Long after Joseph Howe had passed to his {157} rest, echoes of the repeal agitation were heard in Nova Scotia; and it was frequently asserted that the question of union should have been submitted to a vote of the people. Such a course, owing to the circumstances already narrated, was impracticable and would have been fatal to Confederation. But the pacification of the province was a great feat of statesmanship; for to maintain the young Dominion intact was essential to its further extension.



[1] Memoirs, vol. i, p. 319.

[2] Sir George Etienne Cartier, Bart; His Life and Times, by John Boyd. Toronto, 1914.

[3] Sir James Whitney, prime minister of Ontario from 1903 to 1914, who was a young student in Sandfield Macdonald's law office in Cornwall and shared his political confidence, assured the present writer that Ontario's first prime minister was not a Liberal in the real sense, his instincts and point of view being essentially Conservative. After Robert Baldwin's retirement Sandfield Macdonald's natural course would have been an alliance with the progressive Conservatives under John A. Macdonald, but his antipathy to acknowledging any leader kept him aloof. His laconic telegram in reply to John A. Macdonald's offer of cabinet office is characteristic: 'No go!'

[4] A conspicuous case in point is the entire want of sympathy between Brown and Galt, men of similar type, whose opinions on several questions coincided.

[5] Recollections of Sixty Years in Canada, by the Rt. Hon. Sir Charles Tupper, Bart.



{158}

CHAPTER XIII

FROM SEA TO SEA

The extension of the Dominion to the Pacific ocean had been discussed at the Quebec Conference. Some of the maritime delegates, however, thought they had no authority to discuss the acquisition of territory beyond the boundaries of the provinces; and George Brown, one of the strongest advocates of western extension, conceded that the inclusion of British Columbia and Vancouver Island in the scheme of union was 'rather an extreme proposition.' But the Canadian leaders never lost sight of the intervening regions of Rupert's Land and the North-West Territory. They foresaw the danger of the rich prairie lands falling under foreign control, and entertained no doubts as to the necessity of terminating in favour of Canada the hold of the Hudson's Bay Company over these regions.

In 1857 the select committee of the Imperial House of Commons, mentioned in a preceding {159} chapter, had believed it 'essential to meet the just and reasonable wishes of Canada to be enabled to annex to her territory such portion of the land in her neighbourhood as may be available to her for the purposes of settlement.' The districts on the Red River and on the Saskatchewan were considered as likely to be desired; and, as a condition of occupation, Canada should open up and maintain communication and provide for local administration. The committee thought that if Canada were unwilling to take over the Red River country at an early date some temporary means of government might be devised. Nothing, however, had come of the suggestion. Had it been carried out, and a crown colony created, comprising the territory which is now the province of Manitoba, the Dominion would have been saved a disagreeable and humiliating episode, as well as political complications which shook the young state to its foundations. This was the trouble known to history as the Red River Rebellion. As an armed insurrection it was only a flash in the pan. But it awoke passions in Ontario and Quebec, and revived all those dissensions, racial and religious, which the union had lulled into a semblance of harmony.

{160}

One of the first steps taken by parliament in the autumn of 1867 was the adoption of an address to the Queen, moved by William McDougall, asking that Rupert's Land and the North-West Territory be united with Canada. Two members of the government, Cartier and McDougall, went to England to negotiate for the extinction of the rights of the Hudson's Bay Company. After months of delay, caused partly by the serious illness of McDougall, it was agreed that the company should receive L300,000, one-twentieth of the lands lying within the Fertile Belt, and 45,000 acres adjacent to its trading-posts. The Canadian parliament formally accepted the bargain, and the deed of surrender provided that the change of rule should come into force on December 1, 1869.

It was no mean ambition of William McDougall to be the first Canadian administrator of this vast region with its illimitable prospects; a man of talent, experience, and breadth of view, such as McDougall was, might reasonably hope there to carve out a great career for himself and do the state some service. He was appointed on September 26, 1869, lieutenant-governor of the 'North-West Territory'—an indefinite term meant {161} apparently to cover the whole western country—and left at once for his post. He appears to have been quite in the dark concerning the perilous nature of the mission. At any rate, he could not foresee that, far from bringing him distinction, the task would shortly end, as Sir John Macdonald described it, in an inglorious fiasco.

At this time, it should be remembered, the actual conditions in the West were but vaguely known in Canada. Efforts towards communication and exploration, it is true, had begun as early as 1857, when Simon Dawson made surveys for a road from Fort William and Professor Henry Youle Hind undertook his famous journey to the plains for scientific and general observation. A number of adventurous Canadians had gone out to settle on the plains. There was a newspaper at Fort Garry—the Nor'Wester—the pioneer newspaper of the country—which had been started by Mr William Buckingham and a colleague in 1859. But even in official circles the community to which Governor McDougall went to introduce authority was very imperfectly understood.

The Red River Settlement in 1869 contained about twelve thousand inhabitants. The English-speaking portion of the population {162} consisted of heterogeneous groups without unity among them for any public purpose. Some were descendants or survivors of Lord Selkirk's settlers who had come out half a century before; others were servants of the Hudson's Bay Company, both retired and active; a third group were the Canadians; while a fourth was made up of a small though noisy body of Americans. Outnumbering the English, and united under leaders of their own race, the French and French half-breeds dwelt chiefly on the east bank of the Red River, south of Fort Garry. These half-breeds, or Metis, were a hardy race, who subsisted by hunting rather than by farming, and who were trained to the use of arms. They regarded with suspicion the threatened introduction of new political institutions, and were quite content under the paternal sway of the Hudson's Bay Company and under the leadership of their spiritual advisers, Bishop Tache and the priests of the Metis parishes.

The Canadian population numbered about three hundred, with perhaps a hundred adults, and they, conscious that they represented the coming regime, were not disposed to conciliate either the company or the native settlers. It was mooted among the half-breeds that they {163} were to be swamped by the incoming Canadians, and much resentment was aroused among them against the assumption of authority by the Dominion government. To make matters worse, a Canadian surveying party, led by Colonel J. Stoughton Dennis, had begun in the summer of 1869 to make surveys in the Province. This created alarm among the half-breed settlers, whose titles did not rest in any secure legal authority, and who were fearful that they were about to lose their possessions. Thus it came about that they resolved upon making a determined attempt to resist the transfer of the country to Canada.

Underrating the difficulty and impatient of delay, McDougall took the unwise step of issuing a proclamation, from his temporary headquarters at Pembina, assuming control of the territory and calling upon the inhabitants to recognize his authority. He supposed, of course, that the transfer would be made, according to agreement, on December 1, and did not know that the Canadian government had declined to accept it or pay over the purchase-money until assured that peace and good order prevailed. The advices from Ottawa to McDougall were delayed, and he felt himself {164} obliged to act without definite knowledge of the position of affairs.

After months of agitation the Metis under Louis Riel took command of the situation, armed their fighting men, seized Fort Garry, put a number of prominent white residents under arrest, and formed a provisional government. They sent word to the new governor not to enter the country; and when he advanced, with his official party, a short distance over the frontier, he was forcibly compelled by the insurgents to retreat into the United States. The rebels at Fort Garry became extremely menacing. Louis Riel, the central figure in this drama, was a young French half-breed, vain, ambitious, with some ability and the qualities of a demagogue. He had received his education in Lower Canada, and was on intimate terms with the French priests of the settlement. His conduct fifteen years later, when he returned to head another Metis rebellion farther west and paid the penalty on the scaffold, indicates that once embarked on a dangerous course he would be restrained by no one. That he was half, or wholly, insane on either occasion is not credible.

Efforts were now made to negotiate with {165} the rebels and quiet the disturbance. Delegates went to the West from Canada consisting of Grand Vicar Thibault, Colonel de Salaberry, and Donald A. Smith (afterwards Lord Strathcona). There were exciting scenes; but the negotiations bore no immediate fruit. It was the depth of winter. The delegates had not come to threaten because they had no force to employ. The rebels had the game in their own hands. Bishop Tache, who was unhappily absent in Rome, was summoned home to arrange a peace on terms which might have left Riel and his associates some of the high stakes for which they were playing, had they not spoiled their own chances by a cruel, vindictive murder.

After the departure of the Canadian delegates and the announcement of Bishop Tache's return, Riel felt his power ebbing away. His provisional government became a thing of shreds and patches, in spite of its large assumptions and its temporary control during the winter when the country was inaccessible. Among the imprisoned whites was Thomas Scott, a young man from Ontario who had been employed in surveying work and who was prominent in resistance to the usurpers. Riel is credited with a threat to shed some {166} blood to prove the reality of his power and to quell opposition. He rearrested a number of whites who had been released under promise of safety. One of them was Scott, charged with insubordination and breaking his parole. He was brought before a revolutionary tribunal resembling a court-martial, and was sentenced to be shot. Even if Riel's lawless tribunal had possessed judicial authority, Scott's conduct in no respect justified a death sentence. He had not been under arms when captured, and he was given no fair opportunity of defending himself. Efforts were made to save him, but Riel refused to show mercy. On March 4, a few days before Bishop Tache arrived at the settlement, Scott was shot by six men, several of them intoxicated, one refusing to prime his rifle, and one discharging a pistol at the victim as he lay moaning on the ground.



When the news of this barbarous murder reached the East, a political crisis was imminent. Scott was an Orangeman; and Catholic priests, it was said, had been closely identified with the rising. This was enough to start an agitation and to give it the character of a race and creed struggle. There existed also a suspicion that a miniature Quebec was to {167} be set up on the Red River, thus creating a sort of buffer French state between Ontario and the plains. Another cause of discontent was the belief that the government proposed to connive at the assassination of Scott and to allow his murderers to escape punishment. McDougall returned home, mortified by his want of success, and soon resigned his position. He blamed the government for what had occurred, and associated himself with the agitation in Ontario. The organization known as the Canada First party took a hand in the fray. It was composed of a few patriotic and able young men, including W. A. Foster, a Toronto barrister; Charles Mair, the well-known poet; John Schultz, who many years later, as Sir John Schultz, became governor of Manitoba, and who with Mair had been imprisoned by Riel and threatened with death; and Colonel George T. Denison, whose distinguished career as the promoter of Imperial unity has since made him famous in Canada and far beyond it.

The circumstances of the time, the distrust between the races and the vacillation of a sorely pressed government, combined to make an awkward situation. The evidence does not show that the Ontario agitators let slip any {168} of their opportunities. The government was compelled to send under Colonel Wolseley an expeditionary force of Imperial troops and Canadian volunteers to nip in the bud the supposed attempt to establish French ascendancy on the Red River. This expedition was completely successful without the firing of a shot. Riel, at the sight of the troops, fled to the United States, and the British flag was raised over Fort Garry. So, in 1870, Manitoba entered the Dominion as a new province, and the adjacent territories were organized under a lieutenant-governor and council directly under federal jurisdiction. Out of them, thirty-five years later, came the provinces of Alberta and Saskatchewan.

But the fruits of the rebellion were evident for years. One result was the defeat in Ontario of Sandfield Macdonald's ministry in 1871. 'I find the country in a sound state,' wrote Sir John Macdonald during the general elections of 1872, 'the only rock ahead being that infernal Scott murder case, about which the Orangemen have quite lost their heads.'[1]

When order was restored the clever miscreant Riel returned to the settlement. By raising a force to aid in quelling a threatened Fenian {169} invasion, he gulled Bishop Tache and the new governor, Adams G. Archibald, and had himself elected to the Dominion parliament. But Riel's crimes were too recent and too gross to be overlooked. His effrontery in taking the oath as a member was followed by his expulsion from the House; and once more he fled the country, only to reappear in the role of a rebel on the Saskatchewan in 1884, and, in the following year, to expiate his crimes on the scaffold.

Having carried the Dominion to the foot of the Rocky Mountains, the next step for the government was the acquisition of British Columbia. After the Oregon Treaty of 1846 the British possessions on the Pacific coast lay in three divisions, Vancouver Island, British Columbia, and the Stikeen Territory, all in the domains of the Hudson's Bay Company. In 1863, after the inrush of gold-seekers, the two latter had been united under one government and granted a Legislative Council, partly elective. Vancouver Island already had a legislature with two chambers, one elective. In 1865 Amor DeCosmos, one of the members of the Assembly for Victoria, began the union movement by proposing that Vancouver Island should be joined to British Columbia. There {170} was friction between the two colonies, largely on commercial grounds. A tariff enacted by the colony on the mainland proved injurious to the island merchants who flourished under a free port. So in 1866 the Imperial parliament passed an Act uniting the two colonies. Despite the isolation of the Pacific coast settlements from the British colonies across the continent on the Atlantic, the Confederation movement had not passed unnoticed in the Far West; and in March 1867 the Legislative Council of British Columbia adopted a resolution requesting Governor Seymour to take measures to secure the admission of British Columbia into the Dominion 'on fair and equitable terms.' In transmitting the resolution to the home authorities the governor candidly pointed out the difficulties. He was not strongly in favour of the policy. The country east of the Rocky Mountains, it should be kept in mind, was still in the hands of the Hudson's Bay Company. An alien population from the United States was increasing in number. Enormous obstacles stood in the way of communication eastward. 'The resolution,' wrote Seymour, 'was the expression of a despondent community longing for change.' However, a public meeting in Victoria held on January {171} 29, 1868, urgently recommended union. A memorial to the Canadian government declared that the people generally were enthusiastic for the change. The leading newspapers endorsed it. The popularly elected councils of Victoria and New Westminster were of the same mind. Opposed to this body of opinion were the official class and a small party who desired annexation to the United States. The terms demanded were the assumption by Canada of a debt of about $1,500,000, a fixed annual subsidy, a wagon-road between Lake Superior and the head of navigation on the Fraser within two years, local representative institutions, and representation in the Canadian parliament.

The legislature, despite the alluring prospect set forth in an address to the Queen moved by DeCosmos, cautiously adopted an amendment declaring that, while it adhered to its previous action in endorsing the principle of union 'to accomplish the consolidation of British interests and institutions in North America,' it lacked the knowledge necessary to define advantageous terms of union. A convention of delegates met at Yale to express dissatisfaction with local conditions in British Columbia and to frame the terms on which {172} union would be desirable. The Legislative Council, still unconvinced, again declared for delay; but a dispatch from Lord Granville in August 1869, addressed to the new governor, Anthony Musgrave, who, on the recommendation of Sir John Macdonald, had succeeded Seymour, emphatically endorsed Confederation, leaving open only the question of the terms. The Confederation debate took place in the Legislative Council in 1870. In concluding his speech in favour of the policy, Joseph Trutch, one of the three delegates who afterwards went to Canada to perfect the bargain, said:

I advocate Confederation because it will secure the continuance of this colony under the British flag and strengthen British interests on this continent, and because it will benefit this community—by lessening taxation and giving increased revenue for local expenditure; by advancing the political status of the colony; by securing the practical aid of the Dominion Government...; and by affording, through a railway, the only means of acquiring a permanent population which must come from the east of the Rocky Mountains.

{173} The arrangement made by Canada was a generous one. It included a promise to begin within two years and to complete within ten a railway to the Pacific, thus connecting British Columbia with the eastern provinces. The terms were ratified by the people of British Columbia in the general election of 1870, and the union went into force on July 20, 1871. The Dominion now stretched from sea to sea.

Prince Edward Island had fought stoutly in resistance to the union. For six years it remained aloof. The fears of a small community, proud of its local rights and conscious that its place in a federal system could never be a commanding one, are not to be despised. At first federation had found eloquent advocates. There could not be, it was pointed out, any career for men of distinction in a small sea-girt province cut off completely from the life and interests of the larger area. But these arguments failed, as also did proposals of a more substantial kind. Nova Scotia and New Brunswick desired greatly to augment the maritime importance and influence in the Dominion by the inclusion of the little island province. During the summer of 1866, while the delegates from the two maritime provinces {174} were waiting in London for the arrival of their Canadian colleagues, they made an offer to James C. Pope, prime minister of the Island, who happened to be in London, that the sum of $800,000 should be allowed the Island, in order to extinguish the rights of the absentee land-owners, an incubus that had long caused discontent. The Canadian delegates, at first reluctant, were brought to agree to this proposal. But it was declined, and the same fate overtook better financial terms which Tilley offered in 1869. The Island went its way, but soon found that the capital necessary for internal development was hard to secure and harder still to repay if once obtained. A railway debt was incurred, and financial difficulties arose.

This situation came to the knowledge of Sir John Rose, the first finance minister of Canada, who had gone to reside in London as a partner in the great banking house of Morton, Rose and Co. There is a touch of romance both in the career of Rose and in the fact that it was through his agency that the little province entered the federation. Rose was a Scottish lad who had come to Canada to make his fortune. When a practising barrister in Montreal he had lost his silk gown as Queen's Counsel {175} for signing the Annexation Manifesto in 1849. His abilities were of the first order, but his tastes inclined to law rather than to politics. The Dominion was in its infancy when his talents for finance attracted attention abroad and secured him the handsome offer which drew him away from Canada and led to his remarkable success in the money centre of the world. But he never lost interest in the Dominion. He maintained a close and intimate correspondence with Sir John Macdonald, and, learning of Prince Edward Island's difficulties, communicated with the Canadian prime minister. Thus was the way opened for negotiations. Finally a basis of union was arranged by which the Dominion assumed the provincial burden and made the Island railway part of the state system of railways. Prince Edward Island joined the union on July 1, 1873, and has contributed its full quota of brain and energy to the upbuilding of Canada.

Newfoundland definitely rejected union in the general election of 1869, and only once since has it shown an inclination to join the Dominion. During the financial crisis of 1893 delegates from Newfoundland visited Ottawa and sought to reach a satisfactory {176} arrangement. But the opportunity was allowed to pass, and the ancient colony has ever since turned a deaf ear to all suggestions of federation. But it is still the hope of many that the 'Oldest Colony' will one day acknowledge the hegemony of Canada.



[1] Memoirs, vol. ii, p. 150.



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CHAPTER XIV

THE WORK OF THE FATHERS

The lapse of fifty years should make it possible for us to value the work of the Fathers with due regard for historical truth. Time has thrown into bold relief the essential greatness of their undertaking and has softened the asperities of criticism which seem inseparable from all political movements. A struggle for national unity brings out the stronger qualities of man's nature, but is not a magic remedy for rivalries between the leading minds in the state. On the contrary, it accentuates for the time being the differences of temperament and the clash of individual opinions which accompany a notable effort in nation-making. But distance from the scene and from the men furnishes a truer perspective. The Fathers were not exempt from the defects that mark any group of statesmen who take part in a political upheaval; who uproot existing conditions and disturb settled interests; and who bid, each {178} after his own fashion, for popular support and approval. The chief leaders in the federation movement survived to comparatively recent years. The last of them, Sir Charles Tupper, died in the autumn of 1915. All were closely associated with party politics. There yet live many who walked and talked with them, who rejoiced with them in victory and condoled with them in defeat. It were vain to hope that the voice of faction has been silenced and that the labours of the Fathers can be viewed in the serene atmosphere which strips the mind of prejudice and passion. And yet the attempt should be made, because the founders of Canada are entitled to share the fame of those who made the nineteenth century remarkable for the unification of states and the expansion of popular government.

During Sir John Macdonald's lifetime his admirers called him the Father of Confederation. In length and prestige of official service and in talent for leadership he had no equals. His was the guiding hand after the union. The first constructive measures that cemented the Dominion are identified with his regime. When he died in the twenty-fourth year of Confederation he had been prime minister for nearly nineteen years. To his contemporaries {179} he towered above others. Time established his reputation and authority. The personal attachment of his followers was like to nothing we have seen since, because to their natural pride in his political triumphs was added a passionate devotion to the man himself. His opponents have cheerfully borne tribute to the fascination he exercised over young and old. Holton's delightfully ambiguous remark, on the occasion of Macdonald's marvellous restoration to office in 1878, is historic: 'Well! John A. beats the devil.' Sir Oliver Mowat said, 'He was a genial man, a pleasant companion, full of humour and wit.' Even his satirical foe, Sir Richard Cartwright, recognized in him an unusual personality impressing all who came in contact with it. 'He had an immense acquaintance,' wrote Cartwright, 'with men of all sorts and conditions from one end of Canada to the other.'

As long as he lived, therefore, an impartial estimate of Macdonald's share in effecting Confederation could not be expected. After his death the glamour of his name prevented a critical survey of his achievements. Even yet it is too soon to render a final verdict. He took control of the situation at an early stage, because to frame a new constitution was a task {180} after his own heart. He managed the Quebec Conference with the arts which none of the other members possessed in equal degree. As political complications arose his remarkable astuteness soon overcame them; and he emerged from the negotiations the most conspicuous figure in a distinguished group. It is inevitable that genius for command should overshadow the merits of others. True in every line of endeavour, this is especially so in politics. With his great gifts, Macdonald preserved his ascendancy in the young nation and was the chief architect of its fortunes for many years.



To assert, however, that one person was the author of Confederation, in the sense that the others played subordinate parts and were mere satellites revolving round the sun, is to mistake the nature and history of the movement. It was a long battle against adverse influences. If left unchallenged, they forbade the idea of a Dominion stretching from sea to sea. It was not Macdonald who forced the issue to the front, who bore down stubborn opposition, and who rallied to its support the elements indispensable to success. Into the common fund contributions were made from many sources. At least eight of the Fathers of Confederation {181} must be placed in the first rank of those to whom Canada owes undying gratitude. The names of Brown, Cartier, Galt, Macdonald, Tupper, Tilley, McGee, and McDougall stand pre-eminent. All these performed services, each according to his opportunities, which history will not ignore.

The foremost champion of union at the critical moment was George Brown. But for him, it is easy to believe, Confederation might have been delayed for a generation or never have come at all. His enthusiasm inspired the willing and carried the doubting. In the somewhat rare combination of courage, force, and breadth of view no one excelled him. As a political tactician he was not so successful, and to this defect may be traced the entanglements in which he was prone to land both himself and his party. His resignation from the coalition in 1865 was a mistake. It could not be explained. In leaving the ship before it reached the haven of safety he laid himself open to charges of spleen and instability. Impulsive he was, but not unstable, and his jealousy was not greater than other men's. He was always embarrassed by the fact that the criticisms of his newspaper the Globe, in the exercise of its undoubted rights as an organ {182} of public opinion, were laid at his door. He found, as other editors have found, that the compromises of political life and the freedom of the press are natural enemies. In his patriotic sacrifice in behalf of Confederation lies his best claim to the respect and affection of his countrymen.

The quality most commonly ascribed to Cartier is courage; and rightly so. But equally important were his freedom from religious bigotry and his devotion to the interests of his own people. He guarded at every step the place of his race in the constitution of the Dominion; and if we are to believe the story that he fought stoutly in London for strict adherence to every concession agreed upon at Quebec, his insight into the future proved equal to his courage. The French were rooted in the belief that union meant for them a diminished power. There were grounds for the apprehension. To Cartier was due the subordination of prejudice to the common good. He was great enough to see that if Lower Canada was to become the guardian of its special interests and privileges, Upper Canada must be given a similar security; and this threw him into the closest alliance with Brown. This principle, as embodied in the {183} constitution, is the real basis of Confederation, which cannot be seriously menaced as long as neither of the central provinces interferes with the other. Cartier exemplified in his own person the truth that the French are a tolerant and kindly community, and that pride of race, displayed within its own proper bounds, makes for the strength and not the weakness of the Dominion. Unhappily, his health declined, and he did not live to lead his race in the development of that larger patriotism of which, with good reason, he believed them to be capable. But his example survives, and its influence will be felt in the generations to come.

What share Galt had in affecting Cartier's course is not fully known, but the two men between them dominated Lower Canada, and their rapprochement was more than a match for the nullifying efforts of Dorion and Holton. Galt's best work was also done before the consummation of the union. After 1867 he practically retired from the activities of politics, owing more to a distaste for the yoke of party than to any loss of interest in the welfare of Canada. He had an ample mind, and in his speeches and writings there is a valuable legacy of suggestion.

{184}

Thomas D'Arcy McGee was the orator of the movement. While other politicians hung back, he proclaimed the advantages of union in season and out with the zeal of the crusader. His speeches, delivered in the principal cities of all the provinces, did much to rouse patriotic fervour.

To Tupper and to Tilley, as this narrative has sought to show, we owe the adherence of the Maritime Provinces. The present Dominion would have been impossible but for their labours and sacrifice. A federated state without an Atlantic seaboard would have resulted in a different destiny for Canada. Each of these statesmen withstood the temptation to bend before the storm of local prejudice. By yielding to the passion of the hour each would have been a hero in his own province and have enjoyed a long term of office. If evidence were needed that Confederation inspired its authors to nobler aims than party victories, the course taken by these leaders furnishes conclusive proof.

William McDougall's part in the movement has suffered eclipse owing to his political mishaps. No one brought more brilliant qualities to bear upon the work than he. On the platform and in parliament he had, as a {185} speaker, no superior. In his newspaper, the North American, he had espoused a federal union as the first article of his political creed; and when Brown purchased the paper, McDougall, as the chief writer for the Globe, strengthened Brown's hands and became his natural ally in the coalition. They quarrelled openly when McDougall elected to cast in his lot with Macdonald in the first Dominion ministry. The Red River episode ruptured his relations with Macdonald, who never again sought his support. Avoided by both leaders and never tolerant of party discipline, McDougall sought to fill the role of independent critic and thus earned for himself, unfairly, the sobriquet 'Wandering Willie.' But the Dominion owed much to his constructive talent. There is evidence that his influence was potent in the constitutional conferences, and that during his term as minister he had a strong hand in shaping public policy.

Oliver Mowat left politics for the judicial bench immediately after the Quebec Conference. He has related that, as the delegates sat round the table, Macdonald, on being notified of the vacancy in the vice-chancellorship of Upper Canada, silently passed him a note in appreciative terms offering him the place. {186} For seven years he remained on the bench. But he returned in 1872 to active political life, and his services to the nation as prime minister of Ontario display his balanced judgment and clearness of intellect.

Some Canadian statesmen who were invaluable to the new nationality suffer in being judged too exclusively from a party standpoint. Canada was fortunate in drawing from the ranks of both Conservatives and Liberals many men capable of developing the Dominion and adapting an untried constitution to unforeseen conditions. None had quite the same opportunities as Sir John Macdonald, who not only helped to frame the union but administered its policy for a lengthy period. Alexander Mackenzie gave the country an example of rectitude in public life and of devotion to duty which is of supreme value to all who recognize that free government may be undermined and finally destroyed by selfishness and corruption. Edward Blake, with his lofty conceptions of national ambition and his profound insight into the working of the constitution, also exerted a beneficial effect on the evolution of the state. He, like Sir John Thompson, was a native of the country. In temperament, in breadth of mind, and in contempt for petty {187} and sordid aims, Blake and Thompson had much in common. They, and others who are too near our own day for final judgment, fully grasped the work of the Fathers and helped to give Canada its honourable status in the British Empire and its distinctive place as a self-governing community.

A retrospective glance reveals the extent to which the Fathers attained their principal objects. A threefold purpose inspired them. Their first duty was to evolve a workable plan of government. In this they succeeded, as fifty years of experience shows. The constitution, after having stood the usual tests and strain, is firmly rooted in national approval; and this result has been reached by healthy normal processes, not by exaggerated claims or a spurious enthusiasm. The constitution has always been on trial, so to speak, because Canadians are prone to be critical of their institutions. But at every acute crisis popular discontent has been due to maladministration and not to defects of organization. The structure itself stands a monument to those who erected it.

In the second and most trying of their tasks, the unification of the provinces, the Fathers {188} were also triumphant. From the beginning the country was well stocked with pessimists and Job's comforters. They derived inspiration during many years from the brilliant writings of Goldwin Smith. But in the end even the doubters had to succumb to the stern logic of the facts. Under any federation, growth in unity is bound to be slow. The relations of the provinces to the federal power must be worked out and their relations to each other must be adjusted. Time alone could solve such a problem. Until the system took definite shape national sentiment was feeble. But a modified and well-poised federation, with its strong central government and its carefully guarded provincial rights, at last won the day. Years of doubt and trial there were, but in due course the Nova Scotian came to regard himself as a Canadian and the British Columbian ceased to feel that a man from the East was a foreigner. The provinces have steadily developed a community of interest. They meet cordially in periodical conferences to discuss the rights and claims possessed in common, and if serious, even menacing, questions are not dealt with as they should be, the failure will be traced to faulty statesmanship and not to lack of unity.

{189}

To preserve the Imperial tie was the third and greatest object of the Fathers. They realized that many dangers threatened it—some tangible and visible, others hidden and beyond the ken of man. It may not be denied that the barque of the new nationality was launched into an unknown sea. The course might conceivably lead straight to complete independence, and honest minds, like Galt's, were held in thrall by this view. Could monarchy in any shape be re-vitalized on the continent where the Great Republic sat entrenched? What sinister ideas would not the word Imperialism convey to the practical men of the western world? These fears the Fathers met with resolute faith and the seeing eye. They believed that inherent in the beneficent rule of Queen Victoria there was a constitutional sovereignty which would appeal irresistibly to a young democracy; that unwavering fidelity to the crown could be reconciled with the fullest extension of self-government; and that the British Empire when organized on this basis would hold its daughter states beyond the seas with bonds that would not break.

And so it has proved. Of all the achievements of the Fathers this is the most splendid {190} and enduring. The Empire came to mean, not the survival of antiquated ideas, but the blessings of a well-ordered civilization. And when in 1914 the Great War shook the world, Canadians, having found that the sway of Britain brought them peace, honour, and contentment, were proud to die for the Empire. To debate the future of Canada was long the staple subject for abstract discussion, but the march of events has carried us past the stage of idle imaginings. A knowledge of the laws by which Divine Providence controls the destinies of nations has thus far eluded the subtlest intellect, and it may be impossible for any man, however gifted, to foresee what fate may one day overtake the British Empire. But its traditions of freedom and toleration, its ideals of pure government and respect for law, can be handed on unimpaired through the ages. The opportunity to maintain and perpetuate these traditions and ideals is the priceless inheritance which Canada has received from the Fathers of Confederation.



{191}

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE

The printed material relative to Confederation is voluminous. The earliest proposals are to be found in the Constitutional Documents by Shortt and Doughty. The parliamentary debates of the four provinces from 1864 to 1867 record the progress of the movement which culminated in the British North America Act. For the intimate history of the coalition ministry and the conferences in Quebec and in London the two works by Sir Joseph Pope, Memoirs of Sir John Macdonald and Confederation Documents, are mines of indispensable information. The files of the Toronto Globe and the Halifax Chronicle are valuable, while the pamphlets, especially those relating to the events in Quebec and Nova Scotia, are essential. Gray's Confederation confirms other material, but is not in itself of paramount importance. Mr Chisholm's Speeches and Public Letters of Joseph Howe and Dr Saunders's Three Premiers of Nova Scotia must be consulted. Mr John Boyd's Sir George Etienne Cartier: His Life and Times exhibits full knowledge and is free from bias. See also the Life and Speeches of {192} George Brown, by Alexander Mackenzie, which contains some valuable material. For a clear and impartial biography of Brown, see George Brown, by John Lewis. For the period after the union, consult Pope's Memoirs of Sir John Macdonald and Sir John Willison's Sir Wilfrid Laurier and the Liberal Party. The Life and Times of Sir Leonard Tilley by James Hannay and Sir Charles Tupper's Recollections throw light on the question in the Maritime Provinces. The official dispatches between the colonial secretary and the governors of the provinces laid before the Imperial parliament are collected in one volume. Mr William Houston's Constitutional Documents contains useful notes.

See also Canada and its Provinces, vols. v, vi, xiii, xix, xxi; and, in the present Series, The Day of Sir John Macdonald, The Day of Sir Wilfrid Laurier, and The Railway Builders.



{193}

INDEX

Adderley, Mr, 134.

Alberta, in the Dominion, 159, 168.

American Civil War, the, and Confederation, 20, 24-5, 67.

American Revolution, 1; cause of, 4.

Annand, William, his opposition to Confederation, 28, 115, 152, 154.

Annexation Manifesto of 1849, the, 15, 18.

Archibald, Adams G., a father of Confederation, 49, 62 n., 82, 102, 122, 145, 152-3; lieutenant-governor of Manitoba, 169.

Australia, her form of government, 66.

Belleau, Sir Narcisse, prime minister of Canada, 106, 123.

Bernard, Hewitt, secretary of the Quebec Conference, 61.

Blair, A. J. Fergusson, 107, 141, 145.

Blake, Edward, 76, 153, 186-187.

Bright, John, his anti-Imperial views, 119, 134-5.

British American League, the, 15.

British Columbia, 169-70; joins the Dominion, 170-3.

British North America Act, the, 76, 124-36. See Confederation.

Brown, George, advocates a federation confined to the Canadas, 19, 20; and extension westward, 22-3, 158; his relations with Macdonald, 31-2, 106, 138, 142; his committee on federal union, 32-3; expresses his readiness to co-operate with the Conservatives in promoting the federal system, 32-3, 143; his conference with Macdonald and Galt, 34-8; joins Macdonald in a coalition government, 38-43, 138, 151; an amusing incident in the House, 42-3; at the Charlottetown Conference, 50-1; his speech emphasizing the happy relations of Canada with Britain, 52-3; at the Quebec Conference, 57, 62 n., 64, 71-3, 74, 77-8, 79, 80 and note, 82, 158; his speech upholding the Imperial link, 86-7, 88; admits imperfection in the Confederation constitution scheme, 89-90, 94; resigns from the coalition, 106-7; and the Manchester School, 106, 110-11, his influence in the London Conference, 124; after Confederation denounces any further coalition of parties, 141-2, 144-5, 185; a member of the Senate, 153; an estimate of his work, 181-2; his personality, 31-2, 43, 73, 86, 152 n., 181-2.

Buckingham, William, 161.

Cameron, Hillyard, 95.

Cameron, M. C., 95.

Campbell, Alexander, a father of Confederation, 50-1, 62 n., 146.

Canada, in the early nineteenth century, 11-14; the call of the West, 22-3; the visit of the Prince of Wales (Edward VII), 23-4; her relations with United States, 25-6, 107; the intercolonial railway negotiations, 28-9. See Dominion, Parliament.

Canada First party, the, 167.

Canada Union Bill of 1822, the, 8.

Cape Breton Island, 45.

Cardwell, Mr, colonial secretary, 109, 134; his dispatch urging federation, 112-13.

Carleton, Sir Guy, 2. See Dorchester.

Carling, John, 153.

Carnarvon, Lord, on Canadian currency, 13-14; and Confederation, 123, 133-4.

Carter, F. B., a father of Confederation, 63 n.

Cartier, George E., his work on behalf of Confederation 18, 19, 37, 41-3, 50-1, 62 n., 73, 86, 95, 122, 145, 153, 160; Brown's tribute to, 42-3; accepts a baronetcy, 147-8; an estimate of his work, 182-3.

Cartwright, Sir Richard, on land communication in the early nineteenth century, 12-13; an amusing incident in the House, 42-3; on Sir John Macdonald, 179.

Chandler, E. B., a father of Confederation, 49, 63 n., 67.

Chapais, Jean C., a father of Confederation, 62 n., 146.

Charlottetown Conference, the, 47-55, 77. See Confederation.

Cobden, William, 26.

Cockburn, James, a father of Confederation, 62 n.

Coles, George H., a father of Confederation, 50, 63 n.

Confederation, when first mooted, 2; William Smith's plan, 3-6; Sewell's plan, 7; W. L. Mackenzie's belief in, 8-9; Lord Durham's plan, 9-10; Constitutional Act of 1791, 10-11; a period of Particularism, 11-15; 21, 30-1; makes headway in Nova Scotia, 16-17, 26-7, 44-5; becomes a question of practical politics, 17-20; events which hastened, 20-5; political deadlock, 30-2; coalition government formed to promote, 34-41; some opposition and objection to, 42-3, 49, 84, 89-90, 135; the CHARLOTTETOWN CONFERENCE, 47-55, 77. THE QUEBEC CONFERENCE: constituted, 56-7, 61-2; held with closed doors, 58-61; the Fathers of Confederation, 62 n.-63 n.; federal union, 62-64; provincial legislatures with a strong central government, 64, 66-9; federal powers, 69-71; provincial powers, 71-77; the governor-general's powers, 76-7; the House of Commons, 77; the Senate, 77-80, 91-2, 129-31; the financial terms, 80-3, 90; the Quebec resolutions adopted in Canada, 84-96; opposition in Maritime Provinces, 97-105; finally accepted in New Brunswick, 112-14, and in Nova Scotia, 114-16. THE FRAMING OF THE BILL: the lukewarm reception of the delegates in London, 118-22, 124, 135-6, 173-4; the desire to cement the Imperial tie by framing a constitution similar in principle to that of Britain, 125-7; naming of the Dominion, 127; the Senate, 129-131; the educational privileges of minorities, 131-2; the passage of the British North America Act, 133-5; some criticism, 90-1, 92-5; a priceless inheritance, 187-90. THE DOMINION: Nova Scotia reconciled, 152-7; the prairie provinces, 158-9, 168; British Columbia, 158, 169-73; Prince Edward Island, 173-6. See Dominion, Fathers, Parliament.

Constitutional Act of 1791, the, 3, 11.

Dawson, Simon, 161.

Day, Mr Justice, 133 n.

DeCosmos, Amor, advocates union, 169, 171.

Denison, Colonel G. T., vii, 167.

Dennis, Colonel J. S., 163. Dicey, Professor, his view of the Canadian constitution, 126.

Dickey, R. B., a father of Confederation, 49, 62 n.

Dominion of Canada, the, source and extent of, 1-2; her constitution compared, 65-6, 125-7; her government representative of all parts of the country, 144; the naming of, 127-9; the forming of the first ministry, 137-8, 144-6; the first general elections, 152-153; the Hudson's Bay Company, 158-60; the Red River Rebellion, 159, 161-8; her Imperialism, 190. See Canada, Confederation, Parliament.

Dorchester, Lord, and Confederation, 2-4.

Dorion, A. A., his opposition to Confederation, 28, 40, 42, 89, 92, 183.

Draper, Chief Justice, 22.

Dunkin, Christopher, his opposition to Confederation, 42, 89, 91.

Durham, Lord, his scheme of union, 9-10.

Edward VII, his visit to Canada, 23-4.

Fathers of Confederation, the, 62 n.-63 n.; the leaders honoured, 147-50; an estimate of their work, 177-90. See Confederation.

Fenian invasion, the, and Confederation, 113, 118.

Ferrier, James, 43.

Fisher, Charles, a father of Confederation, 63 n., 122, 130

Foster, W. A., 167.

Fournier, Telesphore, 42.

Galt, A. T., forces Confederation out of the sphere of speculation, 17-19, 34-8, 40, 50-1, 57, 62 n., 80, 86, 93, 106, 122, 132-3, 145, 181; his views on the ultimate destiny of Canada, 74, 148-9; desires to extend educational privileges to all minorities, 132-3; K.C.M.G., 147-50; his personality, 17-18, 132, 152 n., 183.

George III, and the American Revolution, 1.

Gladstone, W. E., favours cession of Canada to United States, 119.

Gordon, A. H., lieutenant-governor of New Brunswick, 55, 103, 104, 111-12, 113-14.

Gourlay, Robert, and Confederation, 6.

Gray, J. H. (P.E.I.), a father of Confederation, 49, 63 n.

Gray, J. H. (N.B.), a father of Confederation, 49, 59-61, 63 n., 81.

Great Britain: the Union Bill of 1822, 7; her colonial policy in 1852, 15; the Hudson's Bay Company, 22, 158-9; the 'Trent' Affair, 25; her interest in Confederation, 26-27, 108-13, 170; opinions in regarding the ultimate destiny of Canada, 110-11, 119-122; her consideration for United States, 119, 128.

Granville, Lord, colonial secretary, 149, 172.

Grenville, Lord, and Dorchester's proposal, 3, 6.

Grey, Earl, governor-general, 15.

Haliburton, Robert, on opinion in Nova Scotia regarding Confederation, 100-1.

Halifax, the Canadian delegates entertained at, 48, 52-4.

Halliburton, Brenton, 8.

Hamilton, P. S., 15.

Hathaway, George, 99.

Haviland, T. Heath, a father of Confederation, 63 n.

Head, Sir Edmund, governor of Canada, 18.

Henry, William A., a father of Confederation, 49, 62 n., 122, 130, 153.

Hind, Prof. Henry Youle, 161.

Holton, Luther H., opposes Confederation, 28, 40, 42, 89, 183; on Sir John Macdonald, 179.

House of Commons, the basis of representation in, 77. See Parliament.

Howe, Joseph, 28-9; his opposition to Confederation, 16-17, 46, 55, 57, 100, 102-3, 115-116, 135; favours maritime union, 47-8; his speech upholding federation, 48; 'that pestilent fellow,' 153; goes to England to demand repeal, 154, 156; his meeting with Tupper, 155-6; enters the Dominion Cabinet, 156.

Howland, William P., and Confederation, 122, 130, 141, 143, 145; C.B.; 147.

Hudsons Bay Company, the, 2, 22; and the Dominion, 158-60.

Huntington, L. S., opposes Confederation, 28, 42.

Intercolonial Railway, the, 13, 28-9.

Jesuits' Estates Act, the, 71.

Johnston, J. W., and Confederation, 16.

Johnston, John M., a father of Confederation, 49, 63 n., 122.

Kenny, Edward, his inclusion in the first Dominion Cabinet, 145, 146.

Kent, Duke of, and Confederation, 7.

Kimberley, Lord, his views on the power to add to the Senate, 131.

Langevin, Hector L., a father of Confederation, 50-1, 62 n., 122, 146.

Letellier, Lieutenant-Governor, 42; the case of his dismissal, 69-70.

Liberals, and Confederation, 39, 40, 42, 141-4.

Lincoln, Abraham, and the 'Trent' Affair, 25.

Lotbiniere, Joly de, 42.

Lower Canada, 3; its relations with Upper Canada, 6-8; and Confederation, 84, 95.

Lyons, Lord, and the 'Trent' Affair, 25.

Lytton, Sir E. B., and Confederation, 19.

McCully, Jonathan, a father of Confederation, 49, 62 n., 93 n., 102, 122.

Macdonald, A. A., a father of Confederation, 50, 63 n.

Macdonald, John A., the Father of Confederation, 19, 33, 54, 106, 178-81; his relations with Brown, 31-2, 106, 142; the reconciliation and conference with Brown, 34-8, 39; the Charlottetown Conference, 50-1, 52; the Quebec Conference, 59, 61, 62 and note, 64, 180, 185; his appeal for a strong central authority, 67-8; on the office of lieutenant-governor, 70; on the mode of appointment to the Senate, 78-9, 80 and note; his prophetic utterance, 88; his policy of 'masterly inactivity,' 117; chairman at the London Conference, 122; a tribute to, 123-4; forms the first Dominion Cabinet on a non-party basis, 137-8, 140, 142, 144-6, 150; K.C.B., 147; his troubles with Howe and Nova Scotia, 153-6; the Red River Rebellion, 161; the Scott murder case, 168; and Sir John Rose, 175; his personality, 31, 86, 117, 150, 178-180.

Macdonald, John Sandfield, 151-2; opposed to Confederation, 27-8, 32, 89; prime minister of Ontario, 150-1, 153, 168.

Macdonnell, Sir R. G., governor of Nova Scotia, 53-4, 55, 103, 104.

McDougall, William, 160, 184-185; a father of Confederation, 40, 50-1, 62 n., 79, 80 n., 122, 181, 184-5; joins the Dominion Cabinet, 141, 143-4, 145, 160; C.B., 147; lieutenant-governor of the West Territory, 160-1, 163-164, 167.

McGee, Thomas D'Arcy, the orator of the Confederation movement, 24-5, 50-1, 62 n., 65 n., 181, 184; his patriotic conduct, 145, 146; assassinated, 146-7.

Mackenzie, Alexander, 40, 153; and a hostile Senate, 131; his integrity, 186.

Mackenzie, W. L., 6; his plan of Confederation, 8-9.

McLelan, A. W., 153.

Mair, Charles, 167.

Manitoba, in the Dominion, 159-68.

Maritime Provinces, the, and communication with Canada, 11-12; object to direct taxation, 80-1, 97. See various provinces.

Miller, William, his troubles in Nova Scotia, 115-16.

Mitchell, Peter, 28; a father of Confederation, 63 n., 122, 146.

Monck, Lord, first governor-general of the Dominion, 27, 50, 84-5, 137-8, 147; his personality and record, 139-40.

Morris, Alexander, 15; and the meeting between Macdonald and Brown, 34, 35.

Mowat, Oliver, a father of Confederation, 40, 62 n., 74-5, 79, 80 n.; and Macdonald, 179, 185; his career, 185-6.

Mulgrave, Lord, governor of Nova Scotia, 17, 26-7.

Musgrave, Anthony, governor of Newfoundland, 105; and of British Columbia, 172.

New Brunswick, 13, 44-5, 49, 51; the agitation against Confederation, 97-9; a change of front, 112-14, 173-4.

Newcastle, Duke of, on Canadian loyalty, 24; and Confederation, 26-7, 28, 109, 120-121.

Newfoundland, 13-14, 44, 50; rejects Confederation, 105, 175-6.

North-West Company, the, 2.

Nova Scotia, 13, 14; favours maritime union, 27, 45, 47, 49, 51; the opposition to Confederation, 99-104, 114-116; the agitation for repeal, 152-7; reconciled, 82, 156, 173-4.

Ontario. See Upper Canada.

Palmer, Edward, a father of Confederation, 49, 63 n.

Palmerston, Lord, 23; his adventurous foreign policy, 119, 120.

Parliament: Confederation a question of practical politics, 18-19; political deadlock, 30-32; Brown's committee on federal union, 32-3; the public reconciliation of Brown and Macdonald, 34; a coalition formed to forward Confederation, 38-41, 44, 144; an amusing incident, 42-3; the debate on the Quebec resolutions, 84-96; the mission to England and the resignation of Brown, 105-7; a period of 'masterly inactivity,' 117; the educational privileges of minorities, 132-3; dual premiership abolished, 137-9; the Hudson's Bay Company, 160. See Dominion.

Penny, Edward Goff, 57.

Pope, James C., 174.

Pope, John Henry, and Brown, 34, 35.

Pope, Sir Joseph, quoted, 32, 36, 61, 72 n., 76 n., 80, 93 n., 129, 138 n.

Pope, W. H., a father of Confederation, 49, 63 n., 82.

Prince Edward Island, 14, 44-45, 49, 51; and Confederation, 77, 104-5, 173-6.

Quebec. See Lower Canada.

Quebec Conference, the, 56-83. See under Confederation.

Reciprocity Treaty, the, 14, 25-26, 107.

Red River Rebellion, the, 159, 161-8.

Riel, Louis, leader in the Red River Rebellion, 164-6, 167, 168; his later career, 168-9.

Robinson, John Beverley, 8.

Rogers, Sir Frederic, his colonial views, 121-2; his tribute to Macdonald, 123-4.

Rose, Sir John, 174-5.

Ross, John, 18.

Rouges, the, and Confederation, 42. See Liberals.

Russell, Lord John, 15.

Saskatchewan, in the Dominion, 159, 168.

Schultz, Sir John, 167.

Scott, Thomas, his murder, 165-6.

Senate, the, composition of, 77-78, 129-31; mode of appointment to, 78-80, 91-2. See Parliament.

Sewell, Chief Justice, his plan of Confederation, 7-8.

Seymour, Frederick, governor of British Columbia, 170, 172.

Shea, Ambrose, a father of Confederation, 63 n., 82.

Smith, Sir Albert, prime minister of New Brunswick, 112, 114.

Smith, Goldwin, quoted, 21, 30, 93, 188.

Smith, William, his plan of Confederation, 2, 3, 4-6.

South Africa, her form of government, 66.

Stanley, Lord, and the naming of Canada, 128.

Steeves, W. H., a father of Confederation, 49, 63 n.

Strachan, Bishop, 7-8.

Strathcona, Lord, and the Red River Rebellion, 165.

Tache, Sir Etienne, prime minister of Canada, 39, 40, 61, 62 n., 91-2; death of, 106.

Tache, Bishop, and the Red River Rebellion, 162, 165, 169.

Tache, J. C., 15.

Thibault, Grand Vicar, 165.

Thirteen Colonies, granted independence, 1. See United States.

Thompson, Sir John, 186-7.

Tilley, S. L., 28, 54-5; a father of Confederation, 49, 57, 62 and note, 82, 122, 145, 181, 184; his defeat in New Brunswick, 97-9, 184; C.B., 147.

'Trent' Affair, the, 25.

Trutch, Joseph, advocates joining the Dominion, 172.

Tupper, Charles, 46, 154; proposes a maritime union, 45, 48-9; his services to the cause of Confederation, 45-6, 57, 62 n., 64, 82, 122, 154-6, 181, 184; plays a waiting game in Nova Scotia, 99, 104, 115-116; waives his claim to a place in the first Dominion Cabinet, 145, 146, 152; C.B., 147, 148; his meeting with Howe in London, 154-6, 116; his death, 178.

United States, and the 'Trent' Affair, 25; the weakness of her constitution, 67-8, 126.

Upper Canada, 3; its relations with Lower Canada, 6-8; and Confederation, 94-5.

Vancouver Island, 169-70.

War of 1812, a proof of the necessity for Confederation, 6-7.

Watkin, Edward, 148.

Wetmore, A. R., defeats Tilley on Confederation, 98-9.

Whelan, Edward, a father of Confederation, 63 n.

Whitney, Sir James, 151 n.

Wolseley, Colonel, quells the Red River Rebellion, 168.

Wood, E. B., 153.



Printed by T. and A. Constable, Printers to His Majesty at the Edinburgh University Press



THE CHRONICLES OF CANADA

THIRTY-TWO VOLUMES ILLUSTRATED

Edited by GEORGE M. WRONG and H. H. LANGTON



THE CHRONICLES OF CANADA

PART I

THE FIRST EUROPEAN VISITORS

1. THE DAWN OF CANADIAN HISTORY By Stephen Leacock.

2. THE MARINER OF ST MALO By Stephen Leacock.

PART II

THE RISE OF NEW FRANCE

3. THE FOUNDER OF NEW FRANCE By Charles W. Colby.

4. THE JESUIT MISSIONS By Thomas Guthrie Marquis.

5. THE SEIGNEURS OF OLD CANADA By William Bennett Munro.

6. THE GREAT INTENDANT By Thomas Chapais.

7. THE FIGHTING GOVERNOR By Charles W. Colby.

PART III

THE ENGLISH INVASION

8. THE GREAT FORTRESS By William Wood.

9. THE ACADIAN EXILES By Arthur G. Doughty.

10. THE PASSING OF NEW FRANCE By William Wood.

11. THE WINNING OF CANADA By William Wood.

PART IV

THE BEGINNINGS OF BRITISH CANADA

12. THE FATHER OF BRITISH CANADA By William Wood.

13. THE UNITED EMPIRE LOYALISTS By W. Stewart Wallace.

14. THE WAR WITH THE UNITED STATES By William Wood.

PART V

THE RED MAN IN CANADA

15. THE WAR CHIEF OF THE OTTAWAS By Thomas Guthrie Marquis.

16. THE WAR CHIEF OF THE SIX NATIONS By Louis Aubrey Wood.

17. TECUMSEH: THE LAST GREAT LEADER OF HIS PEOPLE By Ethel T. Raymond.

PART VI

PIONEERS OF THE NORTH AND WEST

18. THE 'ADVENTURERS OF ENGLAND' ON HUDSON BAY By Agnes C. Laut.

19. PATHFINDERS OF THE GREAT PLAINS By Lawrence J. Burpee.

20. ADVENTURERS OF THE FAR NORTH By Stephen Leacock.

21. THE RED RIVER COLONY By Louis Aubrey Wood.

22. PIONEERS OF THE PACIFIC COAST By Agnes C. Laut.

23. THE CARIBOO TRAIL By Agnes C. Laut.

PART VII

THE STRUGGLE FOR POLITICAL FREEDOM

24. THE FAMILY COMPACT By W. Stewart Wallace.

25. THE 'PATRIOTES' OF '37 By Alfred D. DeCelles.

26. THE TRIBUNE OF NOVA SCOTIA By William Lawson Grant.

27. THE WINNING OF POPULAR GOVERNMENT By Archibald MacMechan.

PART VIII

THE GROWTH OF NATIONALITY

28. THE FATHERS OF CONFEDERATION By A. H. U. Colquhoun.

29. THE DAY OF SIR JOHN MACDONALD By Sir Joseph Pope.

30. THE DAY OF SIR WILFRID LAURIER By Oscar D. Skelton.

PART IX

NATIONAL HIGHWAYS

31. ALL AFLOAT By William Wood.

32. THE RAILWAY BUILDERS By Oscar D. Skelton.



TORONTO: GLASGOW, BROOK & COMPANY

THE END