 |
With respect to the second report, I am led to make it by Mr Adams's recommendation, and by my sense of the zeal and diligence, which M. Dumas has so long testified in the cause of America, when it was very far from being a popular one in Holland. Though I must confess I feel some reluctance in seeing any but an American in the line, which ought to serve as a school for future Ministers. But this case has peculiar circumstances by which it must be determined. The commission of Charge d'Affaires I should conceive too important and too confidential to be placed in any hands, but those of a citizen of the United States. There are other reasons, which will suggest themselves to Congress, against this measure, which it is unnecessary to mention. The salary I have left blank, as that subject is under the consideration of a committee. The second resolution is to take away the necessity of making it greater than our circumstances will allow.
The merits of the other gentlemen mentioned by Mr Adams, together with his recommendation, might justly perhaps induce Congress to show them some marks of their attention, if the situation of their finances would permit, but as neither of those gentlemen are in the service of Congress, it is to be presumed that they will not choose to take any public notice of that part of his letter, till they are in circumstances to satisfy the just claims of those who have demands upon them.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Office of Foreign Affairs, September 12th, 1782.
Sir,
Having carefully examined Mr Laurens's letter,[25] I believe Congress will think with me, that the subjects of it are such as I can in no other way report on, than by recommending it to be submitted to a special committee.
The two great points are his resignation and exchange. The first of these Congress only are competent to decide upon; and the last, not relating in any way to my Department, is intimately connected with a subject already under the consideration of a committee. With respect to his support, I believe that there can be no doubt that Mr Laurens's salary is to be paid, till Congress determine to accept his resignation. I have considered it as a part of the expenses of this Department, and accordingly remitted the amount of two quarters' salary to Dr Franklin, commencing in January last, previous to which, that business was under the direction of Dr Franklin. I shall continue to include his salary in my drafts on Mr Morris, till I receive directions from Congress to discontinue it. Congress having empowered Mr Laurens to appoint a secretary, there can be no doubt about the propriety of discharging his salary.
The enemy having published an account of Mr Laurens's petition for relief, &c. which appears by his letter to have been without foundation, I beg leave to submit to Congress the propriety of printing his own account of this transaction, since it evidences in contradiction to their reports, that he always acted with the dignity and firmness, which became his station and character.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
FOOTNOTES:
[25] See this letter in Henry Lauren's Correspondence, Vol. II. p. 463.
* * * * *
CIRCULAR TO THE GOVERNORS OF THE STATES.
Office of Foreign Affairs, September 12th, 1782.
Sir,
Agreeably to the direction of Congress, contained in the enclosed resolution, I am to solicit your Excellency's attention to the object of it, and to pray that means may be used by the State over which you preside, to furnish the returns they require, sending quadruplicate copies of them, under the seal of the State, to this office. I am sorry to have reason to complain of the little attention that the recommendations of Congress, and my letter of the 12th day of November, 1781, relative to a similar object, has met with from your State, since the want of those returns will, without doubt, be severely felt by our Ministers, whenever they shall commence the negotiations for a general peace.
I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
CIRCULAR TO THE GOVERNORS OF THE STATES.
Office of Foreign Affairs, September 15th, 1782.
Sir,
I have the honor to inform you, by the direction of Congress, that I have lately received official advices from Mr Adams, of the resolutions of their High Mightinesses the States General, to receive and acknowledge the said Mr Adams in quality of Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, and to request your Excellency to cause this interesting event to be made public. I have the honor to enclose copies of the resolutions of their High Mightinesses on this subject, and to inform you that the States General did, on the 23d day of April, appoint a Grand Committee to confer with Mr Adams, to whom, having been introduced in the usual forms by two noblemen, he laid before them the plan of a Treaty of Amity and Commerce, which was immediately printed, and sent to the different members of the sovereignty.
I cannot conclude without congratulating your Excellency upon an event, which widens the basis of our independence, and leads to an immediate connexion with a powerful nation, whose alliance a variety of circumstances in their origin and government render extremely desirable.
I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
GENERAL GREENE TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Head Quarters, October 2d, 1782.
Sir,
Your letter of the 13th of May did not come to hand until some time in August, before the receipt of which his Excellency, General Washington, had communicated the agreeable information of the birth of a Dauphin, and directed that some public declaration of our feelings should be had upon the occasion. Accordingly, on the 4th of July, we fired a feu de joie, and gave every testimony in our power of the pleasure and happiness we felt upon an event so interesting to our good ally, and so intimately connected with the welfare of America; and I beg you will communicate to the Minister in Philadelphia, how sincerely the officers of this army participate in the general joy, which this public blessing diffuses through France and America.
It is with infinite satisfaction that I inform you, that the enemy is making every preparation for the evacuation of Charleston, the last and only place they hold in any of the Southern United States.
I hope a general peace will follow, and that America may long enjoy, without interruption, the blessings she has been so long contending for.
I have the honor to be, &c.
NATHANIEL GREENE.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Philadelphia, October 29th, 1782.
Sir,
I have the honor to enclose, for the inspection of Congress, a letter from Mr Harrison. So much of it as relates to the state of his accounts, has been sent to the Office of Finance. As this subject has before been strongly insisted upon by Mr Jay, I doubt not that Mr Morris will pay every attention to it, which the means in his hands will permit.
Mr Harrison is so well spoken of by Mr Jay, and has manifested, on many occasions, watchful attention to the welfare of the United States, and discovered such disinterestedness in every transaction which related to them, that I cannot but hope that Congress will think him worthy of some public notice. Should they be of opinion, that it would be improper to appoint him consul at a time when he could not be received in his public character, and when an attempt to display it might draw upon the United States new indignities, yet it would give me pleasure to be enabled to assure him from Congress, that they entertain a just sense of his services, that they wish him to continue to act under the authority he has received from Mr Jay, till the politics of Spain shall render it proper to vest him with more ample powers. This earnest of the favor of Congress would stimulate him to merit further marks of their confidence.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.
Philadelphia, November 13th, 1782.
Sir,
I have the honor to transmit a resolution of Congress, appointing you one of their Ministers Plenipotentiary for negotiating peace. I rejoice in this fresh proof of their confidence in your virtue and abilities. The sacrifices you have heretofore made to the interests of your country, induce me to hope that you will suffer no personal consideration to prevent their being employed in its service upon this important occasion.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO GOVERNOR MATTHEWS, OF SOUTH CAROLINA.
Philadelphia, November 20th, 1782.
Sir,
I have the honor to transmit the copy of a letter from Count de Vergennes to Dr Franklin, accompanied with a memorial from Messrs Le Marque and Fabre, on the subject of debts contracted by Mr Gillon, as is said, in behalf of the State of South Carolina. I wish, Sir, you would enable me to afford such an answer to it as will exculpate the State from any censure which Mr Gillon may have deservedly incurred. If he was vested with such powers as enabled him to bind the State, they will doubtless have the justice to direct that his engagements be made good, notwithstanding any loss they may incur thereby. If he had no such powers, they will embrace the earliest opportunity of disavowing them.
I shall trouble your Excellency to apprize me of the steps, that may be taken in consequence of this information, that I may embrace the earliest opportunity, by placing this matter in its true light, to do that justice to the integrity and good faith of the State, which they will undoubtedly merit.
I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO THOMAS BARCLAY.
Philadelphia, November 26th, 1782.
Sir,
I have the pleasure of transmitting a resolution of Congress, by which you are appointed a Commissioner for adjusting their accounts in Europe. I flatter myself, that this fresh mark of their confidence in you will be highly acceptable, and that you will take the earliest opportunity to enter upon the task assigned you, since not only the interest, but the honor of the United States, has greatly suffered by the delay, which this necessary business has heretofore experienced.
I am, Dear Sir, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
THOMAS JEFFERSON TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Chesterfield, November 26th, 1782.
Sir,
I received yesterday the letter, with which you have been pleased to honor me, enclosing the resolution of Congress of the 12th instant, renewing my appointment as one of their Ministers Plenipotentiary for negotiating a peace, and beg leave through you to return my sincere thanks to that august body, for the confidence they are pleased to repose in me, and to tender the same to yourself for the obliging manner in which you have notified it.
I will employ in this arduous charge, with diligence and integrity, the best of my poor talents, which I am conscious are far short of what it requires. This I hope will ensure to me from Congress a kind construction of all my transactions; and it gives me no small pleasure, that my communications will pass through the hands of a gentleman, with whom I have acted in the earlier stages of this contest, and whose discernment and candor I had the good fortune then to approve and esteem.
Your letter finds me at a distance from home, attending on my family under inoculation. This will add to the delay which the arrangement of my particular affairs would necessarily occasion. I shall lose no moment, however, in preparing for my departure, and shall hope to pay my respects to Congress and to yourself some time between the 20th and the last of December.
I have the honor to be, &c.
THOMAS JEFFERSON.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Philadelphia, December 2d, 1782.
Sir,
Having lately been informed, that the business of the Court of Chancery in the State of New York has increased so much as to demand more of my attention than is consistent with the duties of the place, which I have the honor to hold under the United States, I must pray your Excellency to lay before Congress my request to be permitted to resign the latter, and to assure them at the same time, of the grateful sense which I shall always retain, not only of the honor done me by the appointment, but of those distinguished marks of confidence, which they have repeatedly shown me in the execution of my trust.
That the business of this office may sustain no injury by my resignation, I shall, if Congress approve, continue to perform its duties till they shall be pleased to appoint a gentleman to succeed me, or direct some other mode for carrying it on, in confidence that they will make their arrangements as early as is consistent with the deliberation they may conceive them to require.
I take the liberty to recommend to the protection of Congress, and the gentleman who is to succeed me, Mr Morris and M. Duponceau, my secretaries, having the greatest reason to confide in their fidelity and attention to the business intrusted to their care. The Reverend Mr Tetard, who is likewise employed in the office, has some claim to their attention; he rendered essential services to our army in Canada, suffered many personal inconveniences there, and finds himself reduced, at an advanced age, to absolute ruin by the enemy and our own army, both having contributed to lay waste his farm, destroy his buildings, and pillage his property. For these facts, I take the liberty to refer Congress to his Memorial.
As Congress in making a new appointment will probably wish to adapt the salary to the necessary expense of the department, of which they have heretofore had no opportunity to be fully informed, it is a duty I owe to them, as well as to my successor, to assure them that my expenses, exclusive of purchase and wear, carriages, horses, and household furniture, have exceeded my allowance from Congress, upwards of three thousand dollars. As I have now no personal interest in mentioning this circumstance, Congress will, I am persuaded, attribute the liberty I have taken, to my desire of seeing a department, in which I have had the honor to preside, supported with dignity.
Be pleased, Sir, to receive my thanks for your personal attention, and believe me to be, with the most respectful attachment and esteem, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO RICHARD HARRISON.
Philadelphia, December 5th, 1782.
Dear Sir,
I have this moment learned that a vessel will sail for Cadiz in an hour's time. I beg to recommend to your particular care the letter for Mr Carmichael, which the captain will deliver to you. It contains a cypher, and must not therefore pass through the post office.
Congress, as yet, have done nothing in your affair, though it has been particularly recommended to them, and now lies before them. One obstruction is the difficulty of appointing Consuls, till some treaty or convention between us and Spain shall authorise it.
The season of the year admits of no military operations here; and the packet of newspapers sent herewith, will give you the current news. You will find by them, that we are still in suspense with respect to the fate of Charleston, though it is generally believed, that it cannot be long ere the evacuation will be completed. The French fleet are still at Boston, though prepared to sail. Nothing astonishes us more, than the effrontery of the British publications, which affirm boldly, that great tumults have been excited in the Eastern States, on account of their reluctance to the war, when there is not the slightest foundation in fact for such an assertion. This I suppose, is calculated to give a momentary popularity to Lord Shelburne.
I am, Sir, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Office of Foreign Affairs, December 9th, 1782.
Sir,
I have the honor to inform Congress, that the Minister Plenipotentiary of France communicated to me the contents of a letter, received on Saturday from Count de Rochambeau, by which he was apprized, that the Count, in pursuance of his instructions, had ordered the troops under his command to embark, and that they were to proceed with the fleet to the Islands.
The legion, and a detachment of about six hundred men, together with the convalescents are to remain on the continent. The whole may amount to about sixteen hundred men. The Minister further informed me, that in consequence of his representations on the subject, he had received assurances, that such a force should be detached from the West Indies, as would be adequate to the protection of the trade upon this coast during the winter.
The enclosed extract of a letter from Boston, contains an account of the success of the British in relieving Gibraltar. Though it is not official it is to be feared it is too well founded.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Philadelphia, December 16th, 1782.
Sir,
I have the honor to enclose for the inspection of Congress a short letter from Mr Jay, which contains important information, and explains some passages in Dr Franklin's letters. Unless the commission given to Mr Fitzherbert on the 24th of July is revoked, it will be difficult to account for Mr Oswald's being appointed to treat with the Thirteen United States, unless we suppose, either that his powers are more limited, or that the British Administration design to treat under the mediation of some neutral Prince, upon the plan proposed by the Imperial Courts, so as that the negotiations with America may be distinct from those with the other belligerent powers.
Just as I was closing this, a private letter from Mr Jay was delivered of the 4th of September, which contains the following remarkable passage. "I am preparing a map to show you the line, which Count d'Aranda proposes for our western boundary. It will not be finished in time for this conveyance. I am persuaded it is best for us to take time. My further reasons shall be explained at large in a future letter, which I shall begin as soon as my health will permit." He adds, "that Spain has issued more bills, and that the depreciation has increased." I delay reporting on the passage in Dr Franklin's letter, relative to the demands of Spain, as there is no immediate opportunity of writing to Europe, and as I am in hourly expectation of receiving something more particular on this subject.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
GENERAL GREENE TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Head Quarters, South Carolina, } December 19th, 1782. }
Dear Sir,
The Southern States, so long oppressed by the weight of a destructive war, are now happily relieved by the evacuation of Charleston, and the total departure of the British troops from this country. This event, so very important to all America, took place on the 14th instant.
The fleet, with the troops on board, fell down into Rebellion Road, and on the 17th crossed the bar and went out to sea. The British regiments are said to be destined for the West Indies, and the German troops for New York. They took with them a great deal of property, and between five and six thousand negroes, the greater part of which they had once promised to deliver up.
Governor Matthews, with all the officers of government are now in town; and civil police fully established and supported.
I am, &c.
NATHANIEL GREENE.
* * * * *
TO THE COMMITTEE OF CONGRESS APPOINTED TO REPAIR TO RHODE ISLAND.
Philadelphia, December 20th, 1782.
Gentlemen,
I can only reply to your inquiries with respect to the probability of extending our loans in France, by informing you, that the general tenor of our public despatches discourages the idea, as will appear by the extracts of letters herewith sent you. To them I have added such official communications as I have received from time to time from the Minister of France.
I might add to these the result of several private conversations with him upon that subject, having frequently introduced it, to know how far we might in case of extreme necessity lean on France. He has always expressed on these occasions a strong sense of our wants, and a wish to relieve them, accompanied with an apprehension, that the heavy expense incurred by France, in creating and supporting a large marine, would render it highly imprudent to expect, that she should add anything to the liberal supplies already afforded us, and the maintenance of an army in America on our account. Of late, too, the unproductiveness of our taxes, and the uneasiness of the public creditors in the United States, has not escaped his observation. His reflections on this subject are so obvious, that I need not repeat them. I am seriously alarmed for their effect on the loans we have already opened. A private letter from Mr Jay informs me, that the paper struck by Spain has greatly depreciated, so that had we needed any further assurances on that head, we must now be fully convinced, that we have nothing to expect from that quarter.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Philadelphia, December 22d, 1782.
Sir,
I have just received my despatches, which consist of duplicates from Dr Franklin and the enclosed, which have not yet been submitted to Congress, together with a copy of Mr Oswald's commission.
Mr Jay has also written, but his letter is not yet decyphered. A private letter from the Marquis de Lafayette to me, (the whole of which is not yet decyphered) contains much the same account of our negotiations, with that given by Dr Franklin, and the following passage from a letter of Mr Adams to him of the 29th of September;
"We have at length the consent of the Cities, States, and Provinces, and have adjusted and agreed upon every article, word, syllable, letter, and point, in the treaty of commerce, and clerks are employed in making out fair copies for signature, which will be done this week."
By a paper of the 22d of October, I find the treaty was signed by seven deputies, one for each Province, and by Mr Adams on the 4th of October.
The Marquis also mentions, that several accounts, but none official, say, that Madras has been taken by the French troops, that landed at Port Novo, in conjunction with those of Hyder Ally. He adds, that though this account is believed, yet it is not confirmed.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
GOVERNOR MARTIN TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
North Carolina, December 23d, 1782.
Sir,
I am favored with your two letters of the 12th and 15th of September last, and your circular, in which you announce the acknowledgment of the independence of the United States by the States of Holland; an event that will greatly add to the national importance of America, not only in the councils of Europe, but through the world.
The resolution of Congress respecting damages, which the inhabitants of this State have received from the British enemy, I cannot carry into effect until I have an Act of Assembly for this purpose, to point out the particular mode in obtaining the same; the account of which, as soon as it can be procured from the different parts of the State, shall be transmitted to you, without loss of time.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ALEXANDER MARTIN.
* * * * *
CIRCULAR TO THE GOVERNORS OF THE STATES.
Philadelphia, December 23d, 1782.
Sir,
The steps that may lead to so important an event as peace upon safe and honorable terms, are too interesting to be withheld from you; I have the honor, therefore, to enclose a copy of Mr Oswald's commission to treat with the Thirteen United States of America, which will certainly smooth the way to it, though the variety of interests to be adjusted at a general Congress (and, perhaps, too, the success of the British arms at Gibraltar) may place it further off than our wishes would otherwise lead us to imagine.
Your Excellency will see the propriety of not suffering copies of this commission to be taken for the press, and of accompanying the communication you may think proper to make of it, with such recommendations to exertion and vigilance, as prudence and the critical state of our affairs may require, since on a review of the conduct of the enemy, it will not appear extravagant to suppose, that this may be another of those artifices so often practised to deceive and put us off our guard. Though we have no official accounts, yet we have every reason to believe, that the treaty of commerce with the United Provinces was signed on the 7th of October.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO WILLIAM GREENE, GOVERNOR OF RHODE ISLAND.
Philadelphia, January 4th, 1783.
Sir,
Agreeably to the order of Congress, I have the honor to lay before your Excellency the enclosed copy of a motion made by Mr Howel, and the resolutions of Congress thereon, together with the state of the applications for foreign loans, and the results thereof.
Without troubling your Excellency with those inconsiderable and secret aids, which we received at the beginning of the controversy, I shall take the applications and the grants, that were made in the year one thousand seven hundred and seventynine, and since. To begin with
Spain.
The 9th of September, 1779, Congress proposed to obtain a subsidy from Spain during the continuance of the war, which they offered to purchase by a very important cession. Spain having hitherto declined an alliance with the United States, no such subsidiary treaty took place.
In the same month Mr Jay was instructed to borrow five millions of dollars. After long and continued solicitations, he obtained one hundred and fifty thousand dollars, and was compelled to protest bills of exchange drawn upon him by Congress, on the presumption, that Spain would certainly enable him to redeem them. This protest, which was made on the 16th of March last, was as follows;
"Mr Jay says, that when he accepted the bills hereunto annexed, he had good reason to expect to be supplied with funds necessary to pay them; that he has been disappointed in the expectation he was encouraged to entertain on this subject, and that his endeavors to obtain money, both here and elsewhere, have been unsuccessful, although the bills which remain to be paid by him, together with his other engagements, do not exceed twentyfive thousand pounds sterling, but these disappointments being unexpected, he cannot for want of time have recourse to Congress, and therefore finds himself reduced to the mortifying necessity of permitting them to be protested." These bills were redeemed after the protest, by money borrowed in France. I have reason to believe, that no money has since been obtained on account of the United States in Spain; so that the application for five millions of dollars has only been answered by the grant of one hundred and fifty thousand dollars.
Portugal.
On the 11th of January, 1782, Mr Jay was directed, in conjunction with the Superintendent of Finance, to undertake a loan in Spain or Portugal, without limiting the amount of such loan. And Mr Jay was directed to send Mr Carmichael to aid their endeavors. This power was restricted by a subsequent resolution, directing Mr Jay not to send Mr Carmichael, unless he had some prospect of succeeding. Not having sent him, it is to be presumed he had no prospect of succeeding.
Holland.
On the 26th of October, 1779, Mr Laurens, having been appointed a commissioner for that purpose, was directed to borrow a sum not exceeding ten millions of dollars. Mr Laurens having been captured, his place was supplied by Mr Adams, who had similar powers and instructions. He made several attempts to open a loan, but with so little success, that he never has transmitted an account of the amount, but has since informed me, that he had applied it in part of payment for a house purchased at the Hague. His salary has hitherto been paid by money drawn from France. A loan, however, has been opened with success in Holland on our account by his Most Christian Majesty, and under his special guarantee for ten millions of livres. Mr Adams informs Congress by a letter dated the 5th of July last, that he also has opened a loan in Holland on account of the United States for five millions of florins, but adds, that he does not expect to obtain that sum for a long time, that if he gets a million and a half by Christmas, it will be more than he expects.
In a letter of the 18th of August, the last I have received from Mr Adams, he says, that "when he receives the ratification of his treaty for a loan, there will be thirteen or fourteen hundred thousand guilders to be paid to the orders of Congress." This is confirmed by a letter to the Marquis de Lafayette, of which he sends me an extract.
As that ratification must have been received long since, we may set the loans actually made in Holland on our credit, at
Three millions of livres, 3,000,000 Those made under the guarantee and on the credit of France, at 10,000,000 ————— Ten millions of livres, 13,000,000
Our further prospects of borrowing are too uncertain to be stated. As this is a private loan it is reasonable to suppose, that the clamors of the public creditors here, when heard in Holland, will have some effect upon our credit there.
France.
In France various applications were made, and several grants obtained previous to the year 1779, though they are not clearly stated, from the irregular manner in which the books of the Secret Committee, and the Committee of Foreign Affairs were formerly kept. It appears, that the whole sum obtained from France previous to the year 1780, exclusive of one million obtained on a contract for tobacco with the Farmers-General amounted to nine millions of livres. In November, 1780, Congress applied to the Court of France for an aid of twenty five millions of livres in money, exclusive of a considerable supply of arms, ammunition, and military stores, which they declared would fall short of their wants for the ensuing year without the greatest internal exertion.
They sent Mr Laurens as a Minister on this special occasion, and in this year and the year 1781, Congress received fourteen millions of livres, including the goods and military stores, without counting the loan opened for the United States in Holland, of which mention is made before.
But as this sum fell very far short of our wants, Dr Franklin was instructed on the 8th of February, 1782, to borrow twelve millions of livres. In answer to which, that Minister, writing to me on the 25th of June, after acknowledging the receipt of my letters, one of which was written on the subject of the above instruction, says, "the second (the second letter) enforces some resolutions of Congress sent me with it respecting a loan of twelve millions of livres to be demanded of France for the current year. I had already received the promise of six millions, together with the clearest and most positive assurances, that it was all the King could spare us, that we must not expect more, that if drafts and demands came upon me beyond that sum, it behooved me to take care how I accepted them, or where I should find funds for the payment, since I could, certainly not be further assisted out of the royal treasury. Under this declaration, with what face could I ask for another six millions? It would be saying, 'you are not to be believed, you can spare more, you are able to lend me twice the sum, if you were but willing.' If you read my letter to Mr Morris of this date, I think you will be convinced how improper any language capable of such a construction would be to such a friend."
On the 14th of September Congress were pleased to direct that four millions of dollars be borrowed in Europe, exclusive of the loan negotiating in Holland. A copy of which resolution is directed to be communicated to his Most Christian Majesty, with directions to Dr Franklin to assure his Majesty of the high sense the United States in Congress entertain of his friendship and generous exertions, their reliance on a continuance of them, and the necessity of applying on the present occasion to him. And on the 23d of September Congress resolved further, in answer to the above letter from Dr Franklin, and one of a similar nature to the Superintendent of Finance of the same date, that, notwithstanding the information contained in those letters, it is the direction of Congress, that he use his utmost endeavors to effect the loan, which, by the resolve of the 14th instant is to be negotiated.
I should observe that in the above statement of the grants made to the United States, I have not distinguished between loans and gifts, but included both in the gross sums above mentioned, though about eight millions of that granted by France has been given, without any expectation of being repaid.
It is unnecessary to draw those inferences from the above facts, which they naturally suggest. They cannot escape your Excellency's observation. I can only wish, that the low state of our credit abroad may excite us to such internal exertions as must be its best support. Those only can borrow with dignity, who give unequivocal proofs of the design to repay their debts with honor.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
THOMAS JEFFERSON TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Baltimore, February 7th, 1783.
Sir,
I arrived here on the 30th of last month, and had a short interview the same evening with the Chevalier de Ville Brune, commander of the Romulus. There appeared at that time little apprehension, but that we might sail within a few days, but we were not very particular in our conference, as we expected so soon to see each other again; the severity of the cold, however, which commenced that night, obliged the Chevalier de Ville Brune to fall twelve miles below this place, and excluded all correspondence with him till yesterday, when I found means to get through the ice on board his ship. He then communicated to me, by direction of his Excellency the Minister of France, intelligence as to the number and force of the cruisers now actually watching the Capes of the Chesapeake.
I must acknowledge, that these appear such as to render a capture certain were we to hazard it. The Minister was pleased at the same time to submit the Guadeloupe to my wishes, if I chose to adventure. I take the liberty of troubling you with a copy of my letter to him on that subject.
I should certainly be disposed to run very considerable risks myself to effect my passage, but I should think it an unfortunate introduction to an ally, who has already done so much for us, were I to add to his losses and disbursements, that of a valuable ship and crew. I wish that the present delay offered some, period less distant than the lassitude of an avaricious enemy to watch for prey. Perhaps you may be able to put me on some more expeditious mode of passage than the one under which I am acquiescing at present. I shall be much pleased to adopt any such, which may come recommended from you, without regard to personal risk or trouble. In the meantime, any intelligence which you can be able to collect, and will be pleased to give me as to the state of our coast, will be of utility in determining whether and when we shall depart hence.
I have the honor to be, &c.
THOMAS JEFFERSON.
* * * * *
THOMAS JEFFERSON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.
Baltimore, February 7th, 1783.
Sir,
The Chevalier de Ville Brune was so kind as to communicate to me your Excellency's letter to him of January, together with the intelligence therein referred to. I feel myself bound to return you my thanks for your orders to the Guadeloupe frigate to receive me. If I should think a passage should be hazarded under present circumstances, according to this information, (which is the most worthy of credit of any we have received here,) it would seem, that our capture would be unavoidable were we to go out now. This then is a risk, to which I cannot think of exposing his Majesty's vessel and subjects, however I might be disposed to encounter personal hazards, from my anxiety to execute with all the promptitude in my power a service, which has been assigned to me. I shall, therefore, wait with patience the arrival of the moment, when the Chevalier de Ville Brune shall be of opinion, that the one or the other of the vessels may venture out without any greater risk, than he shall think proportioned to her proper object, independently of mine.
It has been suggested to me this evening, that perhaps their safe departure might be greatly forwarded by their falling down to York or Hampton, there to be ready at a moment's warning, to avail themselves of those favorable circumstances, which the present season sometimes offers, but of this yourself will be the proper judge.
I cannot close my letter without expressing to you my obligations to the Chevalier de Ville Brune for the particular attention he has shown to my accommodation on board his ship. The apartments he has had constructed for me are ample and commodious, and his politeness and merit as an officer are an agreeable presage of everything, which shall depend on him.
I have the honor to be, with the highest sentiments of esteem, &c.
THOMAS JEFFERSON.
* * * * *
TO GENERAL GREENE.
Philadelphia, February 14th, 1783.
Dear Sir,
Receive my congratulations on the important event, you have announced in your favor by Major Burnet. The influence that the evacuation of Charleston will have on our affairs if the war continues is obvious. The southern States, by this means relieved from their burdens, will be capable of contributing largely to the general cause, and I doubt not when they have breathed a little, that they will be as willing as they are able. I feel, Sir, a personal interest in this great event from the distinguished honor it reflects upon you. In every other department our expectations have gone beyond our means of satisfying them. You have afforded the first instance of the contrary, and by creating the means have exceeded our most sanguine expectations.
We have the highest reason to conclude, that the preliminaries of a peace are signed before this. I have reason to hope that the terms of peace will comprize most of the great objects we have in view, and in some points almost exceed our expectations. The present policy of Britain is to make sacrifices to the Manes of the affection, which once subsisted between her and us. I have just put the last hand to our treaty of amity and commerce with the United Provinces by signing the ratification, which Congress have directed. I congratulate you upon this event, which adds not a little to our political importance.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.
Philadelphia, February 14th, 1783.
Sir,
I have delayed answering your favor of the 7th instant, till I could obtain the sense of Congress on the matter it contains. I conceive it hardly possible, while the British cruisers retain their present station, for you to elude their vigilance, in either of the ships offered to your choice. This, concurring with the late advices, from England, has induced Congress to pass the enclosed resolution. We have reason to conjecture that peace is already concluded, whether it is or not, a few days must determine.
I transmit you the speech of His Britannic Majesty, which, with what you already know of the state of our negotiations, will enable you to form your opinion on the same ground that we do.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.
Philadelphia, February 18th, 1783.
Sir,
I was honored yesterday with your favor of the 14th, which I shall lay before Congress this morning. As you have by this time received their resolution, which I had the honor to send you by the last post, and again enclose, you will be relieved in some measure from your embarrassments, though not entirely from your suspense with respect to their final determination. But that cannot be long doubtful, since the negotiations have certainly arrived at such a crisis, as either to terminate soon in a peace, or a total rupture. In the latter case, you will necessarily be obliged to proceed on your voyage, as Congress seem anxious to avail themselves of your abilities and information in the negotiations; unless they are fully assured that a speedy peace will preclude them from that advantage.
I enclose a paper, which contains all that we have yet received on this interesting subject. It may, perhaps, be difficult to account for our Ministers having signed before those of France. But if this letter is genuine, it serves, when compared with their instructions, to prove that the terms are acceptable to us, and not disagreeable to France.
I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Office of Foreign Affairs, February 18th, 1783.
Sir,
I have the honor to lay before Congress, the enclosed letter from Mr Jefferson, upon which I presume they will not think it necessary at present to take any other resolution than that already transmitted to him. I also enclose an extract from a letter of Mr William Lee to me, dated the 31st of March last, which merits attention, though, in the present state of our affairs, Congress may not think it advisable to pass any resolutions thereon, till they are more perfectly acquainted with the actual state of our affairs in Europe, and what alterations may be occasioned by a peace.
I have letters from Messrs De Neufville of the 27th of September and 24th of October; but as they contain little more than a pressing request to have their accounts settled, and the balance paid, I shall not trouble Congress with them, but deliver copies to the Superintendent of Finance.
I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Philadelphia, February 26th, 1783.
Sir,
I have the honor to lay before Congress a letter received yesterday from Mr Dana. I must confess, I am at a loss to discover any reason for detaining that gentleman longer at a Court, where it is, as he justly observes, improbable that he can be publicly acknowledged till Britain has no longer any objections to such acknowledgment. After which a treaty can be concluded, if necessary, here or at the Hague; a commission for that purpose being sent to Mr Adams, with as much ease as at Petersburg. Congress will then judge whether it will be proper to have a Minister at the Court of St Petersburg, or whether a Resident, with consular powers, will not answer all their purposes, and save expense.
The desire which Mr Dana expresses to return, takes from me the delicacy I before felt in stating this matter so fully to Congress. I also enclose, in obedience to the commands of Congress, a list of the names, titles, salaries, and places of residence, of the officers of the United States, employed in the Department of Foreign Affairs.
I take the liberty to remind Congress that a variety of matters, which have been submitted by me, remain yet not acted upon; and that the business of the office is very much obstructed as well by this delay, as by the detention of the letters and papers which refer to them. As this has probably been occasioned by a change in the Committees, I humbly submit to Congress the propriety of directing them to be filled up.
I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.
Philadelphia, February 26th, 1783.
Dear Sir,
In compliance with the directions of Congress, contained in the enclosed resolution, I have the honor to inform your Excellency, that our last despatches, dated in October, announce a disposition in the belligerent powers to terminate the war by a general peace. The Court of London, whose sincerity was most suspected, because it was to make the greatest sacrifices, appears to have smoothed the way by the commission to Mr Oswald (which your Excellency has seen,) empowering him to treat with the Thirteen United States of America; M. de Rayneval (brother to M. Gerard) having been sent from France to sound the intentions of the British Ministry, returned perfectly satisfied of their sincerity.
A little before our despatches were closed, our Ministers had delivered their propositions to the Court of London. They consisted of three general heads, which comprised our right to the fisheries, the extent of our territories, and commercial objects. Though these propositions contained all we could ask under each of these heads, yet Mr Oswald gave our Ministers reason to conclude, that they would be granted; which I am inclined to believe they have been, in their fullest extent, from the lead which our Ministers have taken in signing Provisional Articles. France, Spain, and Holland, had made their proposals; so that the King of Great Britain was perfectly apprized of their demands before he met his Parliament; there is little room, therefore, to doubt, when these facts are compared with the speech of His Britannic Majesty, that unless some unforeseen event should arise, a general peace will be concluded before the opening of the next campaign.
I was honored with your letter of the 18th, and have delivered the one enclosed to Mr Jefferson, who is detained by order of Congress, till they receive more certain advices as to the issue of the negotiation. I should also acknowledge the receipt of your favor of the 8th of January, which I found here on my return from the country. I think, with you, that the British administration will choose to take the advice of Parliament on the terms of peace, before they agree to them. Yet they have gone every length with respect to us. In this, however, they are perfectly safe, as the opposition have all along dictated that measure, so that on this quarter they are secured from their attack. More circumspection will be necessary in adjusting the articles with the other belligerent powers. To this cause, we may probably attribute the delays that this business still seems to struggle with.
Be pleased to accept my compliments, and those of my family, who join me in returning our best respects to Mrs Washington.
I have the honor to be, Dear Sir, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.
Philadelphia, March 12th, 1783.
Dear Sir,
The Washington packet arrived this morning. I have not yet had leisure to read all my letters, but as an express is ready to go early tomorrow, I rather choose to rely upon your goodness to excuse a letter written in extreme haste, than to hold myself inexcusable, by not informing you of what we yet know of the state of our negotiations. None of my letters is of a later date than the 25th of December. All difficulties had then been removed with respect to us, and the preliminaries were signed; they consist of nine articles.
The first acknowledges our Independence.
The second describes our boundaries, which are as extensive as we could wish.
The third ascertains our rights as to the fishery, and puts them upon the same footing that they were before the war.
The fourth provides that all British debts shall be paid.
The fifth and sixth are enclosed for your perusal, as they are likely to be the least satisfactory here.
The seventh stipulates that hostilities shall immediately cease, and that the British troops be withdrawn without carrying off any property, or dismantling fortifications; that records and archives shall be restored.
The eighth stipulates that the navigation of the Mississippi shall be open to us and Great Britain.
The ninth, that all conquests made in America after the ratification shall be restored.
These preliminaries are only provisional upon the determination of a peace with France, whose negotiations have not made such progress as ours. I believe they find themselves very much embarrassed by the demands of their other allies.
The Count de Vergennes, in a letter of the 25th of December, says, "I cannot foresee the issue, for difficulties arise from the disposition we have shown to remove them. It would be well, Sir, to prepare Congress for every event. I do not despair; I rather hope; but all is yet uncertain."
But, Sir, whatever the event of the negotiations may be, I persuade myself the enemy will leave these States. Mr Oswald has made some propositions to our Ministers upon this subject, proposing that they might be permitted to embark without molestation, and endeavor to recover West Florida from the Spaniards. This last communication, (which you will consider as confidential,) I thought might be important to your Excellency. By attending to their conduct, you will be able to judge if they mean to pursue this system, or if it was only thrown out to deceive.
I enclose also for your perusal, extracts from the addresses, not having time to have them copied at large. They are mere echoes to the speech. Supplies were voted, without one dissenting voice.
I must pray your Excellency to send on the enclosed packets; any expense it occasions will be paid by the Governor.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO GENERAL GREENE.
Philadelphia, March 12th, 1783.
Dear Sir,
The arrival of the Washington packet affords me an opportunity of sending you the preliminary articles, agreed upon between our Ministers and those of Great Britain. In every point but one they are unexceptionable; in that one I believe our Ministers have labored to obtain all that circumstances would admit, and by the reference of the tories to their respective States, they have made a very slender provision for the restitution they stipulate.
What it imports you more to know is, that though our principal difficulties are removed, yet many remain to retard the peace. Our allies do not appear to have made much progress in their negotiations, and Count de Vergennes, in a letter of the 25th of December, speaks with great uncertainty of the issue of his negotiations; yet not so as to destroy our hopes of a happy conclusion; at all events, I believe that the war will be removed from us, and directed to other objects in the spring.
The British commissioners have made some propositions to ours about a convention for permitting the army to depart in peace; but as nothing was concluded, some doubts may still remain on this head; though you will find in Lord North's speech, in the enclosed paper, a passage that seems to take the evacuation for granted. As, however, I have reason to suppose, that they do not mean to rest contented with the loss of West Florida, and are apparently collecting a force for its reduction at Augustine, I should think it prudent to maintain so respectable a force in Georgia and South Carolina, as would discourage any attempts upon them in case the negotiations should prove abortive.
A treaty is now on foot between Sweden and us. The commission to his Swedish Majesty's Minister, contains an ample and an honorable recognition of our independence.
The committee charged with the arrangements for the establishment of a Minister from the United Provinces at this place, have reported to the States of Holland on his salary and appointments, so that the Diplomatic Corps here will shortly be increased.
The general news of this place, as well as what relates particularly to the arrangements made and now making for the army, you will learn from Major Burnet, who does me the favor to be the bearer of this. It will not be necessary, therefore, to lengthen this further than to declare the sincere esteem and respect, with which I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Office of Foreign Affairs, March 13th, 1783.
Sir,
I have the honor to lay before Congress the enclosed letter from Mr Jefferson, who is waiting at this place their determination. As Major Burnet is now in town, and will be the bearer of despatches to General Greene, I take the liberty to request the earliest attention of Congress to those parts of the despatches submitted to them, that induce a belief that the enemy will turn their arms against West Florida, which the force they now have at Augustine renders probable. Congress may, perhaps, think it advisable to order that the force in the Southern States should be so respectable as to discourage a second attempt upon them in case the failure of the negotiation should occasion any change in the British Cabinet.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Office of Foreign Affairs, March 18th, 1783.
Sir,
The important matter contained in the despatches lately received, renders me unwilling to reply to them without being well satisfied of the sentiments of Congress. But, as the subjects on which I wish to be informed, are of too delicate a nature to be rendered formal acts, I shall submit to them the drafts of my reply to the joint letter of our Ministers, now at Paris. Previous to this, it will be necessary that Congress come to some express determination upon points which arise out of the treaty, and which, if they see in the same light that I do, they will consider as the most embarrassing, as well as the most important that can claim their attention.
Congress have hitherto, in all their acts, both of a public and private nature, manifested the utmost confidence in the Court of France. In answer to every communication, they have reiterated their resolutions on that subject, and so lately as the 4th of October last, resolved unanimously, "That they will not enter into the discussion of any overtures of pacification but in confidence and in concert with his Most Christian Majesty;" and directed that a copy of the above resolution should not only be furnished to the Minister of France, but be sent to all the Ministers of the United States in Europe, and published to the world. Yet, Sir, it has unfortunately so happened, that the Ministers of these States have imagined they had sufficient grounds to suspect the sincerity of the Court of France, and have not only thought it prudent to agree upon and sign preliminaries with Great Britain, without communicating them, till after the signature, to the Ministers of his Most Christian Majesty, but have permitted a separate article to be inserted in their treaty, which they still conceal from the Court of France.
This reduces Congress to the disagreeable necessity, either of making themselves parties to this concealment, and thereby to contradict all their former professions of confidence in their ally, made not only to that ally, but to their own citizens, and to every Court at which they had a Minister, or of revealing it at the expense of the confidence they would wish to maintain between their Ministers and the Court of France, and that, too, when those Ministers have obtained such terms from the Court of London, as does great honor to them, and at least equals our highest expectations.
I feel the more pain on this subject, because, from the manner in which this treaty is drawn, as well as from the article itself, I am inclined to believe that England had no other view in its insertion, but to be enabled to produce it as a mark of the confidence we reposed in them, and to detach us from our ally, if the nation could be brought to continue the war.
The preamble, drawn by our Ministers, contained professions of attachment to the alliance, and declared that the treaty should not be obligatory till His Britannic Majesty shall have agreed to accept the terms of a peace between France and Britain, proposed or accepted by his Most Christian Majesty, and shall be ready to conclude with him such treaty. The preamble, agreed to, and, as there is reason to conclude, framed in England, is so expressed as to render it very doubtful whether our treaty does not take place the moment France and England have agreed on the terms of their treaty, though France should refuse to sign till her allies were satisfied. This construction is strongly supported in the House of Commons by the administration.
The separate article is in itself an object of no moment; the territory it cedes is of little importance, and if, as our Ministers assert, it made a part of West Florida previous to the war, it will, on the peace, be annexed to the nation that shall retain that Colony; but it is extremely well calculated to sow the seeds of distrust and jealousy between the United Stales and their allies. It demonstrates a marked preference for the English over the present possessors, and seems to invite Britain to reconquer it. Though this may promote our particular interest, it never can consist with our honor to prefer an open enemy to a nation engaged in the same cause with us, and closely connected to our ally. This article would, in my opinion, if avowed by the United States, fully justify Spain in making a separate peace without the least regard to our interest.
But this, Sir, is an inconsiderable evil, compared with those which may result from its having been concealed from the Court of Versailles. Mr Laurens informs Congress (and that too from letters of a late date from London,) "that the people of England still retain the idea of our late Colonies and of reconciliation; that Government gives every possible encouragement to this humor; that it has been their incessant endeavor to detach us from our ally, and that it is given out in London, that, by signing the late preliminaries, they have out-manoeuvred the Court of France; that every engine had been set at work; that every degree of craft, under the mask of returning affection, will be practised for creating jealousies between the States and their good and great ally." Mr Adams's letters of November, speak the same language. If, Sir, we suppose these gentlemen to have been well informed, how much reason have we to apprehend that this secret article will prove in the hands of Britain a most dangerous engine. They may reveal to the Court of France the jealousies our Ministers entertain, the confidence they repose in them, with such falsehoods and additions as will best serve their purposes, and, by producing this secret article, gain credit for all they advance. This line they certainly pursued with respect to France, revealing all that they learnt from the Count de Vergennes, relative to his opinion of the first commission; nor is there room to doubt, that Marbois' letter was received through the same channel. And there is no reason to believe, if (as our Ministers suppose) the Court of France had put themselves more in their power, that they would neglect such promising means of increasing the suspicions our Plenipotentiaries already entertained.
Add to this, that this article may be used in Parliament, and with the British nation at large, as a most powerful argument for continuing the war, adducing, from the resentment it discovers to Spain, and the distrusts it manifests of France, that the quadruple knot is untied.
But suppose, what may possibly be the case, that the British administration are sincere, how is the honor and good faith of the United States to be justified to their allies, and to the world, if by any of those causes which daily operate, this secret, which is now known to sixty or seventy people, should be discovered? To tell the world that we suspected France, will not suffice, unless we can show probable grounds for such suspicion. Our Ministers inform us, that when they communicated the articles of the treaty to Count de Vergennes, "he appeared surprised, but not displeased at their being so favorable to us." Mr Laurens declares expressly, "That he sees no cause for entertaining more particular jealousy, than ought to be kept up against every negotiating Court in the world, and not half so much as should at this moment be upon the watch against every motion arising from our new half friends."
I confess, Sir, though my sentiments are of little moment that I am fully of this opinion, and that I tremble lest we should at this hour be on the edge of a precipice, the more dangerous, as we have fixed our eyes on the flattering prospect which lies beyond it. I am persuaded that, the old maxim, "Honesty is the best policy," applies with as much force to States as to individuals. In that persuasion, I venture humbly to recommend, that such measures be adopted as to manifest, that repeated professions of fidelity to their engagements, and confidence in their ally, may not appear to have been made by Congress to mask deceit. The caution, which negotiations require, and the light in which objects have appeared to our Ministers, may justify them, and perhaps entitle them to credit for attempting to serve us at every personal hazard.
But, Sir, it certainly cannot consist with the honor of these States, upon such slight grounds, to contradict their own resolutions, and forfeit the confidence of an ally, to whom it has been so much indebted, and whose aid it is at this moment supplicating for the means of carrying on another campaign.
Under these impressions, I humbly submit these resolutions, namely;
"That the Secretary of Foreign Affairs be directed to communicate the Separate Article in the Provisional Preliminary Treaty with Great Britain, to the Minister of his Most Christian Majesty, in such manner as will best tend to remove any unfavorable impression it may make on the Court of France, of the sincerity of these States or their Ministers.
"That the Ministers for negotiating be informed of this communication, and of the reasons which influenced Congress to make it. That they be instructed to agree, that in whatever hands West Florida may remain at the conclusion of the war, the United States will be satisfied that the line of Northern boundary be as described in the said separate, articles.
"That it is the sense of the United States in Congress, that the articles agreed upon between the Ministers of these States, and those of his Britannic Majesty, are not to take place until a peace shall have been actually signed between their Most Christian and British Majesties."
Congress will easily believe, that I offer these sentiments with the utmost diffidence; that I see many and powerful arguments that militate against them; that I feel extreme pain in advising a measure, which may hurt the feelings of Ministers, to whom we are indebted for their continued zeal and assiduity, all of whom I respect, and with one of whom I have had the closest and most intimate friendship from our earliest youth. But, Sir, it is a duty that my office requires; and I am happy in reflecting that this duty is discharged, when I have proposed what I think right, and that the better judgment of Congress is to determine.[26]
I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
FOOTNOTES:
[26] See further remarks by Mr Livingston on this subject in John Jay's Correspondence, Vol. VIII. p. 215; also Correspondence of the Commissioners for Peace, Vol. X. p. 129.
* * * * *
CIRCULAR TO THE GOVERNORS OF THE STATES.
Philadelphia, March 18th, 1783.
Sir,
Congress a few days since directed me to transmit to your Excellency a copy of the provisional treaty for a peace between the United States and Great Britain. I should have done it at an earlier day without any particular direction, had not an order passed in Congress for furnishing the Delegates of each State with a copy, that it might be transmitted through them. In conformity to the second direction I have the honor to enclose a copy, though I have no doubt that I have been already anticipated by that forwarded by the Delegates of your State. Yet, Sir, this letter may not be entirely useless when it assures you that the conclusion of the treaty is still very uncertain. My public letters are of such a nature as not to free me from apprehensions that Britain still seeks rather to divide her enemies than to be reconciled to them. Though this suspicion may not perhaps be well founded, yet such conduct is so conformable to the general tenor of British Councils, that it is at least the part of prudence to be upon our guard against it. But whatsoever their intentions may be, the peace must still depend upon so many contingencies that no preparation for another campaign should be omitted on our part. None is neglected by our antagonists. They have voted one hundred and ten thousand seamen for the ensuing year. France continues her preparations, and will not close the war till she can obtain honorable terms for her allies. Little progress was made in their negotiations when my letters were written. Count de Vergennes has thought it prudent to advise Congress of this circumstance, that they might be prepared for every event. I communicate it to your Excellency with similar views. I doubt not you will avail yourself of this information to urge the State in which you preside, to take such measures that they may not be found unprovided in case our hopes of peace should be frustrated.
It would give me pleasure to learn the measures that have been adopted, in consequence of the requisitions made in my letters to your Excellency or your predecessors in office at different periods relative to my Department, and more particularly to receive the account so frequently called for of the damage done by the enemy in your State.[27] I have reason to think had it been furnished in time, it might have been of singular use to our Ministers, and perhaps have tended to obtain some relief for the sufferers. It may not yet come too late to be useful. Let me pray your Excellency to take measures for furnishing three authentic copies by the earliest opportunity.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
FOOTNOTES:
[27] Proper alterations were made to this paragraph in the letter to the Governor of Connecticut, as he had already sent the accounts herein mentioned.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Office of Foreign Affairs, Philadelphia, } March 21st, 1783. }
Sir,
I enclose for the inspection of Congress a letter received by the Washington from Mr Barclay. I take this opportunity to remind Congress, that I had the honor of laying before them, on the 23d day of December, a letter from the same gentleman, which contained objections to the convention for the appointment of Consuls, proposed to be entered into between France and the United States, reasons for sending him a new commission, constituting him Consul General in France, with Count de Vergennes' objection to the one he now holds; also a request of blank commissions for privateers and letters of marque. This letter was committed to a special committee. I have not yet been informed, whether they have reported; nor have I been honored with the commands of Congress relative to these objects.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.
Philadelphia, March 24th, 1783.
Dear Sir,
You will by this express receive the agreeable intelligence of a general peace, upon which I most sincerely congratulate you and the army. Harmony, a regard for justice and fidelity to our engagements, are all that now remains to render us a happy people. The vessel that brought these despatches was sent out by the Count d'Estaing to recall the French cruisers. As the Minister tells me he will forward the orders and passports to your Excellency, I will not detain the messenger till I have mine copied. This should in my opinion be immediately sent either by Congress or your Excellency to Sir Guy Carleton.
A private letter to me mentions, that the Bahama Islands are also ceded to the British. Holland seems to have come worst off, and France by getting little for herself has laid in a store of reputation, which will be worth more than much territory. I must request your Excellency to send on the enclosed letters by express to the Governor.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
P. S. I have thought proper to send Mr Lewis Morris to New York, to inform General Carleton of the happy re-union of the powers at war, and also of a resolution of Congress of this day, directing their Agent of Marine to take proper measures to stop all further hostilities by sea.
* * * * *
TO SIR GUY CARLETON, COMMANDER IN CHIEF OF HIS BRITANNIC MAJESTY'S FORCES IN NORTH AMERICA.
Office of Foreign Affairs, Philadelphia, } March 24th, 1783. }
Sir,
I have the honor to inform your Excellency, that a vessel arrived here last night from Cadiz, despatched by order of Count d'Estaing to recall the cruisers of his Most Christian Majesty, and to prevent the further effusion of blood at sea. A copy of the order is enclosed, having been certified by the Chevalier de la Luzerne to be a true copy. Though this may not be considered by your Excellency as official, yet your humanity will induce you to think it sufficiently authentic to justify your taking immediate measures to stop the further effusion of blood, on which principle Congress have been pleased to pass the enclosed resolution.
The vessel which brought these orders did not sail with express design to come to the port of Philadelphia, and has, therefore, brought no official letters, so that I have it not in my power to afford you any further information as to the terms of a general peace, than what are contained in the enclosed extract transmitted to me by the Marquis de Lafayette; with this further addition, that the Bahama Islands are restored to Great Britain.
Mr Morris, one of my Secretaries, will have the honor to deliver this to your Excellency, and may be intrusted with any despatches which you may choose to deliver him, that may contain further information than we have yet received on an event so interesting to us and to humanity as the return of peace.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO REAR ADMIRAL DIGBY.
Office of Foreign Affairs, Philadelphia, } March 24th, 1783. }
Sir,
I have the honor to enclose for your perusal the copy of a letter, which I have just written to his Excellency General Carleton. If the subject of it should relate more to you than to his Department, I am satisfied that you will find equal pleasure in adopting such measures as humanity dictates, and mutually concur with the United States in the best means of extending, as early as possible, the blessings of peace to the subjects or citizens of the nations at war.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
SIR GUY CARLETON TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
New York, March 26th, 1783.
Sir,
I have received your letter of the 24th instant, enclosing a resolution of Congress of the same date, taken in consequence of the arrival of the cutter, Triomphe, commanded by Lieutenant du Quesne, with, orders of the 10th of February last, given at Cadiz by Vice Admiral d'Estaing, for him to put to sea and cruize on such stations as he shall judge most likely to meet with ships of his nation, and inform them of the happy reconciliation of the belligerent powers, and to order all their ships of war to cease hostilities against those of Great Britain; the Preliminary Articles of a general peace being signed the 20th of January. You thereupon are pleased to express your expectation that I would think this information thus conveyed, "sufficiently authentic to justify my taking immediate measures to stop the further effusion of blood."
For my own part, I have hitherto abstained from all hostilities, and this conduct I meant to continue so far as our own security would permit; but how great soever my desire is to put an entire stop to the calamities of war, and whatever respect this information may deserve, yet I do not find myself thereby justified in recommending measures that might give facility to the fleets and armies menacing any part of the King's possessions, to carry their hostilities into execution.
To adopt a measure of this importance, it is necessary I should receive orders from home, which I may reasonably expect every hour, as a cruiser sent out on other purposes is already arrived at Philadelphia; and I assure you, Sir, I only wait the official certainty of this great event, to assume the language, and the spirit too, of the most perfect conciliation and peace.
I perceive, Sir, by the resolution enclosed in your letter, that Congress have thought fit to consider this information as authentic, and, thereupon, have taken one considerable step towards carrying the terms of peace into immediate execution.
Another, not less important, I presume, has been taken, or is taking. With the cessation of hostilities, I perceive, is connected in the seventh Article of the provisional treaty an engagement, that "all prisoners on both sides shall be set at liberty;" of this event, therefore, I hope likewise speedily to receive the very necessary and welcome notice, as I shall find the highest satisfaction in seeing released on all sides, men upon whom the evils and calamities of war have more peculiarly fallen.
I am, Sir, &c.
GUY CARLETON.
* * * * *
ADMIRAL DIGBY TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
New York, March 27th, 1783.
Sir,
I have received your letter, enclosing me the resolve of Congress, with a copy of a letter to his Excellency, Sir Guy Carleton, but, as I have as yet received no official accounts from England, I must wait till you, on your side, relieve our prisoners, before I give that general relief to you, I so much wish. There can be no reason for detaining our prisoners one moment, as Congress must suppose the peace signed. I shall take every precaution in my power consistent with my duty, to stop any further mischief upon the seas, but should recommend the preventing any vessels sailing, as I have not yet received sufficient authority to enable me to withdraw my cruisers.
I am, Sir, &c.
ROBERT DIGBY.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Office of Foreign Affairs, March 28th, 1783.
Sir,
There remains in my hands the sum of thirtyeight thousand three hundred and thirtytwo livres, equal on exchange at par to about seven thousand three hundred and ten dollars, arising from the excess on the payment of the salaries of the Ministers of the United States in Europe, occasioned by the course of exchange during the last year, which Congress have been pleased to direct that I should pass to the account of the United States. In this I have not calculated six hundred and eightyeight livres excess upon M. Dumas's account, being too inconsiderable to make a deduction worth attention.
Desirous of settling all my accounts on the 1st of April, previous to my leaving the department, I pray Congress to pass some order relative to the disposition of the money, so that I may discharge myself of it. As Congress may be led to suppose, from a passage in Mr Laurens's letter, that I have charged a commission on this transaction, I take the liberty to inform them, that though this is an extra service attended with some trouble and risk, I once had it in view, if our Ministers compelled me to be their agent, to charge a commission while the exchange was in their favor, yet not having then done it, I cannot think it would be reasonable to deduct a commission from the reduced sum that is now paid them.
I have honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.
Philadelphia, April 4th, 1783.
Sir,
I have the honor to inform you, by the direction of Congress, in answer to your letter of the 13th of March, "that they consider the object of your appointment as so far advanced, as to render it unnecessary for you to pursue your voyage; and that Congress are well satisfied with the readiness you have shown in undertaking a service, which from the present situation of affairs, they apprehend can be dispensed with."
I have caused your account to be settled to the 1st of April, and hope to be able to send you the warrant for the amount tomorrow. If you please, I will apply for such further sum as you may think proper to charge for the time that may be necessary to carry you home, as I think that within the spirit of the resolution of Congress.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
WILLIAM PACA TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
In Council, Annapolis, April 4th, 1783.
Sir,
We have been honored with your favor of the 18th ultimo.
The requisitions made in your former letters have been regularly laid before the Legislature of this State, (Maryland) and we are very sorry to find that the early attention which their importance merited has not been paid to them.
The Assembly at their last session, passed an act directing persons to be appointed in each county to ascertain upon oath the damages done by the enemy within their respective counties, and to report the same to this Board. As soon as we are furnished with their returns, you may rest assured, Sir, that no time shall be lost in transmitting to you, properly authenticated, the information you have been solicitous to obtain.
With great regard and respect, &c.
WILLIAM PACA.
* * * * *
SIR GUY CARLETON TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
New York, April 6th, 1783.
Sir,
A packet from England arrived at this port last night, by which I have despatches from Mr Townshend, one of his Majesty's principal Secretaries of State, communicating official intelligence, that Preliminary Articles of Peace with France and Spain were signed at Paris, on the 20th of January last, and that the ratifications have been since exchanged at the same place.
The King, Sir, has been pleased, in consequence of these events, to order a Proclamation to be published, declaring a cessation of arms,[28] as well by sea as land, and his Majesty's pleasure signified, that I should cause the same to be published in all places under my command, in order, that His Majesty's subjects may pay immediate and due obedience thereto, and such Proclamation I shall accordingly cause to be made on Tuesday next, the 8th instant.
In consequence thereof, and in conformity to the Articles of peace, all our prisoners of war are to be set at liberty and restored, with all convenient despatch; entertaining no doubt, but that similar measures will be taken on the part of the United States of America. In like manner no doubt can be entertained, but that Congress, in conformity to the fifth Article of the provisional treaty, will lose no time in earnestly recommending to the Legislatures of the respective States, to provide for the restitution of confiscated estates, and to reconsider and revise all laws of confiscation, that they may be rendered perfectly consistent, not only with justice and equity, but with that spirit of conciliation, which on the return of the blessings of peace should universally prevail.
And I am further to inform you, Sir, that an instrument of accession to the suspension of hostilities, by the States General of the United Provinces, having been received in England, a cessation of arms with those States has been thereupon included in the Proclamation.
Upon this great occasion, Sir, I am to offer my strongest assurances, that during the short period of my command here, I shall be ready and earnest to cultivate that spirit of perfect good will, which between the United States of America, and the King of Great Britain, and the subjects and the citizens of both countries, will I trust always remain.
I am, with much consideration, Sir, &c.
GUY CARLETON.
FOOTNOTES:
[28] See this Proclamation in the Correspondence of the Commissioners for Peace, Vol. X. p. 124.
* * * * *
ADMIRAL DIGBY TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Lion, off New York, April 6th, 1783.
Sir,
I have this moment received the enclosed Proclamation from his Majesty's Secretary of State, and shall immediately despatch one of the sloops of war to withdraw all my cruisers upon the coast, and shall also release all the prisoners as quickly as I can dispose of them in the most convenient way to themselves.
I am, Sir, &c.
ROBERT DIGBY.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Office of Foreign Affairs, April 10th, 1783.
Sir,
I have the honor of laying before Congress two letters, received yesterday by express from New York, the one from General Carleton and the other from Rear Admiral Digby. Both covered copies of his Britannic Majesty's Proclamation for a cessation of hostilities. I presume Congress will consider this advice as sufficiently authentic to justify the discharge of their prisoners, who are now a useless expense, though not so much so as to render it proper to proceed to the measures directed by the fifth Article of the provisional treaty, till that treaty is officially communicated and ratifications exchanged.
I am at a loss to determine when hostilities are of right to cease between the United States and Great Britain. If, as the Proclamation asserts, the times therein mentioned were agreed between the Ministers of the several powers at war, to take effect upon their respective ratifications, then hostilities have not yet ceased between us and Great Britain, except so far as the King of Great Britain has thought proper to shorten the term by his special act. If no such ratification was necessary on our part, then hostilities ceased immediately after ratifications were exchanged between France and England. If the same term has been fixed for the cessation of hostilities between Great Britain and the United States, as that agreed upon between France and Great Britain, then it becomes a question, what is meant by "as far as the Western Islands?" If it refers to the latitude, then all prizes made after the 3d of March, on the greater part of our coast, must be restored. As much property may depend upon the decision of these questions, I presume Congress will do no act, which shall lead to a determination of it, till we receive further advices from our own Ministers.
I shall be pardoned when I take the liberty to request, that the enclosed letters may not find their way into the papers, unless Congress shall determine, that this publication may answer some useful purposes.
I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Philadelphia, April 10th, 1783.
Sir,
I do myself the honor to enclose the draft of a Proclamation for the suspension of hostilities between the United States and Great Britain, and the resolution for the discharge of prisoners, together with one for referring a part of Mr Adams's letters, which is all that it is necessary to report upon the letters referred to me.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO GENERAL GREENE.
Philadelphia, April 12th, 1783.
Dear Sir,
I am now to congratulate you on the return of peace, and a cessation from your labor. I some time since sent you the Provisional Treaty between Great Britain and the United States. On Wednesday last, Sir Guy Carleton sent me the enclosed Proclamation of his Britannic Majesty, and informed me, that he had directed a similar Proclamation to issue at New York, and proposed to discharge all our prisoners. I had a letter from Admiral Digby to the same effect; the next day I received advices of the agreement of the cessation of hostilities, from our Ministers. Congress, in consequence of these advices, yesterday issued the enclosed Proclamation.
I reported to them on the propriety of releasing their prisoners. The report is to be considered today, and I doubt not that it will be agreed to. The British Parliament appear to be extremely dissatisfied at the terms of peace; a majority, headed by Lord North, has been obtained against the Administration, so that I think Lord Shelburne has little prospect of continuing in the Administration; but this is of no consequence to us, unless we are bound to like an Administration that has served us against their will. As doubts may arise with respect to the restitution of prizes taken after the epoch fixed by the Proclamation, it may not be improper for me to mention to you, that we conceive, that hostilities ceased in those parts of the Atlantic Ocean, which lay in the same latitude with the Canaries, on the 3d of March.
I am, Sir, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO SIR GUY CARLETON.
Philadelphia, April 12th, 1783.
Sir,
I received your letter of the 6th instant, informing me of the arrival of a Packet, by which you have official intelligence, that the Preliminary Articles of Peace with France and Spain were signed at Paris on the 20th of January last; that the ratifications have been since exchanged, and that his Britannic Majesty has ordered a cessation of arms to be proclaimed, as well by sea as by land; and that you propose, agreeably to his orders, to issue a similar Proclamation, and to set at liberty your prisoners of war.
This interesting intelligence was communicated to the United States in Congress, who, though they had yet received no official accounts, would immediately have made it the basis of pacific measures, without entertaining doubts of its authenticity, or yielding to suspicions which would tend to prolong the calamities of war; but while these measures were under consideration, they received from their Ministers official advices of the agreement between them and the Court of Great Britain relative to a cessation of hostilities, on which they have founded the enclosed Proclamation.[29] They have likewise under consideration measures for the discharge of their prisoners; these measures will be carried into effect as soon as possible after they are determined on.
It cannot be doubted, Sir, as you justly observe, that Congress will embrace the earliest opportunity to perform the stipulations contained in the fifth, as well as every other of the Provisional Articles, immediately after the same shall have been ratified. In the meanwhile, it must be obvious to your Excellency that a recommendation to restore to the loyalists the estates they have forfeited, will come with less weight before Legislatures composed of men, whose property is still withheld from them by the continuance of his Britannic Majesty's fleets and armies in this country, than it will do when peace and the full enjoyment of their rights shall have worn down those asperities, which have grown out of eight years' war. This reflection will, I doubt not, induce you to give every facility in your power to the execution of the seventh Article of the Provisional Treaty, and to fix as early a day for the evacuation of New York, and its dependencies, as may consist with your orders.
I give the fullest credit, Sir, to your assurances, that you are ready to cultivate the spirit of harmony and good will between the subjects and citizens of his Britannic Majesty and these States, since I find them warranted by the humanity which has uniformly distinguished your command in America. But, Sir, time only, with liberality in those that govern in both countries, can entirely efface the remembrance of what has passed, and produce that perfect good will, which I sincerely concur with you in wishing to cultivate.
I am, Sir, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
FOOTNOTES:
[29] See this Proclamation in the Correspondence of the Commissioners for Peace, Vol. X. p. 133.
* * * * *
TO REAR ADMIRAL DIGBY.
Philadelphia, April 12th, 1783.
Sir,
I received your letter, enclosing a Proclamation for the suspension of hostilities, and informing me of your design to recall your cruisers and release your prisoners. In return, Sir, I have the pleasure to enclose a Proclamation by the United States of America for a suspension of hostilities. Congress have the measures necessary for the return of their prisoners under consideration; I shall acquaint you with those they adopt.
The resolution transmitted in my last, has already informed you, that the humanity of Congress induced them, on the first intimation of the cessation of hostilities, to recall their cruisers. It is to be hoped, Sir, that no difficulties will arise on either side as to the restitution of such vessels as may have been taken after the epoch mentioned in the Proclamations of his Britannic Majesty and the United States. For though this may be of no great moment when considered in a national light, yet it becomes important, from the number of captures made on this coast within the latitude of the Canaries, since the 3d of March last, as well as from the presages, which the first steps may furnish, of the respect that will in future be paid to the stipulations in the treaty.
The gentleman, who delivered me your letter, will inform you, that it came open to my hands from a mistake in the direction. I am so fully persuaded, Sir, that I do not deceive myself, when I impute this rather to mistake, than to the principle followed, in some instances, in an early period of the late war, that I should not have noticed it now but to prevent, in future, the inconveniences, with which it has been in this instance attended.
I am, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.
Philadelphia, April 12th, 1783.
Dear Sir,
I congratulate your Excellency most sincerely upon the cessation of hostilities, which you will learn from the enclosed Proclamation. You will doubtless have heard directly from General Carleton on the subject, so that it will not be necessary to trouble you with the substance of his letter to me.
Congress will this day, upon my report, take into consideration the propriety of discharging the prisoners, and the manner in which it is to be done. Sir Guy Carleton presses hard in his letter for the execution of the fifth of the Preliminary Articles. I have replied, that it cannot be executed till the treaty is ratified; and in the mean time endeavored to convince him, that the recommendation of Congress will be received with much more respect, when the persons, who compose our Legislatures, have returned to their respective homes, and the asperities occasioned by the war shall be a little worn down by the enjoyment of peace. It is a very capital omission in our treaty, that no time has been fixed for the evacuation of New York.
It were to be wished, that General Carleton's intentions on this head could be sounded by your Excellency.
I have the honor to be, Dear Sir, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
CIRCULAR TO THE GOVERNORS OF THE STATES.
Philadelphia, April 12th, 1783.
Sir,
Permit me to offer you my congratulations on the important event announced by the United States, in Congress, in the enclosed Proclamation for the cessation of hostilities; an event, which is not only pleasing, as it relieves us from the accumulated distresses of war in the bowels of our country, but as it affords the fairest and most flattering prospects of its future greatness and prosperity. I need not, I am persuaded, Sir, use any arguments to urge your Excellency and the State over which you preside, to the most scrupulous attention to the execution of every stipulation in our treaty, which may depend on you or them. A national character is now to be acquired. I venture to hope, that it will be worthy of the struggles by which we became a nation.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
SIR GUY CARLETON TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
New York, April 14th, 1783.
Sir,
As I observe in the seventh article of the Provisional Treaty it is agreed, after stipulating that "all prisoners on both sides shall be set at liberty," that "his Britannic Majesty shall with all convenient speed, and without causing any destruction, or carrying away any negroes, or other property of the American inhabitants, withdraw all his armies, garrisons, and fleets from the United States, and from every port, place, and harbor within the same, &c.;" and as embarkations of persons and property are on the point of being made, I am to request that Congress would be pleased to empower any person or persons, on behalf of the United States, to be present at New York, and to assist such persons as shall be appointed by me to inspect and superintend all embarkations, which the evacuation of this place may require; and they will be pleased to represent to me every infraction of the letter or spirit of the treaty, that redress may be immediately ordered.
I am, Sir, &c.
GUY CARLETON.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Philadelphia, April 21st, 1783.
Sir,
I have the honor to enclose a letter, just received from Mr Dana. I am much surprised to find that such considerable sums as he mentions are necessary on the signature of a treaty with Russia, since I cannot learn that money is demanded of right on similar occasions by any civilized nation in Europe; though it is usual among them to present gratifications to the Ministers on both sides, which being for the most part of equal value, the account is balanced. As I do not conceive, that we are under the least necessity of buying a treaty with Russia, I think it would be well for Mr Dana, (if he should not have been misinformed) to declare to the Court of St Petersburg, that the Ministers of the United States are restrained from receiving presents, that to make them in such circumstance, would be either to arrogate a superiority to which they were not entitled, or to acknowledge that they were so far the inferior of those with whom they treated, as to be compelled to purchase a connexion, which should be founded in equality and mutual advantage. That he therefore found himself compelled in the one case, by respect for the Empress, in the other by a regard to the United States, rather to break off the treaty, than to take a step which might be supposed to derogate from either. After all, I apprehend, that Mr Dana has not received his information on this subject through the best channel, and that he must have mistaken a particular case for a general custom.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
GEORGE WASHINGTON TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Head Quarters, April 22d, 1783.
Sir,
I have been honored with your two favors, dated the 12th and 15th instant.
In consequence of the resolutions of Congress on the 15th instant, and the express declarations of the Secretary at War, respecting the sense and expectations of Congress, arrangements have been agreed upon between him and me, for an immediate liberation of all land prisoners; and I have yesterday given this information to Sir Guy Carleton. The particulars of the arrangement, with the opinion given the British Commander in Chief, you will obtain through the Minister at War.
In order to obtain the sense of Sir Guy Carleton upon the matters, contained in the resolution of the 15th, I have proposed a personal interview with him at an early day. The result of this meeting, if acceded to, will probably lead us to a decision upon some questions, which are more doubtful, and that with greater decision and despatch, than could otherwise be procured. |
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