged to his satisfaction. He also desired Cyrus to send for him again, but, when Cyrus had done so, he again declined to go.[34] 9. Afterwards, having assembled his own soldiers, and those who had recently gone over to him, and any of the rest that wished to be present, he spoke to the following effect:

"It is evident, soldiers, that the situation of Cyrus with regard to us is the same as ours with regard to him; for we are no longer his soldiers, since we refuse to follow him, nor is he any longer our paymaster. 10. That he considers himself wronged by us, however, I am well aware; so that, even when he sends for me, I am unwilling to go to him, principally from feeling shame, because I am conscious of having been in all respects false to him; and in addition, from being afraid, that, when he has me in his power, he may take vengeance on me for the matters in which he conceives that he has been injured. 11. This, therefore, seems to me to be no time for us to sleep, or to neglect our own safety; but, on the contrary, to consider what we must do under these circumstances.[35] As long as we remain here, it seems necessary to consider how we may best remain with safety; or, if we determine upon going at once, how we may depart with the greatest security, and how we may obtain provisions; for without these, the general and the private soldier are alike inefficient.[36] 12. Cyrus is indeed a most valuable friend to those to whom he is a friend, but a most violent enemy to those to whom he is an enemy. He has forces, too, both infantry and cavalry, as well as a naval power, as we all alike see and know; for we seem to me to be encamped at no great distance from him. It is therefore full time to say whatever any one thinks to be best." Having spoken thus, he made a pause.

13. Upon this, several rose to speak; some, of their own accord, to express what they thought; others, previously instructed by Clearchus, to point out what difficulty there would be, either in remaining or departing, without the consent of Cyrus. 14. One of these, pretending to be eager to proceed with all possible haste to Greece, proposed that they should choose other commanders without delay, if Clearchus were unwilling to conduct them back; that they should purchase provisions, as there was a market in the Barbarian camp, and pack up their baggage; that they should go to Cyrus, and ask him to furnish them with ships, in which they might sail home; and, if he should not grant them, that they should beg of him a guide, to conduct them back through such parts of the country as were friendly towards them.[37] But if he would not even allow them a guide, that they should, without delay, form themselves in warlike order, and send a detachment to take possession of the heights, in order that neither Cyrus nor the Cilicians, ("of whom," said he, "we have many prisoners, and much money that we have taken,") may be the first to occupy them. Such were the suggestions that he offered; but after him Clearchus spoke as follows:

15. "Let no one of you mention me, as likely to undertake this command; for I see many reasons why I ought not to do so; but be assured, that whatever person you may elect, I shall pay the greatest possible deference to him, that you may see that I know how to obey as well as any other man."

16. After him another arose, who pointed out the folly of him who advised them to ask for ships, just as if Cyrus were not about to sail back,[38] and who showed, too, how foolish it would be to request a guide of the very person "whose plans," said he, "we are frustrating. And," he added, "if we should trust the guide that Cyrus might assign us, what will hinder Cyrus from giving orders to occupy the heights before we reach them? 17. For my own part, I should be reluctant to embark in any vessel that he might grant us, lest he should send us and the galleys to the bottom together; I should also be afraid to follow any guide that he may appoint, lest he should conduct us into places, from whence there would be no means of escape; and I had rather, if I depart without the consent of Cyrus, depart without his knowledge; but this is impossible. 18. I say then that such proposals are absurdities; and my advice is, that certain persons, such as are fit for the task, should accompany Clearchus to Cyrus, and ask him in what service he wishes to employ us; and if the undertaking be similar to that in which he before employed foreign troops,[39] that we too should follow him, and not appear more cowardly than those who previously went up with him. 19. But if the present design seem greater and more difficult and more perilous than the former, that they should ask him, in that case, either to induce us to accompany him by persuasion, or, yielding himself to our persuasions, to give us a passage to a friendly country; for thus, if we accompany him, we shall accompany him as friends and zealous supporters, and if we leave him, we shall depart in safety; that they then report to us what answer he makes to this application; and that we, having heard his reply, take measures in accordance with it."

20. These suggestions were approved; and, having chosen certain persons, they sent them with Clearchus to ask Cyrus the questions agreed upon by the army. Cyrus answered, that he had heard that Abrocomas, an enemy of his, was on the banks of the Euphrates, twelve days' march distant; and it was against him, he said, that he wished to march; and if Abrocomas should be there, he said that he longed to take due vengeance on him; but if he should retreat, "we will consider there," he added, "how to proceed."

21. The delegates, having heard this answer, reported it to the soldiers, who had still a suspicion that he was leading them against the king, but nevertheless resolved to accompany him. They then asked for an increase of pay, and Cyrus promised to give them all half as much again as they received before, that is to say, instead of a daric, three half-darics a month for every soldier. But no one heard there, at least publicly, that he was leading them against the king.

[Footnote 34: He himself, the very person who had desired Cyrus to send for him, refused to go; this refusal being given for the sake of keeping up appearances.]

[Footnote 35: [Greek: Ek touton].] "Ex his, secundum haec, h. e. in hac rerum conditione." Kuehner. Bornemann interprets simply post haec.]

[Footnote 36: [Greek: Oute strategou oute idiotou ophelos ouden].] "No profit (or use) either of a general or private soldier."]

[Footnote 37: [Greek: Dia philias tes choras].] The earlier editions have [Greek: hos] before [Greek: dia], of which, as being useless, Schneider first suggested the omission; and which has accordingly been rejected by subsequent editors. The guide was to conduct them only through regions that were friendly to Cyrus, or where he could procure them a friendly reception.]

[Footnote 38: [Greek: Hosper palin ton stolon Kyrou me poioumenou].] About the meaning of these words there has been much dispute. The translation which I have given is that of Bornemann, "quasi retro Cyrus navigaturus non esset," which is adopted by Kuehner. "The speaker assumes," says Bornemann, "that Cyrus is directing his march against the Pisidians or some other rebellious people, and that, when he has reduced them, he will return to his province."]

[Footnote 39: The reference is to the three hundred Greeks that went up with Cyrus to Babylon under the command of Xenias the Parrhasian, i. 1. 2.]



CHAPTER IV.

The army reaches Issi, the last city in Cilicia, at which the fleet then arrives. Cyrus proceeds into Syria, where two of the Greek captains, Xenias and Pasion, desert the expedition; the good feeling of Cyrus, in forbearing to pursue them, renders the other Greeks more willing to accompany him. He arrives at Thapsacus on the Euphrates, where he discloses the real object of his expedition to the Greek troops, who express discontent, but are induced by fresh promises, and the example of Menon, to cross the river.

1. Hence he proceeded, two days' march, a distance of ten parasangs, to the river Psarus, the breadth of which was three plethra. He then went forward, one day's march, five parasangs, to the river Pyramus, the breadth of which is a stadium. Hence he advanced in two days' march, a distance of fifteen parasangs, to Issi, the last city in Cilicia, situate upon the sea-coast, a populous, large, and rich place.

2. Here Cyrus remained three days, in which time the ships from Peloponnesus, thirty-five in number, arrived, Pythagoras the Lacedaemonian being their commander. But Tamos, an Egyptian, had conducted the fleet from Ephesus, who had also with him five-and-twenty other ships, belonging to Cyrus, with which he had blockaded Miletus when it was in the interest of Tissaphernes, and had fought against him on behalf of Cyrus. 3. In these vessels came also Cheirisophus the Lacedaemonian, who had been sent for by Cyrus, and who had with him seven hundred heavy-armed troops, which he commanded as part of the army of Cyrus. The ships were moored opposite Cyrus's tent. Here, too, the Greek mercenaries, who were in the pay of Abrocomas, four hundred heavy-armed men, deserted him and came over to Cyrus, and joined in the expedition against the king.

4. Hence he proceeded, one day's march, five parasangs, to the Gates of Cilicia and Syria. These were two fortresses;[40] of the part within them, towards Cilicia, Syennesis and a guard of Cilicians had the charge; the part without, towards Syria, a garrison of the king's soldiers was reported to occupy. Between the two runs a river, called Carsus, a plethrum in breadth. The whole space between the fortresses was three stadia; and it was impossible to pass it by force; for the passage was very narrow, the walls reached down to the sea, and above were inaccessible rocks. At each of the fortresses were gates. 5. It was on account of this passage that Cyrus had sent for the fleet, that he might disembark heavy-armed troops within and without the Gates,[41] who might force a passage through the enemy, if they still kept guard at the Syrian gates; a post which he expected Abrocomas would hold, as he had under his command a numerous army. Abrocomas however did not attempt this; but, when he heard that Cyrus was in Cilicia, retreated out of Phoenicia, and proceeded to join the king, having with him, as was said, three hundred thousand men.

6. Hence he proceeded through Syria, one day's march, five parasangs, to Myriandrus, a city near the sea, inhabited by Phoenicians; this place was a public mart, and many merchant-vessels lay at anchor there. 7. Here they remained seven days; and here Xenias the Arcadian captain, and Pasion the Megarean, embarking in a vessel, and putting on board their most valuable effects, sailed away; being actuated, as most thought, by motives of jealousy, because Cyrus had allowed Clearchus to retain under his command their soldiers, who had seceded to Clearchus in the expectation of returning to Greece, and not of marching against the king. Upon their disappearance, a rumour pervaded the army that Cyrus would pursue them with ships of war; and some wished that they might be taken, as having acted perfidiously; while others pitied their fate, if they should be caught.

8. But Cyrus, calling together the captains, said to them, "Xenias and Pasion have left us: but let them be well assured, that they have not fled clandestinely; for I know which way they are gone; nor have they escaped beyond my reach; for I have triremes that would overtake their vessel. But, by the gods, I shall certainly not pursue them; nor shall any one say, that as long as a man remains with me, I make use of his services, but that, when he desires to leave me, I seize and ill-treat his person, and despoil him of his property. But let them go, with the consciousness that they have acted a worse part towards us than we towards them. I have, indeed, their children and wives under guard at Tralles; but not even of them shall they be deprived, but shall receive them back in consideration of their former service to me." 9. Thus Cyrus spoke; and the Greeks, even such as had been previously disinclined to the expedition, when they heard of the noble conduct of Cyrus, accompanied him with greater pleasure and alacrity.

After these occurrences, Cyrus proceeded four days' march, a distance of twenty parasangs, to the river Chalus, which is a plethrum in breadth, and full of large tame fish, which the Syrians looked upon as gods, and allowed no one to hurt either them or the pigeons. The villages, in which they fixed their quarters, belonged to Parysatis, having been given her for her girdle.[42]

10. Thence he advanced, five days' march, a distance of thirty parasangs, to the source of the river Dardes, which is a plethrum in breadth. Here was the palace of Belesys, the governor of Syria, and a very large and beautiful garden, containing all that the seasons produce. But Cyrus laid it waste, and burned the palace.

11. Hence he proceeded, three days' march, a distance of fifteen parasangs, to the river Euphrates, which is there four stadia in breadth, and on which is situated a large and rich city, named Thapsacus. The army remained there five days; and Cyrus sent for the Greek captains, and told them, that his march was directed to Babylon, against the Great King; and he desired them to make this announcement to the soldiers, and to persuade them to accompany him.

12. The leaders, assembling their troops, communicated this information to them; and the soldiers expressed themselves much displeased with their officers, and said that they had long known this, but concealed it; and they refused to go, unless such a donative was granted them, as had been given to those who had before gone up with Cyrus to his father, and that, too, when they did not go to fight, but merely attended Cyrus when his father summoned him. 13. This state of things the generals reported to Cyrus; who in consequence promised to give every man five minae of silver,[43] when they should arrive at Babylon, and their full pay besides, until he should bring back the Greeks to Ionia again. The greatest part of the Grecian force was thus prevailed upon to accompany him. But before it was certain what the other soldiers would do, whether they would accompany Cyrus or not, Menon assembled his own troops apart from the rest, and spoke as follows:

14. "If you will follow my advice, soldiers, you will, without incurring either danger or toil, make yourselves honoured by Cyrus beyond the rest of the army. What, then, would I have you do? Cyrus is at this moment urgent with the Greeks to accompany him against the king; I therefore suggest that, before it is known how the other Greeks will answer Cyrus, you should cross over the river Euphrates. 15. For if they should determine upon accompanying him, you will appear to have been the cause of it, by being the first to pass the river; and to you, as being most forward with your services, Cyrus will feel and repay the obligation, as no one knows how to do better than himself. But if the others should determine not to go with him, we shall all of us return back again; but you, as having alone complied with his wishes, and as being most worthy of his confidence, he will employ in garrison duty and posts of authority; and whatever else you may ask of him, I feel assured that, as the friends of Cyrus, you will obtain it."

16. On hearing these proposals, they at once complied with them, and crossed the river before the others had given their answer. And when Cyrus perceived that they had crossed, he was much pleased, and despatched Glus to Menon's troops with this message: "I applaud your conduct, my friends; and it shall be my care that you may applaud me; or think me no longer Cyrus." 17. The soldiers, in consequence, being filled with great expectations, prayed that he might succeed; and to Menon Cyrus was said to have sent most magnificent presents. After these transactions, he passed the river, and all the rest of the army followed him; and, in crossing the stream, no one was wetted by its waters above the breast. 18. The people of Thapsacus said, that this river had never, except on that occasion, been passable on foot, but only by means of boats; which Abrocomas, going before, had burnt, that Cyrus might not be able to cross. It seemed, therefore, that this had happened by divine interposition, and that the river had plainly made way for Cyrus as the future king.

19. Hence he advanced through Syria, nine days' march, a distance of fifty parasangs, and arrived at the river Araxes, where were a number of villages, stored with corn and wine. Here the army remained three days, and collected provisions.

[Footnote 40: [Greek: Esan de tauta dyo teiche].] As the fem. [Greek: pylai] precedes, and as the gates were not properly the [Greek: teiche], but the space between them, Weiske conjectures [Greek: esan de entautha, k. t. l.], which Kuehner and others approve, but have not admitted into the text. Kuehner interprets [Greek: teiche] "castella," and I have followed him. When Xenophon speaks, a little below, of [Greek: teiche eis ten thalattan kathekonta], he seems to mean walls attached to the fortress nearest to the sea. So when he says that at each of the fortresses, [Greek: epi tois teichesin amphoterois], were gates, he appears to signify that there were gates in the walls attached to each of the fortresses. "At a distance of about six hundred yards, corresponding with the three stadia of Xenophon, are the ruins of a wall, which can be traced amid a dense shrubbery, from the mountains down to the sea-shore, where it terminates in a round tower." Ainsworth, p. 59.]

[Footnote 41: "That is, within the two fortresses and beyond them, viz. in Syria." Kuehner.]

[Footnote 42: [Greek: Eis zonen].] Nominally to furnish her with girdles, or to supply ornaments for her girdle, it being the custom with the Persian kings to bestow places on their queens and other favourites ostensibly for the purpose of furnishing them with articles of dress, food, or other conveniences. See Herod, ii. 98; Plato, Alcib. I. c. 40; Cic. in Verr. iii. 23; Corn. Nepos, Life of Themistocles, c. 10.]

[Footnote 43: Reckoning the talent at L243 15s., the mina (60 = a talent) will be L4 1s. 3d., and five minae L20 6s. 3d.]



CHAPTER V.

The army proceeds through Arabia, having the Euphrates on the right. They suffer from want of provisions, and many of the beasts of burden perish; but supplies are procured from the opposite bank of the Euphrates. A dispute occurs between Clearchus and Menon, which is quelled by Cyrus.

1. Cyrus now advanced through Arabia, having the Euphrates on his right, five days' march through the desert, a distance of thirty-five parasangs. In this region the ground was entirely a plain, level as the sea. It was covered with wormwood, and whatever other kinds of shrub or reed grew on it, were all odoriferous as perfumes. But there were no trees. 2. There were wild animals, however, of various kinds; the most numerous were wild asses; there were also many ostriches, as well as bustards and antelopes; and these animals the horsemen of the army sometimes hunted. The wild asses, when any one pursued them, would start forward a considerable distance, and then stand still; (for they ran much more swiftly than the horse;) and again, when the horse approached, they did the same; and it was impossible to catch them, unless the horsemen, stationing themselves at intervals, kept up the pursuit with a succession of horses. The flesh of those that were taken resembled venison, but was more tender. 3. An ostrich no one succeeded in catching; and those horsemen who hunted that bird, soon desisted from the pursuit; for it far outstripped[44] them in its flight, using its feet for running, and its wings, raising them like a sail.[45] The bustards might be taken, if a person started them suddenly; for they fly but a short distance, like partridges, and soon tire. Their flesh was very delicious.

4. Marching through this region, they came to the river Mascas, the breadth of which is a plethrum. Here was a large deserted city, of which the name was Corsote, and which was entirely surrounded by the Mascas. Here they stayed three days, and furnished themselves with provisions.

5. Thence he proceeded, thirteen days' march through the desert, a distance of ninety parasangs, still keeping the Euphrates on the right, and arrived at a place called the Gates.[46] In this march many of the beasts of burden perished of hunger; for there was neither grass, nor any sort of tree, but the whole country was completely bare. The inhabitants, who quarried and fashioned millstones near the river, took them to Babylon, and sold them, and lived upon corn which they bought with the money. 6. Corn, too, failed the army, and it was not possible to buy any, except in the Lydian market among Cyrus's Barbarian troops, where they purchased a capithe[47] of wheat-flour or barley-meal for four sigli. The siglus is equivalent to seven Attic oboli and a half,[48] and the capithe contains two Attic choenices. The soldiers therefore lived entirely upon flesh.

7. There were some of these marches which he made extremely long, whenever he wished to get to water or forage. On one occasion, when a narrow and muddy road presented itself, almost impassable for the waggons, Cyras halted on the spot with the most distinguished and wealthy of his train, and ordered Glus and Pigres, with a detachment of the Barbarian forces, to assist in extricating the waggons. 8. But as they appeared to him to do this too tardily, he ordered, as if in anger, the noblest Persians of his suite to assist in expediting the carriages. Then might be seen a specimen of their ready obedience; for, throwing off their purple cloaks, in the place where each happened to be standing, they rushed forward, as one would run in a race for victory, down an extremely steep declivity, having on those rich vests which they wear, and embroidered trowsers, some too with chains about their necks and bracelets on their wrists, and, leaping with these equipments straight into the mud, brought the waggons up quicker than any one would have imagined.

9. On the whole, Cyrus evidently used the greatest speed throughout the march, and made no delay, except where he halted in order to obtain a supply of provisions, or for some other necessary purpose; thinking that the quicker he went, the more unprepared he should find the king when he engaged him, and that the more slowly he proceeded, the more numerous would be the force collected by the king. And an attentive observer might see that the empire of the king was strong indeed in extent of territory and number of inhabitants, but weak through the length of the roads, and the dispersion of its forces, if an enemy invaded it with rapid movements.

10. On the other side of the Euphrates, over against their course through the desert, was an opulent and extensive city, called Charmande; from this place the soldiers purchased provisions, crossing the river on rafts in the following manner. They filled the skins, which they had for the coverings of their tents,[49] with dry hay, and then closed and stitched them together, so that the water could not touch the hay. Upon these they went across, and procured necessaries, such as wine made of the fruit of the palm-tree, and panic[50] corn; for this was most plentiful in those parts. 11. Here the soldiers of Menon and those of Clearchus falling into a dispute about something, Clearchus, judging a soldier of Menon's to be in the wrong, inflicted stripes upon him, and the man, coming to the quarters of his own troops, told his comrades what had occurred, who, when they heard it, showed great displeasure and resentment towards Clearchus. 12. On the same day, Clearchus, after going to the place where the river was crossed, and inspecting the market there, was returning on horseback to his tent through Menon's camp, with a few attendants. Cyrus had not yet arrived, but was still on his way thither. One of Menon's soldiers, who was employed in cleaving wood, when he saw Clearchus riding through the camp, threw his axe at him, but missed his aim; another then threw a stone at him, and another, and afterwards several, a great uproar ensuing. 13. Clearchus sought refuge in his own camp, and immediately called his men to arms, ordering his heavy-armed troops to remain on the spot, resting their shields against their knees, while he himself, with the Thracians, and the horsemen that were in his camp, to the number of more than forty, (and most of these were Thracians,) bore down towards the troops of Menon, so that they and Menon himself were struck with terror, and made a general rush to their arms; while some stood still, not knowing how to act under the circumstances. 14. Proxenus happened then to be coming up behind the rest, with a body of heavy-armed men following him, and immediately led his troops into the middle space between them both, and drew them up under arms, begging Clearchus to desist from what he was doing. But Clearchus was indignant, because, when he had narrowly escaped stoning, Proxenus spoke mildly of the treatment that he had received; he accordingly desired him to stand out from between them.

15. At this juncture Cyrus came up, and inquired into the affair. He then instantly took his javelins in his hand, and rode, with such of his confidential officers as were with him, into the midst of the Greeks, and addressed them thus: 16. "Clearchus and Proxenus, and you other Greeks who are here present, you know not what you are doing. For if you engage in any contention with one another, be assured, that this very day I shall be cut off, and you also not long after me; since, if our affairs go ill, all these Barbarians, whom you see before you, will prove more dangerous enemies to us than even those who are with the king." 17. Clearchus, on hearing these remonstrances, recovered his self-possession; and both parties, desisting from the strife, deposited their arms in their respective encampments.

[Footnote 44: [Greek: Apespato].] "Drew itself away from" its pursuers. There are various readings of this word. Kuehner adopts [Greek: apespa], in the sense of "drew off its pursuers from the rest of the huntsmen." Bornemann reads [Greek: apeptato].]

[Footnote 45: It would be needless to repeat all that has been said as to the construction of this passage; I have adopted the explication of Kuehner.]

[Footnote 46: [Greek: Epi Pylas].] A strait or defile through which the road lay from Mesopotamia into Babylonia; hence called the Pylae Babyloniae. It is mentioned by Stephanus Byzantinus sub voce [Greek: Charmande]. Ainsworth, p. 80, places it fourteen miles north of Felujah, and a hundred and eight miles north of Babylon.]

[Footnote 47: [Greek: Kapithe].] A measure, as is said below, equal to two Attic choenices. The Attic choenix is valued by Mr. Hussey, Essay on Ancient Weights, &c., ch. 13, sect. 4, at 1.8467 pint.]

[Footnote 48: The siglus is regarded by some as the same with the Hebrew shekel, but erroneously, as the siglus was of less value than the shekel. The obolus is valued by Mr. Hussey at something more than three half-pence; seven oboli and a half would therefore be about a shilling.]

[Footnote 49: [Greek: Skepasmata] is the reading of Dindorf, but it ought rather to be [Greek: stegasmata], if the distinction of Krueger and Kuehner, who adopt the latter, be right; viz. that [Greek: stipasma] signifies a covering to wrap round the body, and [Greek: stegasma] a shelter against sun or rain. See Arrian, iii. 29. This mode of crossing rivers, we learn from Dr. Layard, is still practised in Armenia both by men and women.]

[Footnote 50: See note on i. 2. 22.]



CHAPTER VI.

Traces of the king's troops are perceived. Orontes, a Persian nobleman, a relation of Cyrus, offers to go forward with a body of cavalry, and lay an ambush for the king's army. Before he sets out, however, he is found to be in correspondence with the king, and is put to death.

1. As they advanced from this place, the footsteps and dung of horses were observed, and the track was conjectured to be that of about two thousand cavalry. These, as they went before, had burnt all the fodder, and whatever else might have been of use to Cyrus. And here Orontes, a Persian, by birth connected with the king, and reckoned one of the ablest of the Persians in the field, turned traitor to Cyrus; with whom, indeed, he had previously been at strife, but had been reconciled to him. 2. He now told Cyrus, that if he would give him a thousand horse, he would either cut off, by lying in ambush, the body of cavalry that were burning all before them, or would take the greater number of them prisoners, and hinder them from consuming everything in their way, and prevent them from ever informing the king that they had seen the army of Cyrus. Cyrus, when he heard his proposal, thought it advantageous; and desired him to take a certain number of men from each of the different commanders.

3. Orontes, thinking that he had secured the cavalry, wrote a letter to the king, saying that he would come to him with as many horse as he could obtain; and he desired him to give directions to his own cavalry to receive him as a friend. There were also in the letter expressions reminding the king of his former friendship and fidelity to him. This letter he gave to a man, upon whom, as he believed, he could depend, but who, when he received it, carried it to Cyrus. 4. Cyrus, after reading the letter, caused Orontes to be arrested, and summoned to his own tent seven of the most distinguished Persians of his staff, and desired the Greek generals to bring up a body of heavy-armed men, who should arrange themselves under arms around his tent. They did as he desired, and brought with them about three thousand heavy-armed soldiers. 5. Clearchus he called in to assist at the council, as that officer appeared, both to himself and to the rest, to be held most in honour among the Greeks. Afterwards, when Clearchus left the council, he related to his friends how the trial of Orontes was conducted; for there was no injunction of secrecy. He said, that Cyrus thus opened the proceedings:

6. "I have solicited your attendance, my friends, in order that, on consulting with you, I may do, with regard to Orontes here before you, whatever may be thought just before gods and men. In the first place, then, my father appointed him to be subject to me. And when afterwards, by the command, as he himself states, of my brother, he engaged in war against me, having possession of the citadel of Sardis, I, too, took up arms against him, and made him resolve to desist from war with me; and then I received from him, and gave him in return, the right-hand of friendship. 7. And since that occurrence," he continued, "is there anything in which I have wronged you?" Orontes replied that there was not. Cyrus again asked him, "And did you not then subsequently, when, as you own yourself, you had received no injury from me, go over to the Mysians, and do all the mischief in your power to my territories?" Orontes answered in the affirmative. "And did you not then," continued Cyrus, "when you had thus again proved your strength, come to the altar of Diana, and say that you repented, and, prevailing upon me by entreaties, give me, and receive from me in return, pledges of mutual faith?" This, too, Orontes acknowledged. 8. "What injury, then," continued Cyrus, "have you received from me, that you are now, for the third time, discovered in traitorous designs against me?" Orontes saying that he had received no injury from him, Cyrus asked him, "You confess, then, that you have acted unjustly towards me?" "I am necessitated to confess it," replied Orontes. Cyrus then again inquired, "And would you yet become an enemy to my brother, and a faithful friend to me?" Orontes answered, "Though I should become so, O Cyrus, I should no longer appear so to you." 9. On this, Cyrus said to those present, "Such are this man's deeds, and such his confessions. And now, do you first, O Clearchus, declare your opinion, whatever seems right to you." Clearchus spoke thus: "I advise, that this man be put out of the way with all despatch; that so it may be no longer necessary to be on our guard against him, but that we may have leisure, as far as he is concerned, to benefit those who are willing to be our friends." 10. In this opinion, Clearchus said, the rest concurred. Afterwards, by the direction of Cyrus, all of them, even those related to the prisoner, rising from their seats, took Orontes by the girdle,[51] in token that he was to suffer death; when those to whom directions had been given, led him away. And when those saw him pass, who had previously been used to bow before him, they bowed before him as usual, though they knew he was being led to execution.

11. After he had been conducted into the tent of Artapatas, the most confidential of Cyrus's sceptre-bearers,[52] no one from that time ever beheld Orontes either living or dead, nor could any one say, from certain knowledge, in what manner he died. Various conjectures were made; but no burial-place of him was ever seen.

[Footnote 51: This was a custom among the Persians on such occasions, as is expressly signified by Diodorus Siculus, xvii. 30 in his account of the condemnation of Charidemus, at the command of Darius.]

[Footnote 52: [Greek: Skeptouchon].] "Eunuchs, who, by the institution of Cyrus the elder, formed the king's body-guard. See Cyrop. vii. 5. 58." Zeune.]



CHAPTER VII.

Cyrus enters Babylonia, and reviews his troops; he addresses the Greeks, and promises them great rewards in case of victory. He advances in order of battle, but afterwards, supposing that his brother had no immediate intention to engage, proceeds with less caution.

1. Hence Cyrus proceeded through Babylonia, three days' march, a distance of twelve parasangs; and at the end of the third day's march, he reviewed his army, both Greeks and Barbarians, in the plain, about midnight; for he expected that with the ensuing dawn the king would come up with his army to offer him battle. He desired Clearchus to take the command of the right wing, and Menon the Thessalian that of the left, while he himself drew up his own troops.

2. After the review, at the dawn of day, some deserters from the Great King came and gave Cyrus information respecting the royal army. Cyrus, assembling the generals and captains of the Greeks, consulted with them how he should conduct the engagement, and then encouraged them with the following exhortations: 3. "It is not, O Greeks, from any want of Barbarian forces, that I take you with me as auxiliaries; but it is because I think you more efficient and valuable than a multitude of Barbarians, that I have engaged you in my service. See, then, that you prove yourselves worthy of the liberty of which you are possessed, and for which I esteem you fortunate; for be well assured, that I should prefer that freedom to all that I possess, and to other possessions many times as great. 4. But, that you may know to what sort of encounter you are advancing, I, from my own experience, will inform you. The enemy's numbers are immense, and they make their onset with a loud shout; but if you are firm against this, I feel ashamed to think what sort of men, in other respects, you will find those in the country to be. But if you are true men, and prove yourselves stout-hearted, I will enable those of you, who may wish to go home, to return thither the envy of their fellow-countrymen; but I think that I shall induce most of you to prefer the advantages of remaining with me to those in your own country."

5. Upon this, Gaulites, an exile from Samos, a man in the confidence of Cyrus, being present, said, "Yet some say, O Cyrus, that you make many promises now, because you are in such a situation of approaching danger; but that if things should turn out well, you will not remember them;[53] and some, too, say, that even if you have both the memory and the will, you will not have the power of bestowing all that you promise."

6. Hearing this, Cyrus said, "We have before us, my friends, the empire that was my father's, extending, on the south, to the parts where men cannot live for heat; and on the north, to the parts where they cannot live for cold; and over all that lies between these extremes, the friends of my brother are now satraps. 7. But if we conquer, it will be proper for us to make our own friends masters of these regions. So that it is not this that I fear, that I shall not have enough to give to each of my friends, if things turn out successfully, but that I shall not have friends enough to whom I may give it. And to each of you Greeks, I will also give a golden crown."

8. The Greeks who were present, when they heard these assurances, were much encouraged, and reported what he had said to the rest. The captains, too, and some others of the Greeks, went into his tent, desiring to know for certain what would be their reward if they should be victorious; and he did not let them go without satisfying the minds of all.

9. But all, who conversed with him, urged him not to engage in the battle personally, but take his station behind their line. About this time, also, Clearchus put a question to Cyrus to this effect: "And do you think, Cyrus, that your brother will come to battle with you?" "By Jupiter," replied Cyrus, "if he be indeed the son of Darius and Parysatis, and my brother, I shall not gain possession of these dominions without a struggle."

10. In mustering the Greeks under arms, their numbers were found to be ten thousand four hundred heavy-armed men, and two thousand four hundred peltasts; of Barbarian troops under Cyrus, there were one hundred thousand, with about twenty chariots armed with scythes.

11. Of the enemy the number was said to be one million two hundred thousand, with two hundred scythed chariots. There were, besides, six thousand cavalry, of whom Artagerses had the command; these were drawn up in front of the king himself. 12. Of the royal army there were four commanders, or generals, or leaders,[54] each over three hundred thousand men; that is to say, Abrocomas, Tissaphernes, Gobryas, and Arbaces. But of this number only nine hundred thousand were present at the battle, and one hundred and fifty scythed chariots; for Abrocomas, who was marching from Phoenicia, did not arrive till five days after the battle.

13. This information was brought to Cyrus by some of the enemy who deserted from the Great King before the battle; and such of the enemy as were taken prisoners after the battle gave the same account.

14. Hence Cyrus proceeded one day's march, a distance of three parasangs, with all his forces, as well Greek as Barbarian, drawn up in order of battle; for he expected that on this day the king would give him battle; as about the middle of the day's march, there was a deep trench dug; the breadth of it was five fathoms,[55] and the depth three. 15. This ditch extended up through the plain, to the distance of twelve parasangs, as far as the wall of Media.[56] Here are the canals which are supplied from the river Tigris;[57] there are four of them, each a plethrum in breadth, and very deep; boats employed in conveying corn sail along them. They discharge themselves into the Euphrates, are distant from each other one parasang, and there are bridges over them. Near the Euphrates was a narrow passage between the river and the trench, about twenty feet in breadth. 16. This trench the Great King had made to serve as a defence, when he heard that Cyrus was marching against him. By this passage Cyrus and his army made their way, and got within the trench.

17. On this day the king did not come to an engagement, but there were to be seen many traces of men and horses in retreat.

18. Cyrus sent for Silanus, the Ambracian soothsayer, and gave him three thousand darics,[58] because, on the eleventh day previous, while sacrificing, he had told Cyrus that the king would not fight for ten days; when Cyrus exclaimed, "He will not then fight at all, if he does not fight within that time; but if you shall prove to have spoken truly, I promise to give you ten talents." This money, therefore, he now paid him, the ten days having elapsed.

19. As the king made no attempt, at the trench, to prevent the passage of Cyrus's army, it was thought both by Cyrus and the rest that he had given up the intention of fighting; so that on the day following Cyrus proceeded on his march with less caution. 20. On the day succeeding that, he pursued his journey seated in his chariot, and having but a small body of troops in line before him; while the far greater part of the army observed no order on their march, and many of the soldiers' arms were carried on the waggons and beasts of burden.

[Footnote 53: [Greek: Ou memnesthai].] This is the reading in all books and manuscripts. But a future seems to be wanted rather than a perfect. Hutchinson and others render it "te non fore memorem." Should we read [Greek: memnesesthai]?]

[Footnote 54: [Greek: Esan archontes kai strategoi kai hegemones tettares].] Weiske considers the words [Greek: kai strategoi kai hegemones] spurious; and Schneider and some others are of his opinion. Kuehner thinks that they are genuine, and explicative of the more general term [Greek: archontes].]

[Footnote 55: [Greek: Orgyiai].] The [Greek: orgyia] was equal to 6.0675 English feet. See Hussey on Ancient Weights, &c., Append. sect. 10.]

[Footnote 56: [Greek: Tou Medias teichous].] As many of the best manuscripts have [Greek: Medeias], in this passage as well as in ii. 4. 12, ii. 4. 27, and vii. 8. 25, Kuehner adopts that reading, under the notion that the wall was named from Medea, the wife of the last king of the Medes, whom the Persians conquered and despoiled of his dominions. "Those who defend the reading [Greek: Medias]," continues Kuehner, "suppose the name to be derived from the country of Media, and believe, with Mannert, (Geog. i. p. 330,) that it is the same wall which Semiramis built to defend her kingdom on the side of Media; but this opinion rests on very weak arguments." Ainsworth, p. 180, thinks that it extended from the Tigris to the Euphrates, and that the site of it is indicated by the ruins now called Sidd Nimrud, or "the Wall of Nimrod."]

[Footnote 57: "These canals however flowed, not from the Tigris into the Euphrates, but from the Euphrates into the Tigris, as is shown not only by Herodotus, Diodorus, Arrian, Pliny, Ammianus, but by later writers." Kuehner. But "the difference in the level of the rivers is so slight that —— it is probable that by merely altering the diagonal direction of a canal, the waters could be made to flow either way; certainly so at certain seasons." Ainsworth, p. 89.]

[Footnote 58: See note on i. 1. 9.]



CHAPTER VIII.

The enemy are seen advancing in order of battle, and the army of Cyrus hastily prepare for action. The Greeks, in the right wing, put to flight the troops opposed to them, and pursue them some distance. Cyrus, in the centre, directs his attack against the king, and is killed.

1. It was now about the time of full market,[59] and the station, where he intended to halt, was not far off, when Pategyas, a Persian, one of Cyrus's confidential adherents, made his appearance, riding at his utmost speed, with his horse in a sweat, and straightway called out to all whom he met, both in Persian and Greek, "that the king was approaching with a vast army, prepared as for battle." 2. Immediately great confusion ensued; for the Greeks and all the rest imagined that he would fall upon them suddenly, before they could form their ranks; 3. and Cyrus, leaping from his chariot, put on his breastplate, and, mounting his horse, took his javelin in his hand, and gave orders for all the rest to arm themselves, and to take their stations each in his own place. 4. They accordingly formed with all expedition; Clearchus occupying the extremity of the right wing close to the Euphrates, Proxenus being next to him, and after him the other captains in succession. Menon and his troops occupied the left wing of the Greeks.

5. Of the Barbarian forces, about one thousand Paphlagonian cavalry were stationed near Clearchus, and the Grecian peltasts on the right; and on the left was Ariaeus, Cyrus's lieutenant, with the rest of the Barbarian troops. 6. In the centre[60] was Cyrus, and with him about six hundred cavalry, the men all armed with breastplates, defences for the thighs, and helmets, except Cyrus alone; for Cyrus presented himself for battle with his head unprotected. [It is said, too, that the other Persians expose themselves in battle with their heads uncovered.][61]

7. All the horses of the cavalry, that were with Cyrus, had defensive armour on the forehead and breast; and the horsemen had also Grecian swords.

8. It was now mid-day, and the enemy was not yet in sight. But when it was afternoon,[62] there appeared a dust, like a white cloud, and not long after, a sort of blackness, extending to a great distance over the plain. Presently, as they approached nearer, brazen armour began to flash, and the spears and ranks became visible. 9. There was a body of cavalry, in white armour, on the left of the enemy's line; (Tissaphernes was said to have the command of them;) close by these were troops with wicker shields; and next to them, heavy-armed soldiers with long wooden shields reaching to their feet; (these were said to be Egyptians;) then other cavalry and bowmen. These all marched according to their nations, each nation separately in a solid oblong.[63] 10. In front of their line, at considerable intervals from each other, were stationed the chariots called scythed chariots; they had scythes projecting obliquely from the axletree, and others under the driver's seat, pointing to the earth, for the purpose of cutting through whatever came in their way; and the design of them was to penetrate and divide the ranks of the Greeks.

11. As to what Cyrus had said, however, when, on calling together the Greeks, he exhorted them to sustain unmoved the shout of the Barbarians, he was in this respect deceived; for they now approached, not with a shout, but with all possible silence, and quietly, with an even and slow step. 12. Cyrus in the mean time, riding by with Pigres the interpreter, and three or four others, called out to Clearchus to lead his troops against the enemy's centre, for that there was the king; "and if," said he, "we are victorious in that quarter, our object is fully accomplished." 13. But though Clearchus saw that close collection of troops in the centre of the enemy's line, and heard from Cyrus that the king was beyond the left of the Greeks, (for so much the superior was the king in numbers, that, while occupying the middle of his own line, he was still beyond Cyrus's left,) nevertheless, he was unwilling to draw off his right wing from the river, fearing lest he should be hemmed in on both sides; and in answer to Cyrus he said, "that he would take care that all should go well."

14. During this time the Barbarian army advanced with a uniform pace; and the Grecian line, still remaining in the same place, was gradually forming from those who came up from time to time. Cyrus, riding by at a moderate distance from his army,[64] surveyed from thence both the lines, looking as well towards the enemy as to his own men. 15. Xenophon, an Athenian, perceiving him from the Grecian line, rode up to meet him, and inquired whether he had any commands; when Cyrus stopped his horse, and told him, and desired him to tell everybody, that the sacrifices and the appearances of the victims were favourable.[65] 16. As he was saying this, he heard a murmur passing through the ranks, and asked what noise that was. He answered,[66] "that it was the watchword, passing now for the second time."[67] At which Cyrus wondered who had given it, and asked what the word was. He replied that it was, "JUPITER THE PRESERVER and VICTORY." 17. When Cyrus heard it, "I accept it as a good omen," said he, "and let it be so." Saying this, he rode away to his own station; and the two armies were now not more than three or four stadia distant from each other, when the Greeks sang the paean, and began to march forward to meet the enemy. 18. And as, while they proceeded, some part of their body fluctuated out of line,[68] those who were thus left behind began to run: and at the same time, they all raised just such a shout as they usually raise to Mars, and the whole of them took to a running pace. Some say, that they made a noise with their spears against their shields, to strike terror into the horses. 19. But the Barbarians, before an arrow could reach them, gave way, and took to flight. The Greeks then pursued them with all their force, calling out to each other, not to run, but to follow in order. 20. The chariots, abandoned by their drivers, were hurried, some through the midst of the enemies themselves, and others through the midst of the Greeks. The Greeks, when they saw them coming, opened their ranks to let them pass; some few, however, were startled and caught by them, as might happen in a race-course; but these, they said, suffered no material injury; nor did any other of the Greeks receive any hurt in this battle, except that, on the left of their army, a man was said to have been shot with an arrow.

21. Cyrus, though he saw the Greeks victorious, and pursuing those of the enemies who were opposed to them, and though he felt great pleasure at the sight, and was already saluted as king by those about him, was not, however, led away to join in the pursuit; but keeping the band of six hundred cavalry, that were with him, drawn up in close order around him, he attentively watched how the king would proceed; for he well knew that he occupied the centre of the Persian army. 22. All the commanders of the Barbarians, indeed, lead[69] their troops to battle occupying the centre of their own men; thinking that they will thus be most secure, if they have the strength of their force on either side of them, and that if they have occasion to issue orders, their army will receive them in half the time. 23. On the present occasion, the king, though he occupied the centre of his own army, was nevertheless beyond Cyrus's left wing. But as no enemy attacked him in front, or the troops that were drawn up before him, he began to wheel round, as if to enclose his adversaries. 24. Cyrus, in consequence, fearing that he might take the Greeks in the rear, and cut them in pieces, moved directly upon him, and charging with his six hundred horse, routed the troops that were stationed in front of the king, and put the guard of six thousand to flight, and is said to have killed with his own hand Artagerses, their commander.

25. When this flight of the enemy took place, Cyrus's six hundred became dispersed in the eagerness of pursuit; only a very few remaining with him, chiefly those who were called "partakers of his table."

26. While accompanied by these, he perceived the king and the close guard around him; when he immediately lost his self-command, and exclaiming, "I see the man," rushed upon him, struck him on the breast, and wounded him through the breastplate, as Ctesias, the physician, relates, stating that he himself dressed the wound. 27. As Cyrus was in the act of striking, some one hit him violently with a javelin under the eye; and how many of those about the king were killed, (while they thus fought, the king, and Cyrus, and their respective followers in defence of each,) Ctesias relates; for he was with him; on the other side, Cyrus himself was killed, and eight of his principal officers lay dead upon his body. 28. Artapates, the most faithful servant to him of all his sceptre-bearers,[70] when he saw Cyrus fall, is said to have leaped from his horse, and thrown himself upon the body of his master; 29. and some say, that the king ordered some one to kill him on the body of Cyrus; but others relate, that he drew his scimitar, and killed himself upon the body; for he had a golden scimitar by his side, and also wore a chain and bracelets, and other ornaments, like the noblest of the Persians; since he was honoured by Cyrus for his attachment and fidelity to him.

[Footnote 59: [Greek: Amphi agoran plethousan].] The time from the tenth hour till noon. The whole day was divided by the Greeks into four parts, [Greek: proi, amphi agoran plethousan, mesembria, deile]. Kuehner.]

[Footnote 60: The words [Greek: kata to meson], which were introduced into the text by Leunclavius, as if absolutely necessary, and from a comparison of Diod. Siculus, xiv. 2, Bornemann and others have omitted. I have thought it well to express them in the translation. Compare sect. 22, 23.]

[Footnote 61: The words in brackets, as being at variance with what is said immediately before, that the Persians had helmets on their heads, Wyttenbach, Weiske, and most other critics have condemned as an interpolation of some copyist. Kuehner defends them an the ground that they do not interfere with what precedes, but merely express a general custom of the Persians. Jacobs for [Greek: allous] conjectures [Greek: palaious], which Lion has received into his text; but [Greek: palaious] does not suit well with the present [Greek: diakindyneuein]. For my own part, I would rather see the words out of the text than in it, if for no other reason than that they break the current of the narrative. Dindorf very judiciously leaves them in brackets.]

[Footnote 62: [Greek: Deile].] See note on sect. 1. of this chap. "This division of the day was also distinguished into two parts, [Greek: deile proia], and [Greek: deile opsia], the early part of the afternoon, (which is here meant,) and the evening." Kuehner.]

[Footnote 63: [Greek: En plaisio plerei anthropon].] "In an oblong full of men," i. e. the men being close together.]

[Footnote 64: [Greek: Ou pany pros auto to strateumati].] "Satis longinquo a suis intervallo."—Weiske.]

[Footnote 65: [Greek: Ta hiera —— kai ta sphagia kala].] The [Greek: hiera] are omens from the entrails of the victims; the [Greek: sphagia] were omens taken from the appearances and motions of the animals when led to sacrifice. This is the explanation given by Sturz in the Lexicon Xenophonteum, and adopted by Kuehner. Compare ii, 1. 9.]

[Footnote 66: Dindorf has [Greek: ho de Klearchos eipen], which is the reading of some manuscripts; others have [Greek: Xenophon] instead of [Greek: Klearchos]. Dindorf prefers the former, assuming that Clearchus had probably ridden up to Cyrus on that occasion; but this is an assumption which he had no right to make, as nothing can be gathered from the text in favour of it. Bornemann and Kuehner think it better to consider both names as equally interpolations, and to read simply [Greek: ho de eipen], Xenophon of course being understood.]

[Footnote 67: [Greek: Deuteron].] The watchword seems to have been passed from the extremity of one wing (the right I should suppose) to the extremity of the other, and then back again, that the soldiers, by repeating it twice, might be less likely to forget it. But as it would thus be passed only twice, not oftener, it would appear that we should read [Greek: to deuteron]. Krueger de Authen. Anab. p. 33. Kuehner observes that the article is not absolutely necessary. I have translated "the second time," as the sense seems to require. Some have imagined that the word [Greek: deuteron] implies that a second watchword, another given out for the occasion, was passing round; but for this supposition there seems no ground. As there is no answer to the inquiry, [Greek: tis parangellei], Krueger thinks that some words have dropped out of the text.]

[Footnote 68: [Greek: Exekymaine].] This metaphor, from the swelling and heaving of a wave, is imitated by Arrian, Anab. ii. 10. 4, and praised in the treatise de Eloc. 84, attributed to Demetrius Phalereus.]

[Footnote 69: [Greek: Hegountai].] Schneider, Kuehner, and some other editors have [Greek: hegounto] but Poppo and Dindorf seem to be right in adopting the present, notwithstanding the following optative.]

[Footnote 70: See c. 6, sect. 11.]



CHAPTER IX.

The character of Cyrus. All his personal friends are killed, except Ariaeus, who takes to flight.

1. Thus then died Cyrus; a man who, of all the Persians since Cyrus the elder, was the most princely and most worthy of empire, as is agreed by all who appear to have had personal knowledge of him. 2. In the first place, while he was yet a boy, and when he was receiving his education with his brother and the other youths, he was thought to surpass them all in everything. 3. For all the sons of the Persian nobles are educated at the gates of the king;[71] where they may learn many a lesson of virtuous conduct, but can see or hear nothing disgraceful. 4. Here the boys see some honoured by the king, and others disgraced, and hear of them; so that in their very childhood they learn to govern and to obey.

5. Here Cyrus, first of all, showed himself most remarkable for modesty among those of his own age, and for paying more ready obedience to his elders than even those who were inferior to him in station; and next, he was noted for his fondness for horses, and for managing them in a superior manner. They found him, too, very desirous of learning, and most assiduous in practising, the warlike exercises of archery, and hurling the javelin. 6. When it suited his age, he grew extremely fond of the chase, and of braving dangers in encounters with wild beasts. On one occasion, he did not shrink from a she-bear that attacked him, but, in grappling with her, was dragged from off his horse, and received some wounds, the scars of which were visible on his body, but at last killed her. The person who first came to his assistance, he made a happy man in the eyes of many.

7. When he was sent down by his father, as satrap of Lydia and Great Phrygia and Cappadocia, and was also appointed commander of all the troops whose duty it is to muster in the plain of Castolus, he soon showed that if he made a league or compact with any one, or gave a promise, he deemed it of the utmost importance not to break his word. 8. Accordingly the states that were committed to his charge, as well as individuals, had the greatest confidence in him; and if any one had been his enemy, he felt secure that if Cyrus entered into a treaty with him, he should suffer no infraction of the stipulations. 9. When, therefore, he waged war against Tissaphernes, all the cities, of their own accord, chose to adhere to Cyrus in preference to Tissaphernes, except the Milesians; but they feared him, because he would not abandon the cause of the exiles; 10. for he both showed by his deeds, and declared in words, that he would never desert them, since he had once become a friend to them, not even though they should grow still fewer in number, and be in a worse condition than they were.

11. Whenever any one did him a kindness or an injury, he showed himself anxious to go beyond him in those respects; and some used to mention a wish of his, that "he desired to live long enough to outdo both those who had done him good, and those who had done him ill, in the requital that he should make." 12. Accordingly to him alone of the men of our days were so great a number of people desirous of committing the disposal of their property, their cities, and their own persons.

13. Yet no one could with truth say this of him, that he suffered the criminal or unjust to deride his authority; for he of all men inflicted punishment most unsparingly; and there were often to be seen, along the most frequented roads, men deprived of their feet, or hands, or eyes; so that in Cyrus's dominions, it was possible for any one, Greek or Barbarian, who did no wrong, to travel without fear whithersoever he pleased, and having with him whatever might suit his convenience.

14. To those who showed ability for war, it is acknowledged that he paid distinguished honour. His first war was with the Pisidians and Mysians; and, marching in person into these countries, he made those, whom he saw voluntarily hazarding their lives in his service, governors over the territory that he subdued, and distinguished them with rewards in other ways. 15. So that the brave appeared to be the most fortunate of men, while the cowardly were deemed fit[72] only to be their slaves. There were, therefore, great numbers of persons who voluntarily exposed themselves to danger, wherever they thought that Cyrus would become aware of their exertions.

16. With regard to justice, if any appeared to him inclined to display that virtue, he made a point of making such men richer than those who sought to profit by injustice. 17. Accordingly, while in many other respects his affairs were administered judiciously, he likewise possessed an army worthy of the name. For it was not for money that generals and captains came from foreign lands to enter into his service, but because they were persuaded that to serve Cyrus well, would be more profitable than any amount of monthly pay. 18. Besides, if any one executed his orders in a superior manner, he never suffered his diligence to go unrewarded; consequently, in every undertaking, the best qualified officers were said to be ready to assist him.

19. If he noticed any one that was a skilful manager, with strict regard to justice, stocking the land of which he had the direction, and securing income from it, he would never take anything from such a person, but was ever ready to give him something in addition; so that men laboured with cheerfulness, acquired property with confidence, and made no concealment from Cyrus of what each possessed; for he did not appear to envy those who amassed riches openly, but to endeavour to bring into use the wealth of those who concealed it.

20. Whatever friends he made, and felt to be well-disposed to him, and considered to be capable of assisting him in anything that he might wish to accomplish, he is acknowledged by all to have been most successful in attaching them to him. 21. For, on the very same account on which he thought that he himself had need of friends, namely, that he might have co-operators in his undertakings, did he endeavour to prove an efficient assistant to his friends in whatever he perceived any of them desirous of effecting.

22. He received, for many reasons, more presents than perhaps any other single individual; and these he outdid every one else in distributing amongst his friends, having a view to the character of each, and to what he perceived each most needed. 23. Whatever presents any one sent him of articles of personal ornament, whether for warlike accoutrement, or merely for dress, concerning these, they said, he used to remark, that he could not decorate his own person with them all, but that he thought friends well equipped were the greatest ornament a man could have. 24. That he should outdo his friends, indeed, in conferring great benefits, is not at all wonderful, since he was so much more able; but, that he should surpass his friends in kind attentions, and an anxious desire to oblige, appears to me far more worthy of admiration. 25. Frequently, when he had wine served him of a peculiarly fine flavour, he would send half-emptied flagons of it to some of his friends, with a message to this effect: "Cyrus has not for some time met with pleasanter wine than this; and he has therefore sent some of it to you, and begs you will drink it to-day, with those whom you love best." 26. He would often, too, send geese partly eaten, and the halves of loaves, and other such things, desiring the bearer to say, in presenting them, "Cyrus has been delighted with these, and therefore wishes you also to taste of them."

27. Wherever provender was scarce, but he himself, from having many attendants, and from the care which he took, was able to procure some, he would send it about, and desire his friends to give that provender to the horses that carried them, so that hungry steeds might not carry his friends. 28. Whenever he rode out, and many were likely to see him, he would call to him his friends, and hold earnest conversation with them, that he might show whom he held in honour; so that, from what I have heard, I should think that no one was ever beloved by a greater number of persons, either Greeks or Barbarians. 29. Of this fact the following is a proof; that no one deserted to the king from Cyrus, though only a subject, (except that Orontes attempted to do so; but he soon found the person whom he believed faithful to him, more a friend to Cyrus than to himself,) while many came over to Cyrus from the king, after they became enemies to each other; and these, too, men who were greatly beloved by the king; for they felt persuaded, that if they proved themselves brave soldiers under Cyrus, they would obtain from him more adequate rewards for their services than from the king.

30. What occurred also at the time of his death, is a great proof, as well that he himself was a man of merit, as that he could accurately distinguish such as were trust-worthy, well disposed, and constant in their attachment. 31. For when he was killed, all his friends, and the partakers of his table who were with him, fell fighting in his defence, except Ariaeus, who had been posted, in command of the cavalry, on the left; and, when he learned that Cyrus had fallen in the battle, he took to flight, with all the troops which he had under his command.

[Footnote 71: [Greek: Epi tais basileos thyrais].] For "at the king's palace." "The king's palace was styled among the ancient Persians, as in the modern Constantinople, the Porte. Agreeably to the customs of other despots of the East, the kings of Persia resided in the interior of their palaces; seldom appearing in public, and guarding all means of access to their persons. The number of courtiers, masters of ceremonies, guards, and others was endless. It was through them alone that access could be obtained to the monarch." Heeren, Researches, &c. vol. i. p 403. See Cyrop. i. 3. 2; 2. 3, seqq. Corn. Nep. Life of Conon, c. 3.]