He observes, that the Chevalier de la Luzerne will judge from this, that they affected much surprise at the counter propositions, and that they did not assent to them; neither on the other hand, have they yet refused them, but confine themselves to demanding explanations. That this was then the state of their negotiations; that Mr Oswald had presented his commission, to which Mr Franklin and Mr Jay had yet given no reply, suspending it till they knew his (the Count de Vergennes's) sentiments; that as yet he had formed no opinion, waiting the result of a conference, which he was to have the next day with those Ministers; that the commission was in the usual form, but speaks of the Americans as Colonies, without naming them rebels, or asserting any claims upon them.

That he did not for his part believe, that Lord Shelburne would negotiate a general peace sincerely, till he lost all hopes of sowing dissensions and treating separately; that they were convinced, that neither France nor Spain were to be deceived, and that he (the Count de Vergennes,) entertained the same sentiments with respect to the Americans, but that the British Ministry, deceiving themselves, may continue to tempt them till a peace is signed; that the information they (the Court of France,) had received from him (the Minister of France,) had left them little doubt on that head; and that those doubts will be entirely removed when the States shall have respectively imitated the example of Maryland, Virginia, and New Jersey.

That, however, good faith was not all that was required of an ally; that they must feel themselves in a situation to impose terms on the enemy; that unhappily the Americans had neglected this; that the Minister of France could not press this too closely upon us.

He then proceeds to inform the Minister, that while the British had set on foot a direct negotiation, the Imperial Court renewed their instances with that of London to engage them to accept their mediation; that this gave birth to an answer, in which his Britannic Majesty, without taking notice of the negotiation begun at Paris, declared, that he was ready to receive through them, every pacific overture, and even to admit the Dutch and the Americans to the negotiation. This answer was dated on the 29th of April, when Mr Oswald was already in Paris. That they continued their negotiations, and sent Mr Grenville powers, which were dated on the 21st of May; that they did not conceal this from the Imperial Court, but pretended that it was at the instance of France.

That this false accusation, and above all the fear of seeing the mediation vanish, had engaged the Imperial Court to communicate to the Court of Versailles and Madrid, the last Memorial of the Court of London, and to exhort them to establish a negotiation under their auspices; that it was easy to refute the unskilful accusation of the British, which he (the Count de Vergennes,) thinks they (the Court of France,) have done with success; that the answer is transmitted; that they had determined, without rejecting the mediation, to pursue the direct negotiation as long as it might be convenient to the Court of London; that he had not seen the answer of the British, which could not, however, be very satisfactory, since they have expedited the commission to Mr Fitzherbert and Mr Oswald; that he (the Count do Vergennes,) was ignorant of the part, that the Imperial Courts would take upon their declinatory answer.

But that they had always been candid, clear, and open, and would have no objection to confide their interests with the mediators upon the established basis, whenever the Court of London shall decline the direct negotiation she had begun; that the King did not doubt but that Congress would think with him on this subject, and that he would not hesitate, if circumstances should require it, to give such assurances to the two Imperial Courts. In a postscript he adds, that he had seen Mr Jay and Mr Franklin, and that they had together discussed both the substance and form of the commission to Mr Oswald, and that in spite of his (Mr Oswald's) instances, they had agreed to decline entering into the matter with him, until he shall have produced the original of his commission.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

December 31st, 1782.

Sir,

The undersigned, Minister Plenipotentiary of France, has had the honor of communicating to the Secretary of the Department of Foreign Affairs, several facts and circumstances relative to the negotiation for a general peace, which is now carried on at Paris, between the belligerent powers. That Minister will communicate them to Congress; but the undersigned Plenipotentiary, has received orders himself, to express to that Assembly, the satisfaction of the King, his master, at the conduct, which they have observed on occasion of the overtures, made by the English Commissioners commanding at New York, at different times, for establishing a particular negotiation with the United States, or with any one of them.

The King has seen with pleasure the resolutions taken by his allies under these circumstances, and their perfect harmony with those, which he has taken himself.

He has observed with equal satisfaction the unanimity, which has reigned in the different States of the Union, which have expressed their sentiments in relation to the proposal for a separate peace; their determination honorably to reject every proposal of this kind, corresponds perfectly with the opinion formed by his Majesty, of their fidelity in the observance of their engagements, and of the wisdom which presides in their Councils.

The communications made to the Secretary of the Department of Foreign Affairs, encourage the presumption, that conduct, as prudent and advantageous as it is just and wise, will soon bring the allies to a happy conclusion of the present war. The British Minister showed a peaceable disposition; he had reasonable fears respecting the fate of several naval operations, which, on the contrary, have had a result much more favorable than the Court of London seemed to expect. Possibly these unexpected successes may change his disposition for peace, and on that supposition, the undersigned Minister thinks, that it will be wise in the United States not to relax their efforts and their preparations for the ensuing campaign. Congress may be assured, that his Majesty will, on his part, hold himself in readiness to carry it on with vigor, and that he will apply all his resources to that object.[16]

LUZERNE.

FOOTNOTES:

[16] In Congress, January 3d, 1783. "On report of the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, to whom was referred the foregoing note,

"Resolved, That the Secretary of Foreign Affairs inform the Minister of France, that Congress learn with great pleasure, that the steps taken by Congress and the respective States, their constituents, in opposition to the attempts of the British Court to bring about a partial negotiation, has been satisfactory to his Most Christian Majesty. That his Majesty's conduct in the progress of the negotiations commenced in Europe, as it has been communicated to Congress, is sufficient to inspire a just abhorrence of every act derogatory to the principles of the alliance, and serves to fortify the resolutions, which his repeated acts of friendship, and a sense of their own honor and dignity had dictated to the United States in Congress assembled, and the States they represent."

* * * * *

RESOLVES OF CONGRESS ON THE DEPARTURE OF THE FRENCH ARMY.

In Congress, January 1st, 1783.

On Report of the Secretary of Foreign Affairs,

The Minister Plenipotentiary of his Most Christian Majesty having communicated to Congress, through the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, on the 7th instant, the resolution taken to embark the army under the command of the Count de Rochambeau, and on the 29th their having actually embarked and sailed, together with his Majesty's intention to direct them to return, whenever an object should offer in which they might effectually co-operate with the troops of the United States;

Resolved, That the Secretary of Foreign Affairs inform the Minister of France, that though Congress cannot see without regret, the departure of an army to whose bravery and good conduct they are so greatly indebted for the reduction of the enemy's force in this country, yet, that they have too much confidence in the attention of his Majesty to the interests of the alliance, not to be persuaded, that the order for their departure was dictated by a conviction, that they could elsewhere be more usefully employed against the common enemy. That they wish him to make known to his Majesty the grateful sense they entertain of his attention to their immediate interest, manifested in the important aid thus long afforded them, and in his generous determination to direct his troops to return to this country, whenever circumstances will admit of an advantageous co-operation with the arms of the United States. That they desire through him to recommend in a particular manner the Count de Rochambeau, and the army under his command, to the favor of his Majesty, having the highest reason to be satisfied with their bravery and good conduct, and with that strict discipline, to which they are indebted for the perfect harmony, which has so happily subsisted between them and the soldiers and citizens of the United States.

Resolved, That the President make the acknowledgements of Congress, in a particular manner, to his Excellency the Count de Rochambeau, and signify to him the high sense they entertain of the distinguished talents displayed by him, with so much advantage to these States, in the most important conjunctures, as well as of the strict and exemplary discipline, which has been uniformly conspicuous in the troops under his command, and which has deservedly acquired the admiration and esteem of the citizens of these States, by whom his signal services, and the delicate attention at all times paid to their private rights, will ever be held in affectionate remembrance.

* * * * *

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Translation.

Philadelphia, January 10th, 1783.

Sir,

The undersigned, Minister Plenipotentiary of France, has made a seasonable report to his Court, of the inconveniences, which might result from the advantageous capitulations granted to the Islands of St Christopher, Nevis, and Montserrat, conquered by the forces of his Majesty. The term of six months, which had been granted to the capitulators for receiving the vessels, which they expected from England, and for sending them back under a neutral flag, even to the ports of Great Britain, expired some time ago, and thus no inconvenience can result from this stipulation. Some of the said capitulations gave power to the Governors to authorise by particular permissions, even after the expiration of the six months, exportations from these conquered Islands to the ports of the enemy.

The undersigned has the honor of informing the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, that, in consequence of orders given to the Governor-General of these Islands, these permissions will not be given; and, therefore, nothing will prevent the entire execution of the resolutions of Congress in relation to the importation of English merchandise into this country. Congress may be assured, that his Majesty will concur in all measures of this kind, which shall have for their object the prevention of commerce with Great Britain.

LUZERNE.

* * * * *

TO ROBERT MORRIS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, March 15th, 1783.

Sir,

I have the satisfaction of informing you, that his Majesty has procured for the United States, a loan of six millions, to be employed in the Department of War, during the course of the present year. In announcing to you, Sir, this new mark of the friendship of the King for the United States, I must enter into some details, which relate to your operations, and which will make you acquainted with the motives, which have induced his Majesty to make this new effort in favor of his allies.

In the course of the last year, Sir, I gave an account to his Majesty's Minister, of the order, which seemed to me to be introduced into the department intrusted to you, of the re-establishment of the public credit, and of the economy, which attended your operations. I added, that I considered the establishment of a public revenue, for the payment of interest, and the progressive redemption of the capitals, as extremely probable, and as the delay and the difficulty of communication would not allow me to wait till this operation was completed by the different Legislatures, before I should explain what were the wants of the United States, I took it upon myself to write to the Count de Vergennes, that the disposition of the people to fulfil the engagements made, and to be made by Congress, appeared to me sufficiently favorable to induce his Majesty to lend a new sum of money to the United States, for this year, if the state of his finances should allow it. These assurances determined the loan of six millions; but the event has proved, that I had deceived myself in the hopes, which I had thought myself authorised to give to my Court, and so far from the financial affairs being improved since the month of February, the time at which my letters on this subject were written, they have, on the contrary, taken a retrograde direction, and I see no certainty of the payment of the sums previously lent, and of that which has just been lent.

Thus, Sir, my hasty assurances have determined his Majesty to advance this money, and, at the moment in which I am informed of it, I am under the disagreeable necessity of acquainting his Minister, that the hopes, which I had given have vanished, and that my assurances were without foundation.

I shall say nothing to you of the embarrassing situation, in which I am personally placed by these circumstances. But I shall take the liberty of observing to you, that in the present juncture, the best remedy is to take, as soon as possible, the measures which have not been taken within the time which I had announced.

The Count de Vergennes, Sir, informs me, that the six millions are lent to the United States, in the same manner, and on the same conditions, as the sum which was lent last year; that is to say, that they will be paid from month to month, at the rate of five hundred thousand livres a month; but as it appeared, according to what you did me the honor of writing to me previously, that you had anticipated a part of this loan, I must entreat you to observe, that the first months of this year will serve for paying the money thus anticipated, and thus, that it is, accordingly, proper so to arrange the drawing of your bills, as that they may only be presented from month to month, and at the times when the money for paying them shall have been obtained.

I have had the honor to inform you, Sir, that this money was loaned to the United States in order to enable them to continue the war; the wisdom of Congress will determine, according to circumstances, the manner of effecting this important object, and by united efforts, of compelling the enemy to conclude a firm and lasting peace.

It remains for me to inform you, Sir, that the King has not been able to make this last effort, without great difficulties. I have had the honor of communicating to you those, which prevent the success of loans of any considerable magnitude; they are so great, that I am ordered to announce to you, in the most positive manner, that it will be impossible for the King, under any supposition whatever, to procure new advances of money for Congress, for the next year. With regard to the resources, which you may seek in other places besides France, the letters, which I have had the honor of reading to you, do not allow any success to be looked for, until the United States shall have established a permanent public revenue; and the delay and repugnance, with which they proceed in doing this, being known in Europe, the inclination for lending money to Congress, which may have existed, has disappeared; the lenders make other investments; the speculations, which might have been directed towards the United States, go farther and farther from them, and it will certainly be difficult to bring them back.

I refrain from repeating here the other parts of the despatches of the Count de Vergennes, which I have had the honor of communicating to you, because the truths contained in them are well known to you, Sir, and because they all may be reduced to this. Without the speedy establishment of a substantial public revenue, and without the vigorous execution of the engagements entered into by Congress, the hope of obtaining loans in Europe must be given up.

I am also ordered, Sir, to represent to Congress, that my Court relied upon final and satisfactory measures being taken to secure the payment of the interest, and of the debt contracted by the United Slates toward his Majesty. But I content myself with mentioning this circumstance to you, and before directly announcing it to Congress, I shall wait till their present embarrassments are diminished.

You will judge, Sir, by these details, how impossible it is to draw bills upon your Plenipotentiaries, beyond that part of the six millions' loan of this year, which is unappropriated. It is clearly shown, that these bills will not be paid by us, and it is with a full confidence in your regularity in this respect, that I shall inform the Count de Vergennes, that he may be assured, that no demand will be made for any sums whatever, beyond that sum, which has just been determined upon.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

* * * * *

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Translation.

Philadelphia, March 15th, 1783.

Sir,

Your Excellency will doubtless receive directly, a state of affairs in Europe. I thought, however, that it would be interesting to inform you of some particulars, which I am ordered not to make public, but which will also be communicated to Congress. The British Minister has hastened to conclude an eventual treaty of peace with the United States, and to grant them in the utmost extent every advantage they could desire. The malevolence with which that power has carried on the war in America, did not forebode this extreme facility in them, and it has been an agreeable surprise to the belligerent powers, and you will easily judge, Sir, that our satisfaction has been complete, and in seeing the great obstacle to peace put, as it were, on one side.

We think we may hope, that the epochs of a general peace is not far distant. However, the English, though disposed to come to a conclusion with the Courts of Versailles and Madrid, seem much more difficult in the negotiation carrying on with the States-General. But the King, who through the whole of this war, has refused to conclude a peace without obtaining for his allies a just and reasonable satisfaction, persists in these sentiments, and he doubts not that the United States will on their part fulfil their engagements by continuing the war till a definitive treaty is concluded, and thereby entirely disconcert the projects of the English, who flatter themselves, that by means of the eventual treaty, which they have concluded, they will be able to establish on the Continent a suspension of hostilities equal to a truce, written and signed.

It is possible, that the firmness and resolution of his Majesty will determine England to make those restitutions, to which she shows so much repugnance; but it is also possible, that the war will continue another year, and to put the United States in a situation to continue the war with vigor, his Majesty has lent them six millions of livres; six hundred thousand livres are arrived in the Washington, but I have learnt with much pain that Mr Morris has, through want of means, been forced to anticipate the pecuniary succors he hoped to receive, so that the six millions is not so considerable a help as was to have been desired.

It remains to examine in what manner we can disturb and shut up the enemy during the next campaign. I shall not take the liberty to sound your Excellency on these points, but I beg you to permit me to say, that it will be serving the common cause essentially to stop those excessive exportations of subsistence to New York, and in case of an evacuation of that place, to prevent them as much as possible from procuring subsistence from hence to carry on the campaign in the West Indies.

The Duc de Lauzun will confer with you on these points on his return from the eastward, and I beg you, Sir, to consider with him how to make the legion early useful; it may be very usefully employed in the service above mentioned, and the Duke will be happy to act in any manner your Excellency may wish.

In all cases, it cannot but be of service to hold ourselves in a hostile position. If the negotiations produce the happy effects we wish, I will lose no time in informing you, and knowing your humane disposition, I think I never shall announce to you a more agreeable event than a general peace, honorable and safe to the allies. You are convinced how sincerely the King wishes it, and the sacrifices he has made to obtain it will prove this.

If the treaty has been communicated to you, Sir, you will have seen that the King of England has reserved to himself the liberty to conclude, or not to conclude, the treaty of peace with America, so that the act signed the 30th of November by the respective Commissioners, is merely conditional and eventual.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

* * * * *

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Translation.

Philadelphia, March 18th, 1783.

Sir,

I have the honor of sending you a copy of a letter, which I have written to Mr Robert Morris. I shall soon have the honor of communicating to you some news, which I have just received from France by the packet boat Washington.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

* * * * *

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Head Quarters, March 19th, 1783.

Sir,

I am exceedingly obliged to your Excellency for your communication of the 15th. The Articles of the treaty between America and Great Britain, as they stand in connexion with a general pacification, are so very inconclusive, that I am fully in sentiment with your Excellency, that we should hold ourselves in a hostile position, prepared for either alternative, peace or war.

I shall confer with the Duc de la Lauzun on the objects you are pleased to mention; and as I have ever viewed the practice of the States in supplying the enemy in New York with the means of subsistence, as a very pernicious one in its tendency, both to ourselves and to our allies, you may depend upon me to exert every measure in my power to prevent it.

I am at all times happy in receiving any intelligence from your Excellency, and should it be in your power to announce a general peace, you cannot make a more pleasing communication to me.

Persuaded of the pure and benevolent intentions, which animate the breast of his Most Christian Majesty, I am assured, if that happy event should not result from the present negotiations, that the failure will not rest on his part.

I have the honor to be, &c.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

* * * * *

MINUTES OF A VERBAL COMMUNICATION FROM THE MINISTER OF FRANCE.

Office of Foreign Affairs, March 22d, 1783.

The Minister of France, waiting upon Mr Livingston at 12 o'clock agreeable to appointment, communicated to him a letter from the Count de Vergennes, dated the 19th of November.

This was wholly confined to matters of finance, and contained in substance nothing more than Congress have already seen in the letter, written by the Minister of France to Mr Morris. He then read to Mr Livingston a letter of the 22d of November, which related to the satisfaction the King, his master, had received in the testimony the United States had given of their friendship, in presenting to him the ship America. The substance of this letter has been inserted in the note sent to Congress the 28th instant.

The Minister also read to Mr Livingston, a letter of the 19th of December, from the Count de Vergennes, in which he informs him, that their treaty was not so forward as that of the Americans. Though if his Majesty had wished it, he could have signed before the American Plenipotentiaries, as no essential difference existed between France and Great Britain. But that the King's delicacy induced him to wish, that all his allies should be first satisfied, and he had accordingly resolved to continue the war, whatever advantages might be offered him, if Great Britain should bear hard upon any of them. That it still remained to reconcile the interest of Spain, and those of Holland. That he had reason to believe with relation to the first, that they would soon be fully settled. That the foundation was already laid, and that nothing now remained but to settle forms. That he was of opinion, that it was for the interest of the United States to facilitate a connexion with this power, which will be their neighbor.

That it would become the wisdom of Congress to discover moderation with respect to them. That he is persuaded England will see with pleasure, divisions introduced between the United States and the Court of Madrid, and that it is probable, that they will even endeavor to animate them one against the other. That British emissaries have been employed to inspire Spain with apprehensions as to the ambitious views of America. But they will now avail themselves of this intimacy with the American Ministers, to render them suspicious of Spain, and even to excite their resentments against her. Congress will defeat this design by removing the difficulties, which now oppose themselves to a union with his Catholic Majesty. That the King wishes so much to see his allies enjoy a solid and durable peace, that in exciting the Americans on one side to discover a more conciliatory spirit, he will spare nothing on the other to remove the difficulties, which may be raised by the Court of Spain. That he apprehends delays and embarrassments from Holland. That the British Administration appear very unfavorable to them.

The Minister of France then read to Mr Livingston another letter from the Count de Vergennes, of the 20th of December, 1782, which contained in substance; that peace was not yet concluded; that it was anxiously desired by the King. That his Majesty's obligations to his allies had not yet permitted him to pronounce with certainty as to the termination of the war. That expecting peace, prudence required, that the allies should act as if the war was to continue. That Congress will judge of the manner in which they can most effectually contribute to distress the common enemy. That in the present state of things it would not be prudent to invite the Americans to form any direct enterprise against the common enemy. That the Provisional Articles would, when executed, at the general peace, put New York into the hands of the Americans, and that Congress could judge better than they could what part it would be expedient for them to take in the then state of things. That proposing nothing they leave everything to their discretion. That the Minister should however inform them, that he could not yet determine whether they were at the eve of the war or if another campaign must be opened. That in the latter case there were two essential objects, on which the Minister of France should impart to Congress the opinion of his Court, and the desires of his Majesty.

That though if their towns were evacuated the Americans could not take an active part, yet they can compel the enemy to wish for peace, by excluding them from all connexion with them and prohibiting under very severe penalties, the consumption or importation of British manufactures. That a considerable party among the British wish to form commercial connexion with the United States. That when they shall be convinced, that they can reap no benefit therefrom, but by a solid definitive peace, conformable to the treaty already agreed upon, they will become more tractable, and conclude the definitive treaty, which will give force and vigor to the provisional articles, and set the seal to the independence of America. That it would also be proper to state to Congress the necessity of providing means to prevent the sending provisions into New York, by which the British armaments are amply supplied with fresh provisions of every kind.

That the King persuades himself, that the Legislatures of the respective States will concur in measures for this salutary purpose, when they shall be informed of the injury occasioned to their ally by the want of the necessary precautions on this subject. That these precautions will not be unnecessary if the enemy are about to abandon New York, without which the enemy will carry with them the means of supplying the places to which they transport their troops.

That he persuades himself, that Congress will perceive, that they are indebted to the harmony, that has subsisted between the King and them for the present happy state of their affairs. But that nothing being yet concluded, the present moment is precisely that in which it is of most importance to preserve the same system.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Head Quarters, March 29th, 1783.

Sir,

The news of a general peace, which your Excellency has been so good as to announce to me, has filled my mind with inexpressible satisfaction; and permit me to add, that the joy I feel on this great event is doubly enhanced, by the very obliging manner in which you have been pleased to express your congratulations to me and the army on this happy occasion.

The part your Excellency has acted in the cause of America, and the great and benevolent share you have taken in the establishment of her independence, are deeply impressed on my mind, and will not be effaced from my remembrance, or that of the citizens of America, but with the latest effects of time. You will accept, Sir, my warmest acknowledgements and congratulations, with assurances that I shall always participate, with the highest pleasure, in every event which may contribute to your happiness and satisfaction.

The articles of a general treaty do not appear so favorable to France, in point of territorial acquisitions, as they do to the other powers; but the magnanimous and disinterested scale of action, which that great nation has exhibited to the world during this war, and at the conclusion of peace, will insure to the King and nation that reputation, which will be of more consequence to them, than every other consideration.

Mrs Washington begs your Excellency to accept her sincerest thanks for the joy you have communicated to her, and to receive a return of her congratulations on this most happy of all events.

I have the honor to be, &c.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

* * * * *

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Translation.

Philadelphia, April 10th, 1783.

Sir,

I have to inform your Excellency, that I have just received instructions from the Minister, that in consequence of the peace, the French troops actually here, are to be sent to France without delay. If you see no cause to defer it, I shall accordingly take immediate measures for their departure. I impatiently wait the arrival of the Duc de Lauzun to give the necessary orders, as no definitive arrangements can be made in his absence.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

* * * * *

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Translation.

Philadelphia, April 29th, 1783.

Sir,

I wrote sometime ago to General Washington to know whether he thought proper, that the legion of Lauzun, and the other detachments of the army of Rochambeau, should leave this continent, in order to return to France. According to his answer, dated the 23d inst. he entirely approves this measure; consequently I beg you will have the kindness to inform Congress that the departure will take place immediately.

Permit me to embrace this opportunity of assuring you, in concert with the Duc de Lauzun, that the officers and soldiers of this army will always recollect with pleasure the three years which they passed in this continent, the union which has existed between the two nations, and the hospitality with which they have been treated by the inhabitants.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

* * * * *

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Head Quarters, May 13th, 1783.

Sir,

We are making some preparations in the army for a display of our joy on the happy event of a general peace. The exhibition will be delayed till the arrival of the definitive treaty. If your Excellency can make it convenient to honor us with your company on the occasion, it will be a great addition to our happiness.

I take the liberty to put under cover to your Excellency, several letters, which I wish to convey to some gentlemen of your army, late in America. If the Duc de Lauzun should have sailed before their arrival, I shall be much obliged by your care of their conveyance by some other good opportunity.

With great regard and respect,

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

* * * * *

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Translation.

Philadelphia, May 19th, 1783.

Sir,

I have received the letter, with which you honored me on the 4th of this month, and the Memorial of Mr Durham, which accompanied it. I cannot form any opinion upon such a statement, and I shall be unable to know whether the complaints are just, before I learn the motives of the conduct, which he professes to have observed on his part. I have the honor of sending you a letter for the Marquis de Bouille, in relation to this affair, and I entreat you to have the kindness to send it to that individual, who will take care to send it to the commander.

You have been informed, Sir, of the affair of Mr Gillon, or rather of the many affairs, which have been the subject of controversy between him and the subjects of the King. You will find a statement of it in a Memorial which I annex, requesting you to be pleased to return it when read; I have addressed it to the State of South Carolina; I request you to be pleased to read the resolutions taken in consequence of it by the Assembly of that State, and the annexed copies of which you may keep. I have also the honor of sending you, Sir, some new demands against that officer, which I have lately received. I shall make no reflection respecting the resolutions of Carolina; but I entreat you to be pleased to point out the most proper course for obtaining justice, and to inform me whether it would seem to you proper, that I should lay this matter before Congress.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

* * * * *

COUNT DE VERGENNES TO M. DE LAFAYETTE.

Translation.

Versailles, June 29th, 1783.

Sir,

I have received the letter, which you did me the honor to write on the 17th of this month. You desire to know what is meant by free port.

By this term, Sir, we mean a place to which all merchandises, as well foreign as domestic, may be imported, and from which they may be freely exported. You will judge, Sir, by this definition, that all the merchandises of the north, without exception, may be imported into L'Orient, and exported from it by the Americans. In a word, L'Orient will be reputed foreign with regard to France, as far as it respects commerce. The prohibitions and duties upon foreign merchandises will take effect only in case any person desires to introduce into the interior parts of the realm the merchandises subjected to the one or the other.

I have the honor to be, &c.

DE VERGENNES.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, September 17th, 1783.

Sir,

The undersigned Minister Plenipotentiary has the honor of communicating to Congress an extract from a letter of the Count de Vergennes, and a copy of a contract between the King and the Thirteen United States. He requests Congress to be pleased to send the ratification of it to their Minister at his Majesty's Court, in order that he may settle this business with the Count de Vergennes.

The undersigned received the papers, of which a copy is annexed, nearly four months ago. He had received orders, at the same time, to inform his Court of the measures, which the United States might have taken, for the accomplishment of the different articles of the contract of the 16th of July, of last year. The undersigned has deferred till this time, the communications in question, in the hope that circumstances might become more favorable. As the peace has made these stipulations, which were only eventual, executory, he can refrain no longer from requesting Congress to acquaint him with the arrangements which may have been made by the United States, or those which they propose to make, for the execution of the contract of the 16th of July, of last year, as well as with those to be made for the execution of the contract, of which a copy is annexed.

LUZERNE.

* * * * *

COUNT DE VERGENNES TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

(Annexed to the note, sent on the 17th of September, 1783.)

Translation.

Versailles, March 10th, 1783.

Sir,

Dr Franklin, in the month of February last, communicated to me different decrees of the Congress of the United States of North America, passed on the 14th and 23d of September, and several letters from Messrs Morris and Livingston, which not only authorised that Minister, but even expressly ordered him to negotiate in Europe a loan of four millions of dollars, amounting to about twenty millions of livres tournois, for the service of the United States during the present year, and under their warranty. It was at the same time enjoined on Dr Franklin, earnestly to solicit the continuance of the favors of the King, in the crisis in which Congress was then placed.

In the enumeration of the motives, which the Superintendent of the finances alleged, in order to obtain a new loan of money from his Majesty, he did not deny, that the Minister of France might assign good reasons for declining to comply with this request, but he added, that, as it was the last of this kind, which Congress would have occasion to make, he hoped that it would not be rejected.

Dr Franklin, on his part, in obedience to the orders of Congress, implored, in favor of the United States, the assistance of the King, and added to the reasons previously given, that, without this assistance the continental army could no longer be kept together, nor disbanded without danger.

After having conferred on this subject with M. Joly de Fleury, I made a report upon it to the King. I informed his Majesty of the embarrassments of Congress, and of their inability to provide for their necessities by means of taxes, which the imperfections or the weakness of a rising Administration did not permit them to levy. The King had already, by great sacrifices, fulfilled in their behalf, the duties of a most tender father, during the continuance of their moral infancy. Since the nation reached the period of maturity, consecrated by its emancipation and political independence, it seemed that it ought to be sufficient for itself, and not to require new efforts of the generosity of its ally; but without being prevented by these considerations, the King, faithful to his attachment to the United States, was pleased, under these circumstances, to give a new proof of it, and notwithstanding the difficulties, which his Majesty experienced in his own finances, he determined, according to my report of the 20th of December last, to grant to Congress a new loan of six millions of livres tournois, for the service of the United States, during the course of the present year. He also authorised the advancing of a sum of money previously granted, which Dr Franklin earnestly solicited. I informed that Minister of it, who, in his answer of January 25th, gratefully accepted these new favors in the name of the United States. I informed him, moreover, that they could not be increased, and that his Majesty would in no case be a guarantee for other loans, which he might procure in Holland or elsewhere.

I have thought proper to enter into these details with you, Sir, in order that you may be able to communicate them to Congress, and that that body may be informed by you of the last financial arrangements, which his Majesty has been pleased to decide upon, in favor of the United States. I have since concerted with Dr Franklin, those measures, which were necessary for fixing the conditions and the terms of payment of the loan of six millions of livres, of which I have been speaking. They were stipulated in a contract made on the 25th of February last, which we signed by virtue of our respective full powers, as we had done with regard to preceding advances, by a contract previously made on the 16th of July, of last year, of which I informed you at the time, and of which we are now expecting the ratification on the part of Congress. Although I do not doubt that Dr Franklin has transmitted this new act to Congress, I have still thought it proper to send the annexed copy of it to you.

By the first article, you will see, Sir, that the King lends Congress the sum of six millions of livres, payable at the rate of five hundred thousand livres in each of the twelve months of the current year, on condition of the repayment of the capital with interest at five per cent per annum.

The second article recapitulates and verifies the preceding aids furnished by his Majesty, and divides them into three distinct classes. The first consisting of the sums loaned, amounting to eighteen millions of livres. The second, of a fund of ten millions, arising from a loan obtained in Holland for the service of the United States, and guaranteed by his Majesty. The third, of subsidies, gratuitously furnished, amounting to nine millions of livres, the gift of which to the United States is confirmed by his Majesty.

The third Article fixes the repayment to the royal treasury, of the new loan of six millions, with the interest thereon, at six periods, fixed at the times most convenient for the financial operations of Congress.

By the fourth Article, it has been agreed, that the interest on the last loan of six millions, shall not commence till the 1st of January, 1784. The King being pleased to give and remit to Congress the partial interest on the capital for the present year.

The fifth and sixth Articles contain stipulations of usage and form.

All attesting the sentiments of affection entertained by the King for the United States, and his tender anxiety to contribute to their prosperity.

I desire you, Sir, to assure Congress, that these sentiments are deeply engraven on the heart of the King, that his Council feel them no less deeply; and that his Majesty will never cease to take the most lively interest in the welfare of the United States, his allies.

You will be pleased to inform me of the reception of this letter, and of the annexed paper.

I have the honor to be, &c.

DE VERGENNES.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, November 2d, 1783.

Sir,

I have received the letter, which your Excellency did me the honor to write to me on the 27th ultimo, and the resolutions of Congress, which were annexed to it, and which express the sentiments of Congress with relation to the dispositions of his Majesty, and the other belligerent powers, not to sign the definitive treaty, except in concert with the United States. It appeared by the last news received, that this conduct has produced the desired effect, and that it has in fine, been followed by a general peace.

The United States may be assured, that his Majesty will adopt with pleasure all commercial arrangements, which may be advantageous to them, and which will not be prejudicial to his subjects. I also know, that it is his Majesty's intention, that the United States should enjoy, in the ports of his kingdom, not only all the advantages, which they enjoyed before their independence, but even some favors, which have not heretofore been granted to them.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

* * * * *

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Translation.

Philadelphia, November 21st, 1783.

Sir,

I have received the letter your Excellency did me the honor to write me by Messrs Villefranche and Rochefontaine, the testimony you have been pleased to give in favor of these two officers will have the greatest weight with those persons who can contribute to their advancement, and it gives me the greatest pleasure to receive these testimonies, from Congress and from your Excellency, of the satisfaction the French officers have given in the service of the United States.

I beg your Excellency to receive my sincere congratulations upon the evacuation of New York; this grand event completes your glory. I hope to be at New York the 28th of this month, to be witness of the rejoicings you have ordered, and to renew to you the assurances of attachment, with which I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

* * * * *

M. DE CALONNE TO M. DE LAFAYETTE.

Translation.

Versailles, January 9th, 1784.

Sir,

I have communicated to the King the observations contained in the memoir, which you transmitted to me relative to the commerce of America, and those, which you made at our last conference.

I am authorised to announce to you, that it is the intention of his Majesty, to grant to the United States the ports of L'Orient and Bayonne as free ports; and besides these, that of Dunkirk and that of Marseilles, the first of which enjoys absolute freedom, and the other is restrained in the exercise of that freedom only with regard to tobacco, which is there subjected to a duty. The Americans may from this moment send their vessels to those four ports, where they will not meet with any kind of difficulty.

You may, if necessary, explain what is meant by free ports, agreeably to the signification thereof given by M. de Vergennes, in his letter of the 29th of June last.[17] The Americans will find, above all at Dunkirk, all the facilities they can desire for the sale of their leaf tobacco, their rice, their timber, and other merchandise, as well as for the purchase of what they want; such as linens, woollens, brandy, &c. It is proposed to establish stores and magazines there, which shall be well supplied, on terms very advantageous for their commerce.

I have given orders to the Farmers-General to treat in preference, and at a reasonable price, for the purchase of the tobaccoes of North America. And, moreover, the United States will be as much favored in France, in matters of commerce, as any other nation. The complaints, which they may make to you, or which Dr Franklin and the other American Ministers, whom I should be very glad to see, may transmit to me on their behalf, shall be examined with great attention; and government will not suffer them to experience any kind of vexations. Every possible precaution will also be taken to prevent the sending out bad merchandise, which if it has hitherto taken place, can only be attributed to the avarice of some merchants of the lowest order.

I am going immediately to examine what relates to the customs and duties, which hurt commerce. This is an important subject, and requires great attention. In fine, Sir, you may rely, that I shall be always disposed, as well as the Marshal de Castries, and the Count de Vergennes, to receive and listen with attention to the demands and further representations, which you shall think proper to make in favor of the commerce of America.

I have the honor to be, &c.

DE CALONNE.

P. S. The ports of Bayonne and L'Orient will be made similar to that of Dunkirk with regard to entire freedom.

FOOTNOTES:

[17] See above, p. 170.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Annapolis, January 29th, 1784.

Sir,

I have the last year presented to Congress several notes, respecting which no answer has been given me. I have reason to believe, however, that it has taken resolutions on many of these notes. Not to importune Congress by reiterations, I pray you to be pleased to inform me of what has passed on this subject, and especially with regard to the ratification of the contract entered into between the King and the United States, for the various loans, which his Majesty has made them, and concerning the measures taken for the payment of the interest on the sums lent to the United States by his Majesty, or for which he has become responsible.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Annapolis, January 30th, 1784.

Sir,

The undersigned, Minister Plenipotentiary of France, has the honor to inform Congress, that his Majesty desiring to favor the progress of commerce between his kingdom and the United States, has appointed four Consuls and five Vice Consuls, to reside in those cities of this continent, where he has judged that the presence of these officers would be useful to his commercial and sea-faring subjects. He has also appointed a Consul-General, whose duty shall be more particularly to attend to the general objects of commerce. M. de Marbois has been appointed to fill this office. His Majesty hopes, that this choice will be the more agreeable to Congress, as he has resided many years in America, and especially as he has the honor of being known to that body. The new distribution, which has just been made of Consulates and Vice Consulates requiring a particular attention, the undersigned desires Congress to be pleased to appoint a committee, empowered to treat with M. de Marbois on every subject relative to the recognition of the character of these new officers.

LUZERNE.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Annapolis, February 18th, 1784.

Sir,

The undersigned, Minister Plenipotentiary of France, has the honor to inform Congress, that the family of the Sieur de la Radiere, who died about four years ago, in the service of the United States, is desirous of receiving the benefits, which Congress grants to the other heirs of the officers, who have served in the armies of the United States. The Sieur de la Radiere was attached to the corps of engineers. The undersigned begs Congress to enable him to give an answer to the family of this officer, as well as to those who may be in the same situation.

LUZERNE.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Annapolis, April 6th, 1784.

Sir,

The undersigned, Minister of France, has the honor to inform Congress, that the portraits of the King and Queen have arrived at Philadelphia, and that he has orders to present them to that body.

The undersigned Minister has had the honor to transmit to his Excellency, the President, his Majesty's letter, in answer to that of the 14th of June, 1779, in which Congress have expressed their desire to have the portraits of their Majesties. This letter expresses to Congress the pleasure, with which the King gives the United States this testimony of his affection and friendship for them. The undersigned has made the necessary arrangements for the safe keeping of these two portraits, until Congress can receive them.

LUZERNE.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Annapolis, April 9th, 1784.

Sir,

I have the honor to communicate to your Excellency an extract from a letter, which I received from Count de Vergennes, dated the 24th of December last.

I received orders at the same time to inform his Majesty's Minister of the measures, which have been taken by the United States, relative to the payment of portions of the principal, and of the interest of the sums, which have been loaned them by the King. I make mention, Sir, of portions of the capital, because, by the terms of the contract of the 16th of July, 1784, the reimbursement of the first loan of eight millions is to begin three years after the peace, and it is expedient to take seasonable measures with regard to this subject.

I am also to inform my Court of the arrangements, which have been made for the payment of interest on the loan of five millions of florins, made in Holland, the 5th of November, 1781, and for which his Majesty became guarantee. I know the efforts of Congress to effect the discharge of the public debt, and their wish to fulfil their engagements; and I consider it superfluous to recall to your Excellency all the motives, which combine to induce the United States to fulfil faithfully those, which they have contracted with the King. I confine myself to desiring you to enable me to dissipate the uneasiness, which may have been excited at my Court, by the delay in proceeding to raise funds to effect the payment of this debt.

I am with respect, Sir, &c.

LUZERNE.

* * * * *

COUNT DE VERGENNES TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Translation.

Versailles, December 24th, 1783.

Sir,

His Majesty has decided irrevocably, that the port of L'Orient shall be free, and American sailors may actually consider it so. The edict of the King has not yet been published, however, because his Majesty's intention being to give this arrangement as wide an extent as possible, the regulations should be drawn up after a careful deliberation, and conceived in such terms, that the advantages allowed to the merchants of the United States, may not be essentially prejudicial to our own commerce, and the revenues of the State.

The merchants of the United States enjoy equally the liberty of frequenting the ports of Marseilles and Dunkirk, and they partake, like other nations, in the immunities and privileges of these two places.

DE VERGENNES.

* * * * *

CONGRESS TO THE KING OF FRANCE.

The United States in Congress assembled to their Great, Faithful, and Beloved Friend and Ally, Louis the Sixteenth, King of France and Navarre.

Great, Faithful, and Beloved Friend and Ally,

Your Majesty's letter of the 13th of August last, has been received by the United States in Congress assembled, with a degree of satisfaction and pleasure, which those only can conceive, who, to the highest sentiments of respect, unite feelings of the most affectionate friendship.

The portraits of your Majesty and of your royal consort having arrived at Philadelphia, have been carefully preserved by your faithful Minister, the Chevalier de la Luzerne, whose attention on this, as on all other occasions, merits the acknowledgements of Congress.

These lively representations of our august and most beloved friends will be placed in our council chamber; and can never fail of exciting in the mind of every American, an admiration of the distinguished virtues and accomplishments of the royal originals.

We beseech the Supreme Ruler of the universe constantly to keep your Majesty and your royal consort in his holy protection, and to render the blessings of your administration as extensive as the objects of your Majesty's benevolent principles.

Done at Annapolis, in the State of Maryland, this 16th day of April, 1784, by the United States in Congress assembled.

Your faithful Friends and Allies,

THOMAS MIFFLIN, President.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Office of Finance, April 16th, 1784.

Sir,

I do myself the honor to enclose to Congress the duplicate of a letter from the Marquis de Lafayette, dated the 26th of December, together with the copy of his letter of the 18th of June last, to the Count de Vergennes; the Count's answer of the 29th of the same month; a letter to him from M. de Calonne of the 18th, and another of the 25th of December, all which were enclosed in that duplicate to me, as were also the observations on the commerce between France and the United States, which I have also the honor of transmitting. With respect to this paper, I must pray leave to refer Congress to the caution contained in the letter to me, and pray their compliance with his intention. The masterly manner in which the Marquis has treated a subject, certainly foreign to his former habits and views, merits great applause, and will I doubt not, procure that approbation from Congress, which will be to him a grateful reward for his zealous and dexterous exertions to promote the interests of America.[18]

I pray leave also to submit to Congress the enclosed extract from another letter of the Marquis de Lafayette, of the 10th of January, together with the copy of M. de la Calonne's letter therein mentioned. This last, which shows the labors of that young nobleman to have been crowned with the wished for success, will I doubt not be pleasing to Congress, as it is certainly very interesting to the commerce of the United States.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

FOOTNOTES:

[18] This paper on commerce, as well as the letters above referred to, are missing.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Annapolis, April 21st, 1784.

Sir,

In the course of last summer I requested leave of his Majesty to return to France. By letters from my friends, I am informed that it is granted; but the loss of the packet, which conveyed the Minister's letter, lays me under the necessity of writing again on that subject. I should have waited his answer before I took leave of Congress, had I not reason to believe, that it will not reach me till their recess.

I cannot however depart, without entreating your Excellency to communicate to them my warm acknowledgements for the manner, in which they have treated with me during my mission, which has lasted near five years. I have had the satisfaction of agreeing with Congress on all the subjects, which I have had the honor of negotiating with them; and I owe my success to the good fortune I had of being the Representative of a just and generous Monarch, to a wise and virtuous Republic. I shall ever retain a grateful remembrance of this, and shall always consider the time I have spent on this continent, as the most honorable period of my life. My satisfaction would be complete, were it not accompanied with regret, at parting from a Senate composed of members, on whose friendship I flatter myself I have a just claim, by an intimate acquaintance of several years. Your Excellency permits me to rank you among those who honor me with their friendship; and I am persuaded, that the expression of my attachment and respect for Congress will lose nothing of its force, if you will be pleased to convey it.

The letters, by which I have received advice of my having obtained leave to return, inform me also, that M. de Marbois will be his Majesty's Charge d'Affaires with the United States. His zeal, and his attachment for the cause, which unites France and America, are well known to Congress, and I have not the least doubt, but his Majesty's choice will be agreeable to that assembly.

I am, Sir, with great respect, &c.

LUZERNE.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, April 28th, 1784.

Sir,

You will see by the subjoined letter of Mr Pierce, the situation of the Baron de Kalb with regard to the United States, at the time when he was killed at Camden. The continental money which he had received must have been employed in subsisting the body of troops under his command; or, if any part of these funds remained in his hands, it must have been plundered and taken by the enemy, with all the baggage of this General.

I think, then, that Congress will be pleased to take these circumstances into consideration, and excuse the heirs of the Baron de Kalb from producing vouchers, which circumstances do not allow them to procure. I pray your Excellency to be pleased, also to induce Congress to determine whether the resolutions of the 15th of May, 1778, and the 24th of August, 1780, extend to the widow and orphans of the Baron de Kalb.

A difficulty has also arisen with regard to M. de Fleury, Lieutenant Colonel, and it can be removed only by a resolution, which I request your Excellency to solicit from the goodness of Congress in favor of this officer. He did not quit the American army without leave granted, and Congress, in consideration of his services and good conduct, has been pleased to consider him as always being attached to the American army. It seems, then, right to ask, that he should enjoy the same advantages as the other officers, and the rather, that he was attached to the French army, which served on this continent. General Lincoln, in 1782, did not place him on the list of officers retained in the service; but this omission ought not to be prejudicial to the prior resolutions of Congress. He was, at this very time, detached to the Roanoke, with the troops of the French division, that he might support General Greene, in case the latter were attacked. Thus, ignorant of what was passing in Congress, as well as in the War Department, it was impossible for him to make any representations on this subject. He was born without fortune, and if he did not, like the other officers, enjoy his pay to the 3d of November, 1783, his affairs would be found rather involved than meliorated by his residence in this continent. The payments, which Mr Morris has been authorised to make, have been claimed for the years 1782 and 1783; and M. de Fleury would be found excluded, unless the justice of Congress should allow him the same treatment, which the other officers receive, and the advantages of the commutation. The third resolution of Congress of December 31st, 1781, seems to protect the rights of M. de Fleury, and authorise the demand, which I pray you to present to Congress in his favor.

The different articles subjoined will enable Congress to judge of the justice of the demands, concerning which I beg you, Sir, to inform me of the intentions of that body.[19]

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

FOOTNOTES:

[19] The following is the statement of Baron de Kalb's account. Mr Pierce's letter is missing.

Office of Accounts, April 19th, 1784.

Sir,

I have examined sundry papers relative to the claim of the Baroness de Kalb, for the pay of her husband, (the late Baron de Kalb, deceased) as a Major General in the service of the United States of America, and find,

That from the 31st of July, 1777, the date of his appointment, to the 19th of August, 1780, the day of his death, being thirtysix months and twenty days, his pay, at $166-2/3 per month, amounts to $6,111 10-90

That per certificate of John Pierce, Paymaster General, it appears he received sundry sums, in money of the old emissions, on account of his pay, which are extended to his debit in specie, by the Massachusetts scale, as follows, viz.

1778, February, 830 dollars, at 464 per cent $178 79-90 " May, 664 " " 580 " " 114 43-90 " October, 664 " " 690 " " 96 21-90 1779, January, 664 " " 834 " " 79 55-90 " May, 664 " " 1414 " " 46 86-90 " September, 664 " " 1695 " " 39 15-90 1780, November, 664 " " 2387 " " 27 73-90

That said certificate also includes a charge for $2000 old emissions, advanced him in August, 1777, which at 238 per cent are equal to 840 30-90

That he is also chargeable with the following sums, viz.

Received from Silas Deane, in France, on the 22d of November, 1776, as appears per receipt annexed to his agreement with said Deane, 6000 livres, at 5 livres and 5 sols per dollar, are equal to 1,142 79-90

Six thousand livres paid him in bills of exchange, agreeable to a resolve of Congress of September 14, 1777, at 5 livres 8 sols per dollar, equal to 1,171 10-90

That on this account, there appears a balance of two thousand four hundred and thirtythree dollars and 61-90 due to the estate of the Baron de Kalb 2,433 61-90 —————— $6,111 10-90

Exclusive of the sums carried to the Baron's debit in the foregoing state, he is charged in the Paymaster General's books with the following, in old emissions, viz.

November 17th, 1777. Fifty dollars paid for transporting his baggage. If he was in actual service at the time, and in such a situation as rendered extra means necessary for this purpose, I am of opinion that he ought not to be charged with this sum.

May, 1780. Two hundred and twentysix thousand dollars, said to be for the purpose of defraying the expenses of the Maryland line, on their march to the southward, or for defraying the deficiencies of clothing due to the Maryland line. To oppose to this charge there is nothing yet produced. I therefore submit to consideration, the propriety of admitting to the credit of his estate the balance, which appeals due on account of his pay, as per the foregoing adjustment.

WILLIAM RAMSEY, Clerk of Accounts.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, May 6th, 1784.

Sir,

The King having as yet made no appointment to the Consulate of Charleston, the intention of his Majesty was, that M. de la Forest, Vice-Consul at Savannah, should in the interim perform its duties. I have, consequently, transmitted to him, as well as to M. de Marbois, letters of recommendation, which we thought sufficient to induce the Governor and Council of South Carolina to recognise him in this provisional capacity. Our hopes with regard to this subject were built upon the second article of the draft of a contract for the establishment of Consuls; and we thought that its provisional execution, presenting no inconveniences, would meet with no difficulty, although we are yet ignorant whether this contract has been signed.

As the interests of commerce render the actual establishment of a Vice-Consul at Charleston of very urgent necessity, I pray your Excellency to propose to Congress, to pass a resolution for the provisional execution of this second article of the draft of the contract. This measure is so much the more necessary, as it is the only means of preventing the suspension of the Consular duties, which has often occurred in case of the absence or death of Consuls or Vice-Consuls, and a year might sometimes pass before the arrival of new appointments or commissions, and before resolutions should be passed by Congress. Such an interruption of the office of Consul would be attended with inconveniences, which Congress will easily perceive. Moreover, Sir, we ask nothing on this occasion, but what is customary in the other Consulates, and it is a power which will be readily allowed to Mr Barclay.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, May 13th, 1784.

Sir,

I have received the letter, which your Excellency did me the honor to write to me on the 6th of the present month, and the acts of Congress accompanying it.

I pray you, Sir, to be pleased to inform Congress, that I have received a letter from the Count de Vergennes, which grants me the absence, which I had asked. This minister informs me at the same time, that his Majesty has appointed M. de Marbois, his Charge d'Affaires to the United States. I repeat to your Excellency the request that you will be pleased to express for me to Congress, the regret with which I leave this continent, and the sentiments of respect, which I shall cherish through life towards that body.

Permit me to recall to your mind, Sir, the business of M. de Fleury, and of the widow of the Baron de Kalb. I pray you, also, to be pleased to enable me to make known here the intentions of Congress relative to M. de la Radiere, and to the money which was due to him at the time of his death, as well as with regard to the communication, if it takes place.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

* * * * *

CONGRESS TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

In Congress, May 17th, 1784.

Sir,

The United States in Congress assembled, are informed by the letter, which you were pleased to address to them, the 21st of April, that having the last year requested of his Majesty leave to return to France, you learn it has been granted, but that the official letter of the Minister being lost, you expect a duplicate, which will probably arrive in the recess of Congress.

It is with great concern, Sir, that Congress receive this information, as it respects a Minister for whom they entertain the most perfect esteem.

From the time of your arrival in America, to the signing of the provisional treaty, the conduct of the war has been attended with numerous difficulties and perils, to surmount which the joint efforts of the United States and of their great and good ally have been necessary.

Congress consider it as a fortunate circumstance, that during that period the affairs of his Most Christian Majesty in this quarter have been under the direction of an able and faithful Minister, whose anxiety to promote the views and essential interests of his sovereign, has been ever attended with a laudable endeavor to reconcile them to those of his allies. Without such a disposition it is evident there could not have existed a concert of those measures, which by the smiles of Providence, have hastened the conclusion of the late distressing war.

The abilities of the gentleman, who as you are informed, is to be charged with the affairs of your department, and his thorough knowledge of the principles, on which the alliance was founded, will we doubt not, conspire to produce on his part, such measures as will best promote the mutual interest of the two nations.

We now, Sir, bid you an affectionate adieu, with the fullest assurance, that you will be happy in the smiles and approbation of your royal sovereign; and we sincerely wish, that you may be equally so in an interview with your friends, and in your future engagements.

THOMAS MIFFLIN, President.

* * * * *

TO JOHN JAY, SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Translation.

Paris, (date uncertain) 1787?

Sir,

I dare not flatter myself, that your Excellency has any recollection of a man, who had the benefit of your acquaintance but a few days, and even at a time when he could not express himself in your language.

I arrived in America, Sir, when, after having rendered the most important services to the confederacy, and sustained with the greatest distinction, the office of President of Congress, that body had intrusted you with the important care of conducting their affairs in Spain, and in the principal Courts of Europe.

I have resided in America five years, as Minister Plenipotentiary of the King to Congress, and though indeed I cannot but be well satisfied with the kindness and the confidence, which that illustrious body have ever shown me, I have always regretted, that you were not during that period one of its members. You departed from Europe when I returned to it. At that time I flattered myself, that I should again see you in America, and resume my duties there. But his Majesty has thought fit to give me another destination. Will you have the goodness to present to Congress my letters of recall, and to express to that body for me the high sentiments of respect and veneration, with which I have long regarded them. Allow me also to request your Excellency to accept the assurances of the attachment and consideration, with which I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.



THE

CORRESPONDENCE

OF

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON;

SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.



For more than five years from the commencement of the Revolution, the foreign concerns of Congress were transacted through a committee, which was first appointed on the 29th of November, 1775, and called the Committee of Secret Correspondence. It was their duty to correspond with all the American Agents, Commissioners, and Ministers abroad, to report to Congress on these matters from time to time, and receive such instructions from that body as occasion required. It is to be understood, however, that in this respect they acted only a subordinate part, for it was customary for the Ministers abroad to direct their letters to the President of Congress. After having been read in that Assembly, they were put into the hands of the Committee, whose business it was to answer them. On account of the absence of the members, the committee itself was frequently very thin, and sometimes for weeks together not more than one member was present at the seat of Government. Hence responsibility rested nowhere, and it is no wonder that delays, neglect, and ill management were the consequences.

Various causes retarded the adoption of a better system, but chiefly the warmth of party and internal jealousies, which prevailed within the walls of Congress for a long time, and too often defeated measures of essential importance, when there was a probability that they would throw a new weight of power into a scale of doubtful preponderance. To this state of circumstances it is in a great degree to be attributed, that no plan for a regular Department of Foreign Affairs was resolved upon till the 10th of January, 1781, and that no person was appointed to fill the office thus created till seven months later. On the 10th of August, ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON was chosen Secretary of Foreign Affairs, but he did not enter upon the duties of the Department till the 20th of October.

From this date a salutary change found its way into the management of Foreign Affairs. To abilities and other qualifications well suited to the station, Mr Livingston added energy, diligence, and promptitude, as his numerous letters on a great variety of topics abundantly testify. We hear no more complaints from the Ministers abroad, that their letters are forgotten and unanswered, or that they receive no intelligence nor instructions from home.

The details of the Department were so modified, after he accepted the appointment, as to embrace Domestic Affairs to a certain extent. He was to correspond with the President of Congress, the Governors of the States, the Commander in Chief, and generally with all persons on topics in any manner connected with the primary objects of his office. His letters to the American Ministers at Foreign Courts, and to the French Ministers in this country, have already been printed in the correspondence of those persons respectively. This order was thought preferable, as the continuity of the subjects embraced in the different branches of correspondence would thus be more distinctly preserved. The letters, which follow, are chiefly to the President of Congress, and to other officers and persons, who were in the United States at the time they were written.

Mr Livingston continued a little short of two years in the Department of Foreign Affairs. He resigned in June, 1783.



THE

CORRESPONDENCE

OF

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

ORGANIZATION OF A FOREIGN DEPARTMENT.

In Congress, January 10th, 1781.

Congress took into consideration the report of the committee appointed to consider and report a plan for the Department of Foreign Affairs, wherein they state,

That the extent and the rising power of these United States, entitle them to a place among the great potentates of Europe, while our political and commercial interests point out the propriety of cultivating with them a friendly correspondence and connexion;

That to render such an intercourse advantageous, the necessity of a competent knowledge of the interests, views, relations, and systems of those potentates, is obvious;

That a knowledge, in its nature so comprehensive, is only to be acquired by a constant attention to the state of Europe, and an unremitted application to the means of acquiring well grounded information;

That Congress are moreover called upon to maintain with our Ministers at foreign Courts a regular correspondence, and to keep them fully informed of every circumstance and event, which regards the public honor, interest and safety;

That to answer those essential purposes, the committee are of opinion, that a fixed and permanent office for the Department of Foreign Affairs ought forthwith to be established, as a remedy against the fluctuations, the delay and indecision to which the present mode of managing our foreign affairs must be exposed; whereupon,

Resolved, That an office be forthwith established for the Department of Foreign Affairs, to be kept always in the place where Congress shall reside;

That there shall be a Secretary for the despatch of business of the said office, to be styled "Secretary of Foreign Affairs;"

That it shall be the duty of the said Secretary to keep and preserve all the books and papers belonging to the Department of Foreign Affairs; to receive and report the applications of all foreigners; to correspond with the Ministers of the United States at foreign Courts, and with the Ministers of foreign powers and other persons, for the purpose of obtaining the most extensive and useful information relative to foreign affairs, to be laid before Congress when required; also to transmit such communications, as Congress shall direct, to the Ministers of the United States and others at foreign Courts, and in foreign countries; the said Secretary shall have liberty to attend Congress, that he may be better informed of the affairs of the United States, and have an opportunity of explaining his reports respecting his Department; he shall also be authorised to employ one, or, if necessary, more clerks to assist him in the business of his office; and the Secretary, as well as such clerks, shall, before the President of Congress, take an oath of fidelity to the United States, and an oath for the faithful execution of their respective trusts.

* * * * *

APPOINTMENT OF A SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

In Congress, August 10th, 1781.

Congress proceeded to the election of a Secretary of Foreign Affairs; and, the ballots being counted, Robert R. Livingston was elected, having been previously nominated by Mr Floyd.

* * * * *

TO MAJOR GENERAL NATHANIEL GREENE.

Philadelphia, October 20th, 1781.[20]

Dear Sir,

Congress having done me the honor to appoint me their Secretary of Foreign Affairs, and made it my duty to collect and transmit such intelligence as may be useful to our Ministers, I take the liberty to open a correspondence with you. From the past, I have reason to hope, that your future operations will furnish the most agreeable and useful information at foreign Courts; for nothing is more incontrovertibly true, than that splendid victories and a wise Administration at home, are the best negotiators abroad.

Give me leave, Sir, to congratulate you upon your success. We have reason to hope, that it will be attended with the most important consequences, more especially, if as we may expect, the Commander in Chief should be enabled to make a considerable addition to the brave corps you command.

The enemy have sailed from New York with twentysix ships of the line, including three of fifty guns, having on board their ships of war five thousand land forces, in order to attempt the relief of Cornwallis. For that, happily, they are too late; but as sympathising friends afford consolation to the distressed, he may possibly derive some comfort from their sharing, at least in part, his fate.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

FOOTNOTES:

[20] Although Mr Livingston was appointed Secretary of Foreign Affairs on the 10th of August, he did not enter on the duties of the office till this day. See his letter to John Adams, in Mr Adams's Correspondence, Vol. VI. p. 178.

* * * * *

TO GOVERNOR GEORGE CLINTON OF NEW YORK.

Philadelphia, October 22d, 1781.

Dear Sir,

Give me leave to congratulate your Excellency, and through you the Legislature of our State, on the success of our arms at the southward. Cornwallis surrendered his army on the 17th of October. Count de Grasse was employed on the 18th in taking his marines on board, which I hope, by the blessing of Heaven, will be the prelude to a second victory.

My removal being far from having in any manner lessened my attachment to New York, I shall be anxious to hear that the present attempt of the enemy upon our frontiers, has only added to their disgrace, and enabled my countrymen to increase the reputation they have so justly acquired. Your Excellency will do me the honor to give me the earliest intelligence of the movements of the enemy.

I am, Sir, with the greatest respect and esteem, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, October 29th, 1781.

Sir,

The business of the department in which Congress have been pleased to place me, rendering it necessary to have recourse to the Secret Journals, and other books and papers in the possession of their Secretary, I take the liberty to request them by their order, to enable Mr Thomson to admit me to examine, and copy from such books of a secret nature in his possession, as may in anywise relate to the department of Foreign Affairs.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

CIRCULAR TO THE GOVERNORS OF THE STATES.

Philadelphia, November 12th, 1781.

Sir,

Congress some time since, called upon the different States to make returns of the damage done by the enemy within each of them, by the wanton destruction of property, and no measures, that I can learn, have as yet been taken to ascertain such damage, though as your Excellency will easily conceive, it may become an important object of inquiry, whenever a treaty shall be set on foot for a general pacification, or be made to answer valuable purposes during the war, by showing our enemies in their true light to the nations of Europe.

In this view, I think it my duty to endeavor to collect them, and you will, Sir, I am persuaded, take the necessary measures to send as soon as possible, returns from the State over which you preside. I could wish to have the damages, (particularly that to real property,) ascertained by the affidavits of people of known characters, and duplicate copies of such affidavits transmitted to my officers, under the great seal of your State, and, if possible, accompanied with a short recital of each transaction, so that it may at once appear, whether the injuries were such as the laws of war justified, or whether they originated only in the malice and cruelty of the enemy.

Your Excellency will oblige me, and serve the public, by transmitting to me accounts of every occurrence, in which the United States are materially interested, which may arise within your government, or which you may derive from your correspondents abroad.

I have the honor to be, with great respect and esteem, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, November 18th, 1781.

Sir,

The subject mentioned in the letters of Mr Adams, and their enclosures, requiring their express direction, I humbly submit to the consideration of Congress.

In Dr Franklin's letter of the 6th of August to Mr Adams, he informs him, "that he cannot depend on receiving any more money in France applicable to the support of the Ministers of Congress, and that what aids are thereafter granted, will probably be transmitted by the government directly to America." Congress need no arguments to convince them of the disgrace and danger of permitting their most confidential servants to be necessitous in a foreign country.

I will with their approbation, concert with the Superintendent of Finance, the means of supplying our Ministers, Agents, and Secretaries. But to facilitate these means, and convince the powers to whom we are indebted for money, that we know the value of their aids, I would humbly submit to Congress the propriety of practising the strictest economy, as far as it may be consistent with their honor, and the justice due to those they employ. That Congress may determine the more readily whether their establishment will admit of any reduction, or devise the most effectual means of defraying the expense of it, I take the liberty to lay before them the annual amount of the salaries of their servants now abroad.

If I am well informed, it is usual to distinguish the allowances to Ministers by the expenses of the country in which they live, and the character they are obliged to support. Such a rule would be productive of great saving to us, whose policy it is to have agents without any acknowledged public characters, at Courts which refuse to receive our Ministers. How far so important a station as that of Secretary to an Embassy might be supplied by private secretaries with moderate salaries, at least till the existence of the Embassy was acknowledged, must be submitted to the wisdom of Congress. Certain it is, that foreigners who may not be acquainted with the dignified characters of those we employ abroad as secretaries, will be surprised to find their emoluments equal, if not exceeding those allowed by the richest potentates in Europe, and that too, when the great object of the mission is to represent our wants, and solicit supplies for civil and military establishments at home.

Perhaps, too, from the ground on which the successful issue of this campaign has placed us, Congress may see it improper to solicit Courts, who are so little disposed to serve us as those of Petersburg and Lisbon, or to expend additional sums of money on agencies to Russia or Portugal.

Another part of the despatches referred to me, are those that relate to John Temple, to which Congress alone are competent to give directions. The reports currently circulated in England relative to his first mission, his coming by way of New York, his return to England, his abode there, his present visit to America, render him an object of attention, not only to the people of this country, but to those of Europe, and give weight to those suspicions of attachment to England, which, as it is her policy to keep up, it should be ours on every occasion to discourage. Congress will judge how far it is proper to suggest any measures to the State of Massachusetts. I take the liberty to submit to them, whether at least it would not be expedient to adopt such resolutions as would leave the Executive of that State uninfluenced in their conduct towards him, by his being the bearer of public despatches. Congress will observe, that I have no personal acquaintance with Mr Temple, nor any knowledge of facts, which would lead me to suspect his principles, other than the matters, which are above stated and publicly known.