The New Training in Sex-education.—The need to have the right sort of fathers as well as fit mothers requires a new training in lines of sex-education. One of the most perplexing of all educational problems is how to give the needed training in this line in the best and most effective way. In the admirable volume on Sex-Education written by Professor Maurice A. Bigelow, of Teachers College, Columbia University, a list of eight reasons for sex-instruction is given which are here quoted by permission:

1. Many people, especially in youth, need hygienic knowledge concerning sexual processes as they affect personal health.

2. There is an alarming amount of the dangerous social diseases which are distributed chiefly by the sexual promiscuity or immorality of men.

3. The uncontrolled sexual passions of men have led to enormous development of organized and commercialized prostitution.

4. There are living to-day tens of thousands of unmarried mothers and illegitimate children, the result of the common irresponsibility of men and the ignorance of women.

5. There is need of more general following of a definite moral standard regarding sex-relationships.

6. There is a prevailing unwholesome attitude of mind concerning all sexual processes.

7. There is very general misunderstanding of sexual life as related to healthy and happy marriage.

8. There is need of eugenic responsibility for sexual actions that concern future generations.

To the propositions thus clearly stated all thoughtful students of family needs in education will give assent. This is not the place for specific treatment of prostitution and its effect upon the home, nor is it the place for a detailed statement of methods of sex-education and of social hygiene now advocated and beginning to show encouraging results in use. The simple statement must be made that if, as Spencer has said, one test of education is its ability to make men good husbands and fathers, the element of sex-education must not be omitted from the educative process. How or where the necessary information and stimulus to truly social conduct may or should be given is matter for another statement.

Heroes Held Up for Admiration.—One point, usually wholly ignored, must have some mention here, and that is the effect upon the minds of children and youth of types of social order that are taken for granted as proper and right in the setting of heroes and even of heroines commended to their example. We have taken our heroes from the past. That is natural. It requires an atmosphere of distance to render clear in outline the lives of the great and good. It may be that some prophets are held at just value by those with whom they live; it is almost never that great prophets are seen at their full stature, by the common apprehension, in the time of which they are a part. This makes us offer as stimulant to the ethical imagination, and sometimes as definite incitements to imitation, men and women whose social surroundings were quite other than those we are now striving to secure. How seldom is the teacher able to make the distinctions in social judgment required for full understanding of the character without spoiling the personal influence of the hero extolled. This is particularly true in the use of much Biblical material in Sunday School and in the unexplained classic references to the great and good. One wonders what children are thinking about, children who read in the daily papers long and spectacular accounts of trials for bigamy or adultery, when the worthies of the Old Testament are spoken of and their two or several wives taken as a matter of course in the lesson! One wonders what is the meaning of justness or kindness to the "servant" conveyed to the child in commandments which link together a man's ox and his ass, his laborer and his wife! The fact is that education has a narrow and perilous path to travel in moral lessons of every sort, a path between a dull and critical analysis of differences in moral standards and moral practice in the ages from which we have come and a wholesale commendation of people who would be haled before our modern courts for disobedience to laws were they to reappear upon our streets. The need for stimulation of the ethical imagination is so great, however, that we must dare this perilous path and master its difficulties. Perhaps no one has been able to do this more effectively than Mr. Gould, of the Moral Education Committee of England, who has used the story method with consummate tact in building up from the lower motive and the more ancient condition a series of pictures of human greatness, which end always on some summit of personal devotion in universal conditions to universal laws of right.[18] His method leaves the pupil in a glow of admiration of excellence without dulling his perception of realities of every-day life in his own time and place.

However difficult, we must try by some method to make youth realize what is excellent in those who have lived far enough in the past to inspire reverence and yet keep some connection between those heroes and sages of the older times and the march of human life upward and onward. Especially is this the case in all treatment of the family relation. We need not banish Chaucer's "Griselda" from the collections of poems worthy to live and to be read, but at least we should insert some companion pieces which show wifely fidelity in a more modern form. We may well ask the child's admiration of the craftsman's passion for achievement in "Palissey the Potter," but there might be ethical significance in pointing out that nowadays we sometimes question the right of a man to sacrifice to his art not only himself but his wife, his children, and all related to him. The fact is that although we cannot make use of any cumbersome scheme of historic outlines of social progress nor of any learned history of matrimonial institutions, we must somehow learn to permeate our teaching of history and of literature and our exaltation of examples of human greatness of character with the spirit of those who believe that humanity is learning, and can know how to manage social affairs better and better as the years of life-experience go on.[19]

Moral Training at the Heart of Education.—The right and helpful relation of the school to the family, then, is one that must first of all place moral character, the power to live a good and useful life in all social relations, at the centre. And it is one also that takes account particularly of the development of the family order and of what we must save and of what we may throw away in that order, if we would have a stable inner circle of human rights and duties as a pattern for all relationship in the industrial order and in the state.

Drill to Avert Economic Tragedies.—In view also of the danger of economic tragedies that affect the family,—dangers of unemployment of the father by reason of bad times beyond his control, of his disablement by industrial accident, of his too-early impairment of strength by reason of industrial misuse of his powers in ways he can not prevent,—it may be that education for every boy should include, while he is still under the legal wage-earning age, efficient drill in the simpler arts of agriculture. He who can get from the land the raw material for family comfort is alone, it would seem, able to meet all industrial catastrophes without alarm. In this country, at least, such a man, whatever his failure or misfortune in professional, in clerical, or in manual labor, may make good his father-office in basic essentials of family support. All that has been said about the need of mixing vocational training with preparation for home-making in the case of girls may be said with almost as much, force about the need of giving the average man an economic refuge in case of vocational disaster in the ability to work the land to meet essential family need. This is beginning to be understood as never before. The newest education of all, as has been said, is intent upon providing for girls and boys alike this training for economic safety in some expert use of land for self-support as well as for retranslation of older work interests. In these "schools of tomorrow" the boys as well as the girls, while still very young, are being trained to cook and to do necessary things for household comfort. This is not subversive of inherited divisions of labor in the home. This teaching only adds to the economic security of both sexes and may make the men of the future able to exist comfortably without so much personal service from their womenfolk, and, above all, may make the home a more perfectly cooeperative centre of our social order.

A Graduated Scale of Virtues.—In the French Categories of "Moral and Civil Instructions," first outlined in 1882 and perfected and applied in 1900, the children of the Public Schools of that country have their attention called first to the duties related to "Home and Family," going on from that topic to "Companionship, The School, Social Life, Animal Life, Self-respect, Work, Leisure and Pleasure, Nature, Art, Citizenship and Nationality," and ending with a study of the "Past and Future." The latter topic indicates an intent to give in some fashion the idea of human progress and something of its outstanding points of interest and value. Other moral codes aim at some sublimation of history and literature as a finish to courses in ethical instruction. It is for the student of social progress to insist that such study of the past, linked to the study of the present and to some hopeful outline of the future, be not used merely as a capstone but shall be woven in, as warp and woof of all education, as it touches every side of life.

Types of Education.—Dr. Lester Ward, in his Dynamic Sociology, lists the various types of education we must cherish and realize in the common life as follows:

"The Education of Experience; The Education of Discipline; The Education of Culture; The Education of Research; The Education of Information."

To this list, with which most educators would be in agreement, the believers in the "New Education" might add the Education of Development of Personality.

Experience, discipline, culture, research, and information are, however, the great means by which the personality absorbs the social inheritance and thus finds its own place in the social whole. The early initiation by the family to all these means of personal development is not yet exhausted either in function or in social usefulness. The family still begins the socializing process.

QUESTIONS ON THE FAMILY AND THE SCHOOL

1. In child-training, should the general aim be to give as much as possible of that training in the home or as much as possible in the school? or what is a wise and efficient balance between family and society influence in education?

2. Given a necessity in character-development for drill in obedience, stimulus toward self-development, capacity for self-control and for helpful association with others in the interest of the commonweal, what part, if any, can the home play which the school cannot?

3. What is the duty of citizens in respect to tax-supported and compulsory education and how can that duty be effectively done in city and country life?

4. How can educational systems be made to work for the better cooerdination of family life among the newly arrived immigrants?

5. Outline, in general suggestion, an educational program for boys and for girls which would be likely to directly aid the family in attaining stability and success among all classes, having regard to aim, subject-matter, methods of character-development and form of social provision and control in the school.

FOOTNOTES:

[17] See Democracy and Education, by John Dewey: "Because of death of individuals, life has to perpetuate itself by transmission, by communication; must be social in character."

[18] See The Children's Book of Moral Lessons, published by Watts and Co., London.

[19] See Principles of Sociology with Educational Applications, by Frederick R. Clow, a valuable and suggestive book for the general reader.



CHAPTER XV

THE FATHER AND THE MOTHER STATE

"I should like to point out by what principles of action we rose to power and under what institutions and through what manner of life we became great. We are called a democracy, for the administration is in the hands of the many, not the few; but while the law secures equal justice to all, the claim of excellence is always recognized. When a citizen is in any way distinguished he is preferred to the public service, not as a matter of privilege but as a reward of merit. Neither is poverty a bar, but a man may benefit his country whatever be the obscurity of his position.

"We are unrestrained in private intercourse, while a spirit of reverence pervades our public acts. We are prevented from doing wrong by respect for authority and for the laws, having an especial regard for those ordained for the protection of the injured, as well as to those unwritten laws which bring upon the transgressor the reprobation of general sentiment.

"We are lovers of the beautiful, though simple in our tastes, and we cultivate the mind without loss of manliness. An Athenian citizen does not neglect the state because he takes care of his own household, and even those engaged in business have a fair idea of politics.

"The great impediment to right action is, in our opinion, not discussion, but the want of that knowledge which may be gained by discussion.

"We do good to our neighbors not upon a calculation of interest but in the confidence of freedom and in a frank and fearless spirit." From the oration of Pericles, 450 B.C., as reported by Thucydides.

"Statesmen work in the dark until the idea of right towers above expediency or wealth. The Spirit of Society, not any outward institution, is the mighty power by which the hard lot of man is to be ameliorated.

"Every line of history inspires a confidence that things mend. This is the moral of all we learn; it warrants Hope, the prolific mother of all reforms. Our part is plainly not to block improvement or to sit until we are stone but to watch the uprise of progressive mornings and to conspire with the new work of new days."—EMERSON.

"Nations are the citizens of humanity as individuals are the citizens of the nation. As any individual should strive to promote the power and prosperity of his nation through the exercise of his special function, so should every nation in performing its special mission perform its part in promoting the prosperity and progressive advance of humanity."—MAZZINI.

"Our country hath a gospel of her own To preach and practise before all the world,— The freedom and divinity of man, The glorious claims of human brotherhood." —LOWELL.

The Socialization of the Modern State.—In a previous book before mentioned[20] and in many special articles published elsewhere, the idea has been stressed that society is now witnessing a remarkable coalescence of two ethical movements which are of special significance in the new political equality of men and women. These two movements are, first, the call for the application to women of the principles embodied in our national Bill of Rights; and, second, the introduction of what is called social welfare work into governmental provisions and administration. The first marked the reaction of women, belated but strong, and at last successful in realization of purpose, to the eighteenth Century demand for the recognition of human rights regardless of color, sex, or previous condition of servitude. The second was a reaction of social sympathy and a growing sense of social responsibility for the better development of the common life. These two movements so worked together that as women marched toward the citadel of political power and responsibility, political action became more and more permeated by forms of social interest in which women were already alert, and by forms of social activity in which women were already proficient. This is particularly noticeable in the United States. For example, in our country we have changed the common point of view and the general governmental approach to individual and private life in the following important particulars:

1. Health—public and private, in matters of prevention of disease and in care of the sick and the convalescent.

2. Education—in respect to all ages and to all peculiar needs of special training.

3. Philanthropy, or the social care of the dependent, the poverty-bound, the defective, and the juvenile delinquent.

4. Penology, or the laws and their administration which deal with crime and criminals and with both the victims of and the panderers to vice.

5. Recreation and all manner of publicly provided opportunity for helpful use of leisure time.

6. Conservation of natural resources in the interest of common wealth.

7. Checks upon economic exploitation by the greedy and strong of the young, the weak, and the ignorant.

8. Checks upon those commercialized forms of recreation which tend to despoil childhood and youth of innocence and refinement.

9. Official standardizing of ways of living found to be conducive to physical, mental, and moral well-being, and social aids toward vocational training and guidance.

10. The union of Federal with State and Local efforts for the general welfare.

The Interest and Work of Women in This Process of Political Change.—In every one of these new forms of approach to individual life by the general public through law, tax-supported opportunity, or special grant of official aid, women have played a distinct and a large part. When, therefore, women entered formally into the body politic of these United States, they entered into a place of power already familiar to them in many of its activities. Indeed, they had helped to outline and to make effective many of those activities and came into a new relation to them only by virtue of a recognized access of control over their administration. When government was merely a restraining or a military power over individual life, there might be to many minds an incongruity in women assuming voter's privileges and duties. When government became a means for conserving and nurturing and developing individual life, mothers, at least, could be easily seen to have proper part in its functions.

Health a Social Enterprise.—To briefly rehearse this list of political activities is to show marked changes in social ideals. We have entered upon a crusade against preventable disease and for the better physical development of all citizens and potential citizens. This crusade now makes the official Boards of Health, the hospital and medical service, the nurse's vocation, and the lay volunteer support of all these, the outstanding features of our community life. Epidemics used to be considered visitations of an avenging Providence for the people's sins. So they are in essence and in modern translation of old ideas, a punishment by Nature for broken laws; experiences to be ashamed of now that we know how to prevent them. Deaths of babies, once mysterious dispensations of Infinite power, have come to mean indictments of community and family for failure to furnish right conditions for infant life. Deaths of mothers in childbirth, leaving older children without suitable protection and care, once thought events to which to be resigned, however sad and pitiable, are now seen to be preventable calamities for which society is to blame. Avoidable cripplement and invalidism of workmen, once considered either their own fault or unexplained misfortune, are now listed as cause for receipt of sickness and accident benefits under Workmen's Compensation Laws. Premature old age, due to overwork and undernourishment, is on its way to be proceeded against as a record of social neglect. All waste of life's vigor and happiness which is indicated by lower levels of health and strength in any class or age than can be secured by the more favored is from now on recorded as social failure and social fault. Hence, the state and all manner of private agencies are at work to make physical standards higher and physical conditions better for all. When we remember that the pioneer worker in organization of Boards of Public Health and the founder of the American Public Health Association, Dr. Stephen Smith, has just passed away after reaching the hundred year mark of life's usefulness, we can readily see how rapid has been the growth in scientific attention to health and social agencies for its advance.

General and Vocational Training for All.—In education we have not accomplished all that the leaders in that field outlined for us two generations ago, but there is a movement all along the line to make it possible for every person to have at least a fair start toward education in the compulsory free school; and for adults, younger or older, to make up for early deficiencies by constantly increasing later opportunities of special and of general training in the things every citizen should know. Allusion to new specialties of varied educational facilities has before been made.

No one can doubt that as teachers and helpers to teachers, as members of educational societies, and as acting on official boards by appointment, women have been long serving in the ranks and needed the ballot only to make their function more inclusive and more commanding in directive power. When we remember that it is only since 1837, when Horace Mann published the first Report of a State Board of Education and began his great work for the Common School of his country, that we have had even a distinct social goal in this great field of endeavor we cannot be pessimistic about future accomplishment. When that educational leader declared in response to those who remonstrated with him for turning aside from the usual and, for him, brilliant opportunities of the law, "The next generation is to be my client," he started a new profession, and the present effort in education is but the widening of that social furrow. When we recall that Mary Lyon, in opening Mt. Holyoke Seminary for Girls in that same year of 1837, offered the first opportunity to girls of limited means of what could be called higher education, we can better realize how rapid has been the movement to fit women for educational service. We, at least, now have a clearer aim in education and are at liberty to use fit men and fit women alike for its realization. The one great contribution of later times is the determination to share with all the opportunities once held sacred to a select few.

Women's Work in Philanthropy.—In philanthropy there has been so great a transformation both in ideal and in method that it amounts to a change in the centre of gravity. Charity once had for its aim the easing of unbearable misery, the giving of alms to relieve the starving, and personal aid of all sorts to those who were not expected to be lifted out of the category of the poor, those who must be always helped, but should be helped in a spirit of kindness. Now we have the command for permanent care for the helpless where they will not handicap the normal. We have the varied agencies for preventing delinquency in youth and many a new type of moral rehabilitation for all who have stepped but a short distance out of the ordered path of life. We have the ideal of every defective child in permanent custodial homes, every insane person cared for with humanity and trained intelligence, every dependent child readjusted to family life by adoption or trained happily and usefully in residential school, every aged person protected from want and misery in public or private homes, every widowed mother helped to take care of her own children, and every sick person aided by hospital and clinic and visiting nurse and convalescent home in readjustment to normal activity. Finally, we have boldly replaced the motto, "Relieve Poverty," by the new slogan, "Abolish Poverty," and we are impatient with ourselves and with social arrangements if any considerable number of our fellow-beings are obliged without fault of theirs to receive material relief. In all this, what a part has been played by women! Dorothea Dix revolutionized the care of the insane in the United States. Louisa Lee Schuyler organized and for fifty years energized and directed the work of the New York State Charities Aid Association which made over into humane and intelligent social care-taking the inherited institutions of a more ignorant and indifferent time. The first woman to serve on the State Board of Charities in New York, Josephine Shaw Lowell, whose motherhood in the family and the state knew no bounds and whose statesmanship comprehended every social relation, is not the last to so serve. "The lady with the lamp," Florence Nightingale, who pioneered in trained nursing has had many a follower in this as in other countries. The annals of all charitable agencies show that at every step, whether recognized as responsible members of the body politic or not, women have done the work in large and efficient measure when the state took over a new job of life-saving and of life-nourishment.

In the realm of penology we have moved far from the old private prison into which the noble could cast his enemy and no one question his acts. We have moved far from the early prison which was easily neglected in all sanitary as in all moral conditions, since it was then only a stopping place, often for a short time only, on the way from court condemnation to hanging or mutilation, flogging or exile. When the prison became a place for longer sojourn, and sentence to it became in itself a legal punishment, humane men and women began to feel the importance of knowing what went on in the places set aside for offenders against the law, and Howard and others set the tendency toward a more humane and reasonable treatment of criminals. We now are at work finding out who are real criminals and who are accidentally caught in the meshes of hurtful circumstances, who among the offenders against the law are mentally responsible, and who are but children of adult bodily size, and what to do for and with the intentional enemy of social order. We have not yet learned to apply the ideals we have gained in wise and effective treatment of the small minority of men, and far smaller minority of women, who cannot or will not walk the safe and well-outlined road of the law-abiding, but we have some concepts that promise to guide us in this particular and the new Penology is born. Men and women alike are working out details of direction and shouldering the heavy social work demanded. The thing that is most conspicuous in Penology is the new attitude of courts of law, of judges and even of juries. This is an attitude of humane inquiry into causes of moral breakdown, and humane dealing with criminals as of right entitled to a fair chance. Surely this is a fatherly attitude taking the place of old punitive ideas.

Culture Aids to the Common Life.—When we come to the new work of making the streets safer for the spirit of youth, and the life of all more protected and happy by recreative measures standardized for personal uplift, we are distinctly in the area of parental functions of the modern state. It takes fatherly men and motherly women to run the public playground, and to make the parks, the museums, the settlement clubs and classes, and the children's rooms in public libraries what we now will that they shall be,—the centres of eager interest and the nursery of character development. The mention of the free public library suggests what is probably the most potent of all the higher social influences in our American life. In the large city and in the small town alike, and even in remote rural districts served by the Loan Libraries, the opportunity to find what will feed the mind and lead toward the delight of the printed page is one that has meant more to more people who were aspiring and able to become leaders in any sphere of life than has any other opportunity; perhaps than even the public school after the main essentials of early grade teaching have been gained.

To sit in a public library and watch the eager interest of each newcomer, to see the patience, the understanding, the sympathetic attitude and the earnest effort to be of utmost service which the librarian almost invariably shows, and to see the absorbed attention of the readers in what they have been assisted in selecting, is to bless the generosity and public spirit of every one who has made the public library so common a blessing. Not all books are equally helpful, not all give equal pleasure, it is true, but when one gets a book with a message in it for him, what a joy!

One often thinks of the lovely song of Emily Dickinson when sitting thus in a public library:

"He ate and drank the precious words, His spirit grew robust; He knew no more that he was poor Or that his frame was dust. He danced along the dingy ways And this bequest of wings Was but a book. What liberty A loosened spirit brings!"

Many Languages in One Country.—In this connection must be noted the effort of many to limit this "bequest" to the language of the country. In another connection we have noted the difficulty that inheres in having many differing tongues in one community, the difficulty of reaching a common ideal and method of living when language is a barrier and not an aid to companionship. This barrier of language to the foreign-born is often cited as a reason why the immigrant is handicapped. It is also a reason why social efforts and religious influences often fail of success and why so many native-born Americans fail to understand the newer Americans. If, as many prophesy, the English language becomes the standard tongue for business and diplomacy and literature, all the best products of every nation being made available by translation, at least, for those speaking English, it can become that ruling tongue only by slow degrees. Meanwhile, the chasm between citizens of a common country made by differing languages may be bridged by far greater effort on the part of older Americans gifted in the use of foreign tongues. We see women by the hundreds flocking to Europe and the East to "get local color" and perfect themselves in foreign languages, who might find at their own doors, among those illiterate in English, but with a wealth of knowledge of their own native literature and speech, men and women who would be able, if rightly approached, to exchange national values both in literature and history to mutual advantage. The need of adult education on the part of the foreign-born is not always a need to be met by condescending from above to those of low intellectual estate. It is often a mere requirement to master another form of speech by those, already linguists, or at least in possession of a broader use of language than is the average citizen of the United States. The ways of social helping in this line are many and of the highest political importance. The variety of languages spoken in the United States, however, is not so serious an obstacle to the intercommunication of our population for political information and in organization for common ends of the public good as is the shameful condition of illiteracy among the electorate. The foreign-language publications in the United States numbered, in 1914, 1404, of which 160 were dailies, with total circulation per issue of 2,598,827, and 868 weeklies with a total circulation per issue of 4,239,426, and other publications to the number of 376 with a total circulation per issue of 3,609,735. These foreign-language journals are not all or many of them devoted to "stirring up strife" and do not prevent absorption of the foreign-born in the body politic. They are, on the contrary, necessary means of making those who speak foreign tongues acquainted with facts and conditions which newcomers need to know and understand. During the Great War our government used these foreign-language publications to spread broadcast appeals for financial and personal support. The excellent "Foreign Language Information Service," still existing and having Federal backing, has in hand the introduction into the principal foreign-language publications of information and appeal calculated to make good American citizens. The demand that has been made in moments of excitement for the abolition of the foreign-language press is therefore as stupid as it is unfriendly. Only by the use of his native tongue can a man who does not yet understand English be made to feel and act as a genuine part of the citizenship of his adopted country. It is for those who cherish real Americanism to try to get into these publications, which are the strategic point of contact between older and newer Americans, all that is deemed vital to the welfare of our common country. Through a wise use of this material in every free public library and in the multiplied Loan Libraries in remote districts, the newcomers in our country who read intelligently their own language and are eager to learn, may gain all that a good citizen needs to know. And if in parallel columns the English with the foreign language should be used to convey the same thought, the progress will be doubly fast in true Americanization.

Personal Conservation.—In the conservation of natural resources for the benefit of all the people we have been slow to understand either our social danger, or our social opportunity, but our Federal Government is setting us notable lessons and local communities are trying to learn and follow them, and Women's Clubs all over the country are staying up the hands of officials and trying to help save the people's inheritance for the people's wealth; surely a fatherly and a motherly office if any state function can be. When we enter the area of protection of the young and weak and ignorant against the exploitation of vice and greed and selfishness, we are in the very centre of that parental care which the modern state now seeks to give to its citizens. When the Great War turned into training camps the flower of our youth, these agencies for moral protection and social watch-care which had been so largely developed as volunteer and private social work, became the resource of a government bent on keeping men "fit to fight," and on preserving young women in the vicinity of the camps both from giving and receiving harmful influences. Since then, more than ever, such agencies for moral protection have become official in civic life and have the endorsement and the aid of government. It is one new feature of all modern protective work that women are employed as members of the police, as matrons in public places supported by tax, and indeed in places of commercial recreation, as judges of special courts where parole and methods of suspended sentence are used, and in all places where boys and girls are exposed to danger and to temptation. Thus the home influence is spreading out toward the work-place and the play-centre—truly a retranslation of family service in terms of the public life.

The Children's Bureau.—Our government at Washington used to be limited in its function to those political services which no state organization could accomplish by itself, but now the Federal departments are busily at work setting standards, if only through authentic information and suggestion, which aim to raise the average life in all directions, economic and social. The Children's Bureau is preeminently a standardizing body, although with no power to issue or enforce decrees. The Bureaus which have to do with foods and animal life and farm management are setting higher and higher levels of attainment for the common people in their home life and in their vocational work. There is a strong movement to enlarge the educational influence at the very heart of our national government with a Cabinet Head to set a high standard of attainment in both the art, the science, and the administration of education as well as to aid in equalizing educational opportunity. Moreover, there is a strong tendency, seen most recently and vividly in the provisions of the Maternity Aid Bill, for all social efforts to ask and to be granted Federal financial aid on the fifty-fifty plan. There is not a consensus of opinion among the thoughtful as to the wisdom of thus placing upon the general government the burden of social schemes upon which a minority of the people, be that minority large or small, are alone agreed. The force of persuasion may secure national legislation in advance of that which many local communities already have or are seeking to secure. The increase of national power through the work of national officials is not deemed politically sound by some persons who favor specific action by the states alone in such matters as maternity aid. The tendency is, however, a proof of two things, one that we are as a people becoming a nation; that is more a centralized and united governmental force—and the other that more and more people are trying in every way to secure a more uniform as well as a higher standard of living for all our citizens.

A Women's Lobby at the National Capitol.—It is said that the most powerful lobby in Washington is "the Public Welfare Lobby backed by seven million organized American women." This lobby is composed of representatives of the following organizations of women with number of members estimated as indicated:

National League of Women Voters 2,000,000 General Federation of Women's Clubs 2,000,000 Women's Christian Temperance Union 500,000 National Congress of Mothers and Parent-Teacher Associations 310,000 National Women's Trade Union League 600,000 Daughters of the American Revolution 200,000 American Home Economics Association 1,800 National Consumers' League (No number given) American Association of University Women 16,000 National Council of Jewish Women 50,000 Girls' Friendly Society 52,000 Young Women's Christian Association 560,000 National Federation of Business and Professional Women 40,000 Women's League for Peace and Freedom 2,500

This represents a formidable influence upon public affairs, one that may do some harm along with much good, unless it goes to school to social facts and balances its social sympathy (already shown in such alert attention to the needs of the weaker and younger portion of the nation) with sober and sane understanding of the difficulty of getting progress in any line unless a majority of the people are unitedly in favor of it and willing to sacrifice something in order to secure it.

There are signs already that among the leaders of women in the new organization of Women Voters there is a feeling that the pendulum may swing too far toward philanthropic measures, for some of which the general public is as yet unprepared. The call is already made for more concentration upon the better enforcement of existing laws, rather than upon constant demand for new legislation in the interest of social welfare.

Women's Interest in Public Life a Social Asset.—The fact, however, that so many women are actively engaged not only in watching legislation and in learning the character and ability of political leaders in the national Congress, but also in trying to raise the average life of the people of the country by and through better laws and more efficient enforcement, is cause for great encouragement. It shows that women came into their kingdom of political power just as the state was ready to take on the functions no longer fully expressed within the family circle. If we must be shocked by learning that a baby a day is being given away in New York City through advertisements in the daily papers, and with a haste and carelessness that proves lack of responsibility in parents and guardians, we may be relieved of fear that love of children is dying out when we see what are the things that millions of women are now banded together to secure for the betterment of all child-life. Largely owing to such efforts, fewer babies die during the first year of life now in any listed one hundred thousand, than ever before in our American history. If we find that many people are living without the comforts they need and in conditions inimical to health and morality, we can at least take comfort in the fact that fewer go to the "poorhouse" than used to be found there when all sorts of dependents were sent to that one institution. With the state's new discrimination and graded assorting of young and old and sick and well and sane and insane and normal and subnormal, the state care is on lines at once more humane to the individual and more helpful to social organization.

The state is indeed turning father and mother in its newer agencies for social conservation and social aid to the distressed and miserable. And as the state thus does the work that once was attempted and poorly done by the collective family, it must more and more call to its service the men and women of parental quality and of fit and devoted expression of the protective and the nurturing elements of human nature.

Social Service in Peace.—The state has always called for sacrificial service from its members. It has called most of all for such sacrificial service when danger seemed to threaten the national existence, or enemies of the government lifted treasonable intent against the peace and order to which the majority of citizens were devoted. Now we are called upon, if only we can realize the new claims upon the higher patriotism, to make the country we love what all countries should be, a home of freedom, of mutual helpfulness, of economic well-being and of incorrupt and progressive political order. It has been said and truly, "The ideas of great men are apprehended slowly, and a free and rational society must in part exist before the dream of such a society can be interpreted." We have a dream of a free, a noble, a competent, a happy people in our America. We must be careful at every point lest by carelessness of political forms or lack of understanding of what those forms should be, we hinder the development of that free and rational society in which the noblest thoughts and highest ideals of the best and finest of our leaders can alone find root and grow.

Problems Voters Must Solve.—Three special problems are before the voters of our country, problems commanding in importance and not easy of solution. They are, first, the problem which inheres in our union of States, with their wide divergence of climate, soil, industries, population, standards of action and ideals of national and local action. The problem is this: what shall we decide is the measure of wise and useful division between the laws and conditions we shall make national in extent of social control and in practical functioning of political administration, and those of smaller autonomous units? What shall belong to the Federal Government and make field for its activity? What shall belong to the various States and make up their separate systems of law and administration? And what shall be left to each locality, or each county of each State, for its own political activity? These are not easy questions to answer, and the constant movement toward centralization of power, not only of standardization but of control in the National Government (a movement which received such an immense impetus during the war), is likely to make this a movable problem of differing answers as our nation grows older. The division of States may give a geographical symbol of deep inherent differences of background of culture and even of race, or that division may mean only a superficial mark of geographic outline between two sets of communities alike in all their inheritance and tendency. In any case, how much weight shall still be attached to "States Rights," and how much shall we press for a uniform life throughout all the land? What shall be the special duties of each local community toward its common needs of education, of recreation, of moral protection, and social order? How much in any given place shall the tendency of neighbors to be unwilling to testify against each other when wrong-doing is practised, and unable to withstand any evil influence when near the centre of its working, lead us to unite in demanding a larger unit for the Juvenile Court or the enforcement of laws against commercialized vice or any other social concern where justice demands a free hand and no favor to any group? These are questions with which some of our volunteer agencies of social work have wrestled. The answers that wise and good people have made to them should have weight in any decision we may make as to the right and effective divisions of law and its enforcement in our American system. This problem of division of authority has within it a puzzling counter-interpretation of our original Constitution and of our history up to date. The doctrine of "States Rights," it is said, received its death blow in the Civil War, but the equal political and civil rights of the negro, which that war was supposed to establish as a national concern, vary with the varying attitudes of people of the different states toward the enforcement of the Constitutional Amendments which were intended to secure those rights. The Southern States, it is said, still stand for the dignity and autonomy of each Commonwealth in matters of restriction upon labor and of provision for tax-supported education, but the inner stronghold of the Federal Prohibition Amendment is the section of the country south of Mason and Dixon's line. The new States, again it is said, are more tenacious of national centralization of government because more evidently drawing their powers from the federal centre, but in the valley of the Mississippi from north to south,—that section which promises to have the determination of the course of American history in its hands for the next hundred years,—there are signs that the state autonomy and the state jealousy of invasion of local authority in the interest of national conformity to federal law are not by any means unknown. There should be some more carefully outlined and more commonly understood principles of judgment to lead us to decisions, when a thing we believe it good to do or a law we desire to set in place and in operation call upon us for support, as to the best way of using that support. Whether to try for a federal amendment or a national statute, whether to work wholly within each State, or whether it is matter which so depends upon local sentiment and local cooeperation that each smallest community centre must work out its own salvation, or secure its own advance in independent work,—this is the problem.

Comparison Between National and Local Effort.—One reason why some elements of social progress lag behind others which are not more firmly believed in is that confusion of effort has followed the contrary forms of attack upon the national, the state, or the local governments for the furtherance of the object in which all parties believe. Instances are not needed in this connection for every person who has worked or who desires to work for social betterment finds this question at the gateway of organized effort. Shall one turn to the centralizing tendency in political life of our country for support of a given measure, or shall one make a breakwater in that tendency and concentrate attention upon the smaller political units?

Preferential Voting.—The second problem of political science and art which presses upon the attention of our electorate is one which is bound up in methods of selection and election of our legislators and executives. The ever-recurring question of, "For whom shall we vote?"—rests back upon the deeper question, "For whom shall we have a chance to vote?" The primary was supposed to end the acknowledged corruption and inadequacy of the caucus system. The primary is an advance on the secret caucus with its choice of men for the highest office by a few partisan politicians only, whose business it is to keep party lines strong and to make them carry their candidate into office. The primary, however, we see, is a very expensive method and open to many dangers, and progressive students of political methods are not satisfied with it. Why can we not move, and strongly, for preferential voting? For some plan by which it shall be the public purse only which secures the necessary printing and circularizing for required information, and no personal differences in wealth shall have any weight in the listing of names on the ballot? To have a law by which any legally named number of voters (a sufficient number to keep out lonely cranks, but not a sufficient number to suppress considerable minorities) should indicate by petition desire for a chance to vote for a specific representative of their political ideals? The legal requirement that such persons so named should have a place on the official ballot and that all voting citizens should be able to indicate their graded preference for all candidates thus officially listed, would give the people of a democracy a chance to really choose the kind of legislators they want and the kind of executives they think they need. In the present situation the independent mind and conscientious purpose often has a choice only between "necessary evils" or the refuge of the political "woods."

Proportional Representation.—The adoption of some form of preferential voting can alone give the voters a chance for proportional representation of their ideals and aims in legislative bodies. We are seeing that the limits of useful partisanship in politics are narrower than was once thought. No sane and sensible person really believes that all of goodness and of wisdom is contained in his party and that its success is a valid reason for "turning out the rascals" of the other party. No sane and sensible person believes that there is such a thing as "Democratic" economy, or "Republican" justice, or "Socialistic" efficiency, or "Labor Party" good government. There are only economy, efficiency, justice, and good government. Each party may have a different ideal of the best method of attaining these political necessities, and, therefore, since truth is not gained by dogmatic assumptions of any one set of persons but by approach to problems of mind and character from different angles of experience and of study, each party should have its representatives in the legislative bodies of nation, state, and community. And every new idea of political reform and social progress that by dint of hard work among the intellectual and moral elite has gained a substantial following in public opinion of even a relatively small minority, has, in justice, and in demand for constant advance in human affairs, a right to a place in the high debate of political leadership. It is, therefore, for those who believe in the worth and use of freedom and of mutual tolerance and respect, in political discussion and action, to work for some method of selection of political representatives of the people which will make our legislative bodies more truly official sections of the thought and moral ideal of the whole life of the body politic. This is, perhaps, the greatest of the political calls for increased wisdom and practical sense in our country.

The third problem which presses for attention, study and possible solution upon the voters of the United States, and one in which the new voters, the women, are peculiarly concerned and in a position of past experience and of present activity to add much weight and value to the debate it occasions, is this:

What Shall Public and What Shall Private Social Service Attempt?—How far and by what ways shall the varied philanthropic and educational activities which are named in mass "social work," and which have been developed and are now so largely operated by private and volunteer agencies and organizations, be made a part of the official service of the father and the mother state? In this social work, so far, the few have set a pattern of aid to individuals, which public agencies have tended to take over without much serious study of whether in any particular case the transfer was necessary or wise. This change has often been made, also, without determining whether or not further supervisory work by the private citizen was needed to keep the social enterprise true to its original and tested principles of action. The time has come when in all such changes from private and volunteer work of a few to the demand for support and the dependence upon guidance of the many, through public officials, we should have some clear guiding principle. What that principle may be it is not the purpose here to discuss, but the state that is now doing so much that only families were formerly expected to do, and is attempting to do so much that only trained and devoted service of experts chosen by acknowledged leaders in social service has previously tried to accomplish, must be tutored and must be supervised by a more intelligent electorate if it is to do its more ambitious tasks well. No private agency should allow its finest fruits of longest study and effort to be absorbed by official provision and control, unless it can gain assurance that those fruits will be secure in the transfer.

This all indicates that women voters who have, happily, no past bondage to partisanship to overcome, who entered upon their political power with no pledges to any one party to hamper their free action, and who, being indebted to progressive party leaders in every one of the political divisions, have friends in every one, may and should do much to help progressive and independent men voters to solve the deeper problems of our political situation with clarity of judgment and true patriotic devotion.[21]

Difficulty in Being a Good American Citizen.—We have the most mixed of populations. We have the greatest variety of inherited national and racial backgrounds in the electorate. We have the widest stretches of country, and therefore the most difficult adjustments to any centralized system of government. We have the most mobile common life, our people moving from State to State, and from one sectional interest to another with bewildering frequency. We have as yet no universal schooling even in the rudiments of reading and writing of the English language to serve as common basis for common knowledge. We have a lack of ethical unity in many basic problems of the family, the industrial order, the type of tax-supported schooling, and the ideals of patriotism. These conditions seem to make it more difficult to become a first-class American citizen than to achieve political competency in any other government on earth. Even with the confusion in countries abroad, even in the European tangles of feuds and suspicions and the horrible weight of starvation and physical weakness of the Old World, we may yet, if serious in our judgment of American life, soberly acknowledge the greatest difficulties of all political adjustment which lie within our own political life. Such acknowledgment is not to any true American of the older stock and the more noble patriotism a confession of discouragement or an apology for social failures in our common life. It is rather, for all nobler and wiser citizens, a stimulant to constant vigilance in defence of inherited liberties and a call to deeper consecration and more devoted service in our political relationship. Finally, the father and the mother state does not try or want to live to itself alone. We have learned that selfishness in the private family leads to social ills and weakness which society in general, which surrounds all private families, must correct and amend. Are we not learning in the awful light of the recent world conflagration that selfishness in nations leads to social ills and weakness which can be corrected only by world organization for world well-being?

Our Country a Member of the Family of Nations.—That America we love and would serve with a higher patriotism and a wiser political method is a part of the great family of nations, and if it has learned any lessons of fatherly and motherly function of state care and development of the individual life, it has learned those lessons not for isolated national culture, but as a part of the universal schooling in the gospel of human brotherhood.

Rightly to understand and rightly to apply that teaching of race-experience in all the complicated life of international relationship is more truly to serve the best interests of every smallest community within our own nation. As Immanuel Kant declared so long ago, "The constantly progressive operation of the good principle works toward erecting in the human race, as a community under moral laws, a kingdom which shall maintain the victory over evil and secure under its domination an eternal peace."

It has been urged that patriotism is the piety of the school, and brotherhood is the gospel of the church, and justice is the righteous law of industry, and mutual reverence and mutual affection are the heart of the family life. If this be true, then patriotism itself is the working-out in ever-widening circles of that ideal of cooeperation for the common good, which shall at last make every Father and Mother State a worthy member of the Family of Nations.

Vows of Civic Consecration.—The Athenian youth took a solemn pledge when he arrived at the age when his relation to the City became consciously one of loyal service. This vow may be translated as follows: "We will never bring disgrace to this our City by any act of dishonesty or cowardice nor ever desert our comrades. We will fight for the ideals and sacred things of the City both alone and with many. We will revere and obey the City laws and do our best to incite a like respect and reverence in others. We will strive unceasingly to quicken in all the sense of civic duty, that thus in all ways we may transmit this City, greater, better and more beautiful to all who shall come after us." Should not some such solemn act of consecration mark the advent of each youth into the actual citizenship of his town and his country? A modern writer, Thomas L. Hinckley, has summed up a "Municipal Creed" as the utterance of the "Spirit of the Modern City," as follows:

"I believe in myself—in my mission as defender of the liberties of the people and guardian of the light of civic idealism.

I believe in my people—in the sincerity of their hearts and the sanity of their minds—in their ability to rule themselves and to meet civic emergencies—in their ultimate triumph over the forces of injustice, oppression, exploitation and iniquity.

I believe that good food, pure water, clean milk, abundant light and fresh air, cheap transportation, equitable rents, decent living conditions and protection from fire, from thieves and cut-throats and from unscrupulous exploiters of human life and happiness, are the birth-right of every citizen within my gates; and that insofar as I fail to provide these things, even to the least of my people, in just this degree is my fair name tarnished and my mission unfulfilled.

I believe in planning for the future, for the centuries which are to come and for the many thousands of men, women and children who will reside within my gates and who will suffer in body, in mind and in worldly goods unless proper provision is made for their coming.

I believe in good government and in the ability of every city to get good government; and I believe that among the greatest hindrances to good government are obsolete laws—which create injustice; out-grown customs—which are unsocial; and antiquated methods—which increase the cost of government and destroy its efficiency.

I believe that graft, favoritism, waste or inefficiency in the conduct of my affairs is a crime against my fair name; and I demand of my people that they wage unceasing war against these municipal diseases, wherever they are found and whomsoever they happen to touch.

I believe that those of my people who, by virtue of their strength, cleverness or thrift, or by virtue of other circumstances, are enabled to lead cleaner lives, perform more agreeable work or think more beautiful thoughts than those less fortunate, should make recompense to me, in public service, for the advantages which I make it possible for them to enjoy.

I believe that my people should educate their children in the belief that the service of their city is an honorable calling and a civic duty, and that it offers just as many opportunities for the display of skill, the exercise of judgment or the development of initiative as do the counting houses and markets of the commercial world.

Finally, I believe in the Modern City as a place to live in, to work in, and to dream dreams in—as a giant workshop where is being fabricated the stuff of which the nation is made—as a glorious enterprise upon whose achievements rests, in large measure, the future of the race."[22]

We may think that these utterances stress too much the city life and fail to visualize the wide stretches of rural communities and the small towns where a few people only make the atmosphere and administer the laws. The spirit, however, must be the same, whether one dwells with the crowd or on some lonely farm. The spirit of that genuine patriotism which is not satisfied to have one's country less noble and less unselfish than its own ideal of what a country should be.

The Children's Code of Morals.—It is in the spirit of such a patriotism that The Children's Code of Morals has been prepared by William J. Hutchins, and is sent broadcast by the "National Institute for Moral Instruction," In this code, boys and girls are enjoined and pledge themselves to be good Americans by obeying the following laws: "The Law of Health; The Law of Self-control; The Law of Self-reliance; The Law of Reliability; The Law of Clean Play; The Law of Duty; The Law of Good Workmanship; The Law of Friendly Cooeperation in Good Team-work; The Law of Kindness; The Law of Loyalty."

Though children and youth may learn these laws by heart and understand and agree to the fine statements by which they are expounded and make through them a detailed promise to obey the laws of "right living" by which alone the citizenship of our country may serve its best interests—that in itself could not make all citizens what they should be. It is, however, a lesson of the past that youth needs some outward and visible sign of its "coming of age." Now, as in the past, youth needs some form of consecration to high ideals. It needs some ceremony that shall fix the lessons of patriotism, of social responsibility and of community service, and stir to noble purpose. The education that begins in the home is not finished by any college graduation or even by vocational training for a useful career. Its great "Commencement" is that which ushers the young man, and now also the young woman, into conscious and responsible relationship to the body politic. This Commencement should have its solemn and beautiful ritual and should be made the great event of all young life.

QUESTIONS ON THE FATHER AND THE MOTHER STATE

1. What changes in legislation and in law enforcement is the entrance of women into the electorate likely to effect?

2. Should the State be more and more charged with responsibility for care of the weak, the defective, the delinquent, dependent, and sick, the out-of-work, the aged, and those heavily burdened by parentage of young children, and if so, how can society escape a tendency to remove from individuals and from the family that sense of personal responsibility upon which the best things in our inherited social order have been built?

3. Should women voters particularly address themselves to increasing public welfare provisions or should they try to solve difficult problems of adjustment between public and private effort for the common good? If both, how can they adjust effort to party politics on the one side, and to independent use of the power of the vote on the other side?

4. When volunteer organizations of charity, correction, and education transfer their work to official boards and legal provisions, that work, experience shows, sometimes is lowered in standards and loses in efficiency. How can voting women prevent this? How can a new class of voters, hitherto specially interested in getting things desired done by others, best help others to do things through their own political action?

5. The army intelligence tests showed that our white drafted army contained 12 per cent. superior men, 66 per cent. average men, and 22 per cent. inferior men. This statement, made by Cornelia J. Cannon in The Atlantic Monthly of February, 1922, leads the author of the article to the conclusion that "our political experiments, such as representation, recall, direct election of senators, etc., are endangered by the presence of so many irresponsible and unintelligent voters." Is there a remedy for this, other than waiting for the slow process of education? If so, what is it?

6. The Neighborhood: A Study of Social Life in the City of Columbus, Ohio, by R.D. McKenzie, of the University of Washington, gives a good example of what such a study of one's own locality should be. Is it not the duty of those having the leisure and the ability to inaugurate such a study in the locality in which their political relation is most immediate? If so, how can a Women's Club, or a League of Women Voters, start such a study?

FOOTNOTES:

[20] Woman's Share in Social Culture.

[21] See A Course in Citizenship, by Ella Lyman Cabot, and others.

[22] Printed in The Survey of October 31, 1914.



BIBLIOGRAPHY

BOOKS AND ARTICLES MENTIONED IN THE TEXT

INTRODUCTORY NOTE AND CHAPTER I Page 5, 19

Man and Woman, by Havelock Ellis. The Evolution of Marriage, by Le Tourneau. Woman's Share in Primitive Culture, by Otis T. Mason. The Evolution of Sex, by Geddes and Thompson. The History of Matrimonial Institutions, by George Elliott Howard, University of Chicago Press. Sex and Society, by W.I. Thomas. Descriptive and Historical Sociology, by Franklin H. Giddings. The Family as a Social and Educational Institution, by Willystine Goodsell. Social History of the American Family, by Arthur W. Calhoun. Sociology and Modern Social Problems, by Charles A. Ellwood. The Primitive Family as an Educational Agency, by Arthur J. Todd. Woman and Labor, by Olive Schreiner. The Family, by Elsie Clews Parsons. The Family, by Helen Bosanquet. Women and Economics, by Charlotte Perkins Gilman. Love and Marriage, by Ellen Key. The Family in Its Sociological Aspects, by J.Q. Dealey. The New Basis of Civilization, by Simon Patten. Social Control and Social Psychology, by Edward A. Ross. Children Born Out of Wedlock, by George B. Mangold, University of Missouri. The Federal Children's Bureau, Publications 42 and 77. Report of the Committee on Status and Protection of Illegitimate Children of the National Conference of Commissioners on Uniform State Laws, 1921. Normal Life, Chapter V, The Home, by Edward T. Devine. Taboo and Genetics, by Knight, Peters, and Blanchard. A Social Theory of Religious Education, Part IV, Chapter, The Family, by George Albert Coe.

CHAPTER II Page 46

Conveniences for the Farm-home, Farmers' Bulletin No. 270. The Farm Kitchen as a Workshop, Farmers' Bulletin No. 607. The Business of the Household, by C.W. Taber.

CHAPTER III Page 69

Agamemnon, The Choephori and The Furies, The Tragedies of Aeschylus. Native Tribes of Southeast Australia, Chapter on The Education of the Australian Boy, by A.W. Howitt. The Patriarchal Family, by Sir Henry Maine. Pure Sociology, Chapter XIV, The Androcentric Theory, by Dr. Lester F. Ward. Successful Family Life on the Moderate Income, by Mary Hinman Abel.

CHAPTER IV Page 90

Danish Care for the Aged, by Edith Sellers. The State and Pensions for Old Age, by J.A. Spender. Report of Bureau of Census, Department of Commerce. Old-age Support of Women Teachers, by Lucille Eaves, Department of Research of Educational and Industrial Union of Boston, Mass. The Trade Union and the Old Man, by John O'Grady, American Journal of Sociology, November, 1917.

CHAPTER V Page 116

Deuteronomy, The Bible. Tembarom, F.H. Burnett.

CHAPTER VI Page 124

Early Massachusetts Laws, quoted by Howard in Matrimonial Institutions.

CHAPTER VII Page 141

Successful Family Life on the Moderate Income, by M.H. Abel.

CHAPTER VIII Page 164

A Uniform Joint Guardianship Law, Conference of Commissioners for Uniform State Laws. The Sheppard-Towner Act for Maternity Benefits, U.S. Children's Bureau. Infant Mortality Rates, U.S. Children's Bureau. Extra Family Wage, The Survey, November 12. 1921. National Endowment of Motherhood, English Authors. Reports of the National Child Labor Committee. Report of Division of Child Hygiene, New York City, Dr. Josephine Baker. The Soul of Black Folks, by Doctor Dubois. Chicago Study of 1,500 Families, Dr. Alice Hamilton. Summary of Child Welfare Demands, by Julia C. Lathrop, in The Child, August, 1920.

CHAPTER IX Page 189

The Hygiene of Mind, by Dr. T.S. Clouston. The Social Cost of Unguided Ability, by Professor Woods. Hereditary Improvement, by Francis Galton. Eugenics, Euthenics, and Eudemics, by Dr. Lester F. Ward, American Journal of Sociology. Hereditary Genius, by Francis Galton. Euthenics, A Plea for Better Living Conditions as a First Step Toward Higher Human Efficiency, by Ellen H. Richards. The New Party, by Andrew Reid. Charting Parents, by Caroline Hedger, Elizabeth McCormick Memorial Fund Publications. Observation Record for the Selection of Gifted Children in the Elementary Schools, by Julia A. Badenes. Universal Training for American Citizenship, by William H. Allen. Books for Parents Listed by Federation for Child Study, 2 West Sixty-fourth Street, New York. Social Organization, Chapter on Democracy and Distinction, by C.H. Cooley.

CHAPTER X Page 205

Mental Diseases in Twelve States, by Horatio M. Pollock and Edith M. Forbush, Mental Hygiene, April, 1921. The Kallikak Family, Dr. F.H. Goddard. Treatise on Idiocy, by Dr. Edward Seguin. Proceedings and Addresses of Forty-fifth and Forty-sixth Sessions of American Association for Study of the Feeble-minded. Experiments to Determine Possibilities of Subnormal Girls in Factory Work, by Elizabeth B. Bigelow, Mental Hygiene, April, 1921. Vocational Probation for Subnormal Youth, by Arnold Gesell, Mental Hygiene, April, 1921. Report of Mental Examination of 839 Women and Girls, by Anne T. Bingham, New York Probation and Protective Association. Colony and Extra-institutional Care of the Feeble-minded, by Charles Bernstein, Mental Hygiene, January, 1920. Human Nature and the Social Order, Chapter on Personal Degeneracy, by C.H. Cooley. Psychology, by William James. Brain and Personality, by F.E. Thompson.

CHAPTER XI Page 219

Concerning Prisoners, by Bernard Glueck, Mental Hygiene, April, 1918. Report on the Draft Examinations, by H.W. Lanier. Out-of-school Activities, The Survey. Moral Equivalents for War, by William James. The Socially Inadequate, by Harry H. Laughlin.

CHAPTER XII Page 233

Sociology and Modern Problems, by C.A. Ellwood. The Divorce Problem, by W.F. Willcox. Problems of Marriage and Divorce in Woman's Share in Social Culture, by Anna Garlin Spencer. Marriage and Social Control, by Anna Garlin Spencer, in Harvard Theological Review, July, 1914.

CHAPTER XIII Page 246

History of Factory Legislation, by Hutchins and Harrison. Census Estimates of Women Wage-earners. Code for Women in Industry, by Department of Labor, Division of Women in Industry. Democracy in the Household, by Lucy Salmon, in American Journal of Sociology, January, 1912.

CHAPTER XIV Page 269

Ethical Culture School and Pioneer Manual Training School, New York, Reports. Democracy and Education, by John Dewey. The Primitive Family as an Educational Agency, by Arthur R. Todd. Sex-Education, by Maurice A. Bigelow. Moral Education Lessons, by F.A. Gould. Categories of Moral and Civic Instruction, French School Book. Principles of Sociology with Educational Applications, by Frederick C. Clow. Dynamic Sociology, Chapter on Types of Education, by Lester F. Ward. A Social Theory of Religious Education, Chapter on The Learning Process Considered as the Achieving of Character, by George Albert Coe.

CHAPTER XV Page 290

First Report of Massachusetts State Board of Education, by Horace Mann. Songs, by Emily Dickinson, The Book. Publications of the Foreign Language Information Service. Publications of the Children's Bureau. List of Representatives of Women's Organizations in the Public Welfare Lobby at Washington. Publications of the Societies to Further Preferential Voting and Proportional Representation. A Course in Citizenship, by Ella Lyman Cabot, and others. The Pledge of the Athenian Youth. A Municipal Creed, by T.L. Hinckley, in The Survey, October 31, 1914. The Children's Moral Code of American Citizenship, by W. J. Hutchins, National Institute for Moral Instruction. Army Intelligence Tests, by Cornelia J. Cannon, in Atlantic Monthly, February, 1922. The Neighborhood, by R.D. McKenzie.

ADDITIONAL REFERENCES UNDER CHAPTER HEADS

Chapter First, The Family:

The Ethics of the Family, James S. Tufts, Ph.D., International Journal of Ethics, Chicago, Illinois. College Women and Race Suicide, by William M. Sadler, M.D., in Ladies' Home Journal of April, 1922. Applied Eugenics, by Paul Popenoe and Roswell Hill Johnson. Program of a School for Homemakers, by L.D. Harvey, of Stout Institute, Menominee, Wisconsin (a pioneer movement for special training of women in higher institutions of learning), published by Bureau of Education, Washington, D.C., in 1911. The Sex-Factor in Human Life, by T.W. Gallaway, Ph.D., American Social Hygiene Association, New York City. Can the State Solve the Marriage Problem? by Gordon Reeves, in Physical Culture Magazine of May, 1918, summing up 400 answers to 60 questions concerning government financial aid to mothers. Mothers' Pensions, For and Against, in The Independent of November 9, 1914. A brief summary with bibliography.

Chapter Second, The Mother:

On the side of Birth Release, address by Louis J. Dublin, Ph.D., Statistician of Metropolitan Life Insurance Company, at Sixth Annual Meeting of American Social Hygiene Association, October, 1919. Library American Social Hygiene Association, 370 Seventh Avenue, New York City. Motherhood and the Relationships of the Sexes, by C. Gasqueine Hartley. La Question Sexuelle et la Femme, by Doctour Toulouse. Bibliotheque-Charpentier. The Logical Basis of Woman Suffrage, by A.G. Spencer, in Annals of American Academy of Political and Social Science, February, 1910. Equal Pay and the Family: A Proposal for the National Endowment of Motherhood, published by Headley Bros., London, England.

Chapter Third, The Father:

What Makes a Man a Husband? by Havelock Ellis, in Pictorial Review of September, 1919.

Chapter Fourth, The Grandparents:

Old Age Dependency in the United States, by L.W. Squier.

Chapter Eighth, The Children of the Family:

Program of Nutrition Clinics for Delicate Children, 44 Dwight Street, Boston, Mass. Text of Bill H.R. 15400, to Create a Department of Education in the Federal Government with a Cabinet Head.

Chapter Twelfth, The Broken Family:

Resolution for Uniform Divorce Legislation Introduced in Senate by Wesley Jones, of Washington, with Hearings before a Subcommittee of the Committee on Judiciary, Senate Proceedings, Washington, D.C. The Broken Family, Jane Colcord, Russell Sage Foundation.

Chapter Thirteenth, The Family and the Workers:

The Labor Contract from Individual to Collective Bargaining, by Margaret Anna Schaffner, Ph.D., Bulletin of University of Wisconsin, No. 182. Women and Economic Revolution, by Theresa Schmid McMahon, Ph.D., Bulletin of University of Wisconsin, No. 498. The Industrial Training of Women, by Florence Marshall, in Annals of American Academy of Political and Social Science. Report of Committee on Elimination of Waste in Industry of the American Engineers' Council, appointed by Herbert Hoover, in Publications of the Society of Mechanical Engineers, 29 West Thirty-ninth Street, New York City. Women in Industry in War-Time, by Frederick Warren Junkins, a bibliography in Bulletin of the Sage Foundation Library, 130 East Twenty-second Street, New York City.

Chapter Fourteenth, The Family and the School:

A National Program of Education, by Hugh S. Magill, Field Secretary of the National Education Association, Address at Commission on Reconstruction, Headquarters N.E.A., 1201 Sixteenth Street, Washington, D.C.

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CURRENT PUBLICATIONS, WITH SUGGESTIONS

In pursuance of the practical aim of this book, an up-to-date study of current social problems is urged and the use of reports and literature issued by National and State organizations is recommended.

In addition, therefore, to the list of books and articles cited or referred to in the text, the following special sources of information concerning current activities and the discussion of immediate social problems are given as aids to class study or to individual reading:

1. The Reports and Bulletins issued by the Federal Departments; especially the Children's Bureau, Bureau of Education, Vocational Education Board, Department of Agriculture, Washington, D.C.

2. Reports from State Departments in the fields of Labor, Education, Charity, Correction, Employment Agencies, and Health.

3. Reports of the National Conference of Social Work (formerly called the National Conference of Charities and Correction), Office, 315 Plymouth Court, Chicago, Illinois. These Reports constitute the best record of social movements we possess. Since 1873 the attempt has been made each year to take account of social stock and show what is being done for all classes needing help toward better living. Alexander Johnson prepared a Topical Index which serves to guide the student through the earlier volumes, and there are now arrangements for securing separate papers on particular subjects.

4. The Russell Sage Foundation, office, 130 East Twenty-second Street, New York City, aims at the improvement of living conditions and issues valuable publications which are generously distributed. Enquiries are answered in a helpful manner.

5. The American Social Hygiene Association, Office, 370 Seventh Avenue, New York City, offers aid to all who seek to check vice, sustain family life, and lessen diseases related to prostitution. It publishes both a Quarterly and a Bulletin and shares in a special library open to students.

6. The National Committee for Mental Hygiene at the same Office Headquarters, publishes a valuable Quarterly and is a source of information respecting the treatment and prevention of mental diseases.

7. The American Association for Organizing Family Social Work, Mrs. John M. Glenn, Chairman, with Office at 130 East Twenty-second Street, is able to advise in relief work and organized efforts toward family rehabilitation.

8. The Child Welfare League of America, C.C. Carstens, Director, at the same Headquarters, 130 East Twenty-second Street, New York City, can be consulted as to standards of child-care and the status of child-helping in various parts of the country.

9. The National Child Labor Committee, Owen Lovejoy, Secretary, with Office at 105 East Twenty-second Street, New York City, furnishes information and practical aid in any part of the United States and publishes valuable pamphlets showing child-labor conditions.

10. The Community Service Agency, headed by Joseph Lee, with Office at 315 Fourth Avenue, New York City, will help local communities anywhere in organizing for better use of leisure time.

11. The Consumer's League, Mrs. Florence Kelley, General Secretary, with Office at 44 East Twenty-third Street, New York City, promotes legislation for enlightened standards for women and minors in industry and publishes important material for students and workers.

12. The American Home Economics Association, which publishes the Journal of Home Economics at 1211 Cathedral Street, Baltimore, Maryland, is an organization devoted to standardizing the housemother's task and helping toward efficient home-making.

13. The National Woman's Trade Union League, with Office at 311 South Ashland Boulevard, Chicago, Illinois, publishes a journal and other material of special interest to women wage-earners.

14. The National Health Council, with Office at 370 Seventh Avenue, New York City, and at 411 Eighteenth Street, Washington, D.C., issues valuable publications.

15. The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, with Office at 70 Fifth Avenue, New York City, and the National Urban League for Social Service among negroes aim at helping in problems of race adjustment.

16. The General Federation of Women's Clubs, with headquarters in Washington, D.C., at 1734 N. Street, N.W., has centres of influence throughout the country and furnishes the personnel of many leaders in local social enterprises.

17. The National Council of Women of the United States, member of the International Council of Women of the World, has headquarters at the home of its President, Mrs. Philip North Moore, Lafayette Avenue, St. Louis, Mo., and includes in its membership all the leading bodies of organized women in the country. At its Biennial gatherings reports of work are presented from all these Associations and afterward published.

18. The National League of Women Voters, the child of the National American Woman Suffrage Association, has its headquarters at 532 Seventeenth Street, N.W., Washington, D.C., with Mrs. Maud Wood Park as President, and energizes and directs a large force of women in numerous local Leagues in non-partisan work for better government.

19. The Woman's Party, with Headquarters also in the National Capital, aims to secure a Federal Amendment which will wipe out all sex-discriminations. It publishes much interesting material.

20. Among the most valuable publications for constant reading for those who would keep in touch with important social movements in all fields is The Survey, published at 112 East Nineteenth Street, New York City, Paul U. Kellogg, Editor.

21. The American Journal of Sociology, published by University of Chicago Press, and the Journal of Applied Sociology, published by the University of California, give more extended treatment of the principles underlying social service.

22. The Council of Jewish Women, the National Catholic Welfare Council, the Young Men's and Young Women's Christian Associations, and the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ, together with the Federation of Religious Liberals, The Laymen's League, and Women's Alliance of the Unitarian body, and other church organizations, have departments or committees engaged specifically in work for the stability of the family and the betterment of the home, as well as for the ennobling of the common life and for the organization of the world for permanent peace.

23. The Educational interests of the country are served by many agencies and organizations, chief among them the U.S. Bureau of Education, the Federal Board of Vocational Education at Washington, D.C., which publish invaluable material, and the National Education Association, with office at 1201 Sixteenth Street, Washington, D.C., membership in which keeps one in touch with progressive movements.

The vital thing for one who would prepare for practical service in any line of social work is to study people and conditions in one's own locality and then compare what is done or attempted in that locality with what is considered by those best fitted to judge to be the best and most efficient standards for service of the kind considered.

The vital thing for those who would help in the educational field is to know their local schools, their teachers, buildings, equipment, management, and financial support, and then to secure all possible national, state, and local aid in making those schools the best they can be.

24. If the newest movements in education are chosen for study, read The New Education, by L. Haden Guest, and other articles in The New Era, published by Hodder and Co., London, England. Also Nursery School Experiment, by Bureau of Educational Experiments, 144 West Thirteenth Street, New York City.

For comparison with these, read Talks to Teachers, by William James, and also pamphlets of Home Education Series, by Charlotte Mason, published by Parents' National Education Union, 26 Victoria Street, London, England.

25. For economic reform especially helpful to family life, study the publications of the Cooeperative League of America, Doctor and Mrs. Warbasse, Directors, 70 Fifth Avenue, New York City.

26. For political reform, study the publications of Proportional Representation League, 1417 Locust Street, Philadelphia, Pa.



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