Office of Foreign Affairs, November 2d, 1781.

Sir,

It is with peculiar pleasure that I obey the directions of Congress in making communications, which show their sense of the exertions of their ally, and of the merit of the officers he employs. The confidence inspired by the first, and the esteem excited by the last, form new bands of union between nations, whom reciprocal interests had before connected. In this view I flatter myself the enclosed acts of Congress will be agreeable to you, and that you will with pleasure communicate to his Most Christian Majesty their desire, with his permission, to present to the Count de Grasse two pieces of field ordnance, taken from the enemy at York, with inscriptions calculated to show that Congress were induced to present them from considerations of the illustrious part, which he bore in effectuating the surrender.[1]

I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect and esteem, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] In Congress, October 28th, 1781. "Resolved, That the thanks of the United States in Congress assembled be presented to his Excellency the Count de Rochambeau, for the cordiality, zeal, judgment, and fortitude, with which he seconded and advanced the progress of the allied army against the British garrison in York.

"That the thanks of the United States in Congress assembled be presented to his Excellency the Count de Grasse, for his display of skill and bravery in attacking and defeating the British fleet off the Bay of Chesapeake, and for his zeal and alacrity in rendering, with the fleet under his command, the most effectual and distinguished aid and support to the operations of the allied army in Virginia.

"That the thanks of the United States in Congress assembled be presented to the commanding and other officers of the corps of artillery and engineers of the allied army, who sustained extraordinary fatigue and danger in their animated and gallant approaches to the lines of the enemy.

"Resolved, That the United States in Congress assembled will cause to be erected at York, in Virginia, a marble column, adorned with emblems of the alliance between the United States and his Most Christian Majesty, and inscribed with a succinct narrative of the surrender of Earl Cornwallis to his Excellency General Washington, Commander in Chief of the combined forces of America and France, to his Excellency the Count de Rochambeau, commanding the auxiliary troops of his Most Christian Majesty in America, and his Excellency Count de Grasse, commanding in chief the naval army of France in the Chesapeake.

"Resolved, That two pieces of the field ordnance, taken from the British army under the capitulation of York, be presented by the Commander in Chief of the American army to Count de Rochambeau, and that there be engraved thereon a short memorandum, that Congress were induced to present them from considerations of the illustrious part, which he bore in effectuating the surrender.

"Resolved, That the Secretary of Foreign Affairs be directed to request the Minister Plenipotentiary of his Most Christian Majesty to inform his Majesty, that it is the wish of Congress, that the Count de Grasse may be permitted to accept a testimony of their approbation, similar to that to be presented to the Count de Rochambeau."

* * * * *

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Translation.

Philadelphia, November 4th, 1781.

Sir,

I have received the letter, which you did me the honor to write on the 29th ultimo, and the papers from Count de Grasse, which you had the goodness to send to me, and for which I beg you will accept my thanks.

We are encouraged to hope for your arrival here. I shall be extremely happy to be able to testify to you in person the joy, which I have received from your success. That joy is universal, and it can but increase the attachment and esteem of all orders of citizens, and of my own countrymen, to your Excellency.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

* * * * *

TO THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, November 4th, 1781.

Sir,

I have received the letter, with which you honored me on the 2d instant, with the resolutions of Congress of the 28th of October, which accompanied it. I have no doubt that they will be most agreeable to his Majesty, and that he will learn with great pleasure, that the remembrance of the success obtained by the allied arms is to be preserved by a column, on which a relation of this event will be inscribed, and mention made of the alliance.

I shall be glad, before any farther resolutions are taken on this subject, to communicate to you some ideas relative to this monument. It is so honorable to the two nations, and so well adapted to perpetuate the remembrance of their union, that we ought to be mutually desirous of giving it all the solidity and durability of which the works of man are susceptible. Besides, Sir, I observe that the United States are named before the King in these resolutions. This is the second time within my knowledge, that this form has been adopted. I remarked on it the first time; and was then positively assured, that it was an error, which should be corrected on the journals. I entreat you to be pleased to let me know distinctly what usage Congress intends to adopt on this subject, in order that I may make it known to my Court.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

* * * * *

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Office of Foreign Affairs, November 6th, 1781.

Sir,

Having been honored with your letter of the 4th instant, I remark with pleasure, that the mode in which Congress propose to perpetuate the success obtained by the allied armies at York, is such as will in your opinion be agreeable to his Most Christian Majesty. As Congress must concur with you in wishing to render this monument of the alliance, and of the military virtues of the combined forces as lasting, if possible, as the advantages they may reasonably hope to reap from both, they will, without doubt, pay all due deference to any ideas you may think proper to suggest relative to the manner of carrying the resolutions of the 28th of October into effect. I shall receive, Sir, with pleasure, and submit to Congress any communications, that you will do me the honor to make on this subject.

I am sorry to find, that you consider the order, in which the allied nations or their Sovereigns are placed in the resolutions, as anywise exceptionable. This mode of expression might perhaps be justified by the absolute equality established between sovereign powers, and the common practice of independent nations to recognise no superior in acts to be executed by themselves, within their own limits. But, Sir, I am so well satisfied that Congress wish to avoid discussions, which must be treated with great delicacy by nations situated as ours are, where every demand on the one part, not strictly authorised by the law of nations, might derogate from the generous protection, which we make it our boast to have received, and the denial of just rights on the other subject us to the imputation of ingratitude, that I think you may safely rely upon their practice, when some future occasion shall present, to evince that the order in which the allied nations are mentioned did not originate in any settled rule, and above all, that no want of respect for his Most Christian Majesty dictated the resolution to which you object. Be persuaded, Sir, that regardless as the United States are of form and ceremony, in matters that relate to themselves alone, they will think their endeavor to support France in the high rank which her extent, wealth, and power have given her, a small return for the wise and generous use she makes of these advantages.

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the greatest respect and esteem, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Office of Foreign Affairs, November 6th, 1781.

Sir,

I do myself the honor to submit to Congress a letter to the Minister of France, which covered their resolutions of the 28th of October, his answer thereto, and the draft of a letter in reply to his. As the last implies a promise on the part of Congress, I did not think myself authorised to send it without their approbation.

Congress will observe, that I endeavor to wave a question, which perhaps it might have been imprudent to answer by a direct avowal of the propriety of the resolution, or in the present circumstances to yield in express terms. By seeming to slight matters of mere ceremony, we may avoid troublesome discussions in future, and teach the old world by the example of the new to get rid of a clog, which too often fetters the most important transactions. I take the liberty to submit to Congress the propriety of directing in the next vote, which they shall have occasion to pass, in which France and America, or their Sovereigns, are mentioned, the preference to be given to the first, and so that we may seem to have established no rule on a subject of so little moment as rank or precedence.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Office of Foreign Affairs, November 21st, 1781.

Sir,

Finding by frequent applications from the French Islands, that their Courts of Admiralty are not fully acquainted with the resolutions of Congress, passed the 14th of October, 1777, which vest in the captors the property of such of the enemy's vessels as are taken by their mariners; and being called by the letter, a copy of which I do myself the honor to enclose, to attend particularly to the case of Captain Jones and his crew, I must beg, Sir, that you will do me the favor to recommend it to the notice of the General and Commander in Chief of the French Leeward Islands, for whose use I enclose a certified copy of the above mentioned resolutions of Congress, presuming that the Court of Admiralty will pay some respect to them in their decisions, though they may not be strictly agreeable to the rules they have adopted, since it would be highly disadvantageous to both nations to have that considered as lawful prize in one port, which is not so in another. But should the Court think they are not warranted in condemning the vessel, she should at least be restored to Captain Jones or his agent, that she might, by being brought to a port of the United States, become lawful prize.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

HEADS OF A VERBAL COMMUNICATION MADE TO THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS BY THE MINISTER OF FRANCE.

In Congress, November 23d, 1781.

The Secretary of Foreign Affairs laid before Congress the following heads of a verbal communication made to him by the Minister of France.

The Minister of France informed the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, that the Count de Vergennes, in a letter to him of the 7th of September, 1781, assured him that the King of France had received with great pleasure, an account of Mr Adams, Mr Franklin, and Mr Jay's appointment to the place of Ministers for the negotiation of peace; and after expressing favorable sentiments of them and of Mr Jefferson, from his general reputation, adds, that they have little reason to hope for the assistance of Mr Laurens, since the enemy will probably continue his captivity during the war. That the King accepted with pleasure the proofs, which Congress have given him of their confidence, when they intrusted to his care the interests of the United States. That he would use his influence and credit for the advantage of his allies, whenever a negotiation should render their interests a subject of discussion. That if he did not obtain for every State all they wished, they must attribute the sacrifice he might be compelled to make of his inclinations, to the tyrannic rule of necessity. That, however, he had no reason to believe, that the events of the campaign would make an unfavorable change in the situation of affairs; and that from the present view of them, he had no cause to dread a disadvantageous peace.

The Count adds, that he presumes Mr Adams has communicated to Congress his Majesty's refusal to accede to the terms of the mediation of the Imperial Courts, until they should agree to acknowledge the American Plenipotentiaries in the manner most conformable to the dignity of the United States; and observes thereon, that if the King was so attentive to a matter of form, though it might indeed in our present situation be considered as important, he would not be less tenacious of our more essential interests, which he will be zealous to promote, as far as circumstances will allow. But that if notwithstanding this, Congress, or even a considerable part of its members, should regret the confidence they had placed in his Majesty, or wish to free their Ministers from this restraint, his Majesty would not disapprove the measure; provided they made their Ministers answerable, as in justice they should be, in proportion to the powers, with which they invested them. He expresses his satisfaction at the extensive powers, with which the Ministers are invested as to the matter of boundary, and the truce, which he says, the interests of France as well as of us, require to be as long as possible.

With respect to the statu quo, he says, that though from the number of their conquests it would be beneficial both to France and Spain, yet it has not entered into their system so far as it regards America, and that his Majesty accordingly refused to accede to the plan of negotiation proposed by the mediating powers, which held up that idea. He exhorts the Minister to recommend to Congress the most vigorous exertions, and to assure them, that the expulsion of the enemy from this continent depends in a great measure on the exertion of the United States; that France would be able to afford us very little assistance; and that Britain, so far from discovering any inclination to peace upon reasonable terms, absolutely refused the plan of negotiation proposed by the mediating powers; so that arms alone could compel her to it. He mentions, that the King being apprehensive, that the capture of the Marquis de Lafayette might reduce us to some difficulties, had ordered her cargo to be replaced immediately; and that in consequence of applications from the States of Virginia and Maryland, he had ordered a number of arms and military stores to be shipped to them, subject however to the order of Congress. That this and the cargo designed to replace that of the Marquis de Lafayette, were to be paid for out of the loan negotiated in Holland, which he had occasion to think would be completed. He expresses a desire, that the plan for the appointment of Consuls should be digested and adopted, as the Court of France wished to make it the basis of some commercial arrangements between France and the United States.

The Secretary for Foreign Affairs further informed Congress, that the Minister of France had communicated to him the following extract of a letter from the Count de Vergennes, which he had transmitted to the Superintendent of Finance.

Extract of a letter from the Count de Vergennes, September 7th, 1781.

"We think that since the arrival of Colonel Laurens, you have stopped the bills of Mr Morris on Messrs Le Couteulx. If the Superintendent has not followed your advice, he will cause us some embarrassment, as we have not destinated any fund for that article. We have peremptorily declared to Dr Franklin, that we will not in future discharge any bills, that had not been drawn with your consent. As to you, Sir, we cannot but repeat our former instructions on this subject; and we direct you to authorise no draft even for a small sum."

* * * * *

No. 1.

The Answer of his Most Christian Majesty to the Articles proposed by the two Mediating Courts.[2]

Translation.

The mediators are too well satisfied of the moderation of the King, and his constant wish for the re-establishment of peace, not to be previously assured, that his Majesty will receive with as much gratitude as warmth the Preliminary Articles they have communicated. The King, the more fully to convince the two high mediators of his frankness and of the purity of his intentions, as well as of the unreserved confidence, that he places in the justice and impartiality of their High Imperial Majesties, believes he ought to make some confidential observations upon these Preliminary Articles. His Majesty flatters himself, that this will be more acceptable to them as its sole objects are to prevent discussions, which are equally mischievous and complicated, and to facilitate the much wished for success of their generous interposition.

"ARTICLE I. There shall be a negotiation at Vienna, by the united care of the two Imperial Courts, embracing all the objects for the re-establishment of peace, which the belligerent parties, who intrust them with the mediation, shall judge proper to be there proposed. A negotiation shall in the meantime be entered into between Great Britain and her Colonies for the re-establishment of peace in America, but without the intervention of either of the other belligerent parties, or even of the two Imperial Courts, unless their mediation shall be formally demanded and accorded, for this object."

According to the verbal observations, the expressions in the first part of this Article have been used merely to place the King of Spain in a situation to propose the cession of Gibraltar, and this turn has been judged necessary because the Court of London had previously declared, that it ought to be made without reference to this cession, while the Catholic King demands it as a preliminary; as this part of the Article immediately affects the Court of Madrid, the King cannot but refer himself to it for the answer that shall be made thereto. His Majesty is content to observe, that having united himself in the same cause with the King, his uncle, he neither can nor will separate his interests from those of that Prince, and that he regards the satisfaction he claims as a condition, without which he cannot personally treat of those matters.

As to the second part of the Article, the two Imperial Courts cannot flatter themselves with the hopes of bringing their mediation to a happy issue, if they do not prevent the subterfuges, the subtelties and false interpretations, which either of the belligerent powers may avail themselves of to explain according to their views the preliminary propositions, which will certainly happen if they do not previously ascertain the sense of the expressions, which relate to America.

The Court of London will elude as much and as long as she possibly can, the direct or indirect acknowledgement of the independence of the United States, and will avail herself of the terms, that are used in speaking of them, to maintain, that she is not obliged to treat with her ancient Colonies as with a free and independent nation. That she is consequently not reduced to admit a Plenipotentiary on their part, and that she is at liberty to view the American representative as a deputy from a part of her subjects who demand a favor. From whence it will follow, that when the mediation is in force, and they shall be about to enter upon the negotiation, that they will dispute the character, in which the American Plenipotentiary shall be received. The King of England will consider him as his subject, while Congress will demand, that he shall be received as the representative of a free people, by means whereof the mediation will be stopped at the first outset.

To prevent this inconvenience it should seem, that previous to any other measure, the character of the American agent ought to be determined in the most precise and positive manner, and Congress should be invited to confide its interests to the mediation. This invitation is so much the more interesting, as the negotiation relative to America should go hand in hand with that of the Courts of Madrid and Versailles, and by consequence, the negotiations although separate should commence at the same time.

But who will invite the Congress to treat with England? The King cannot, since the First Article excludes him from the negotiation. This task then can only be executed by the mediators themselves; all that the King can do, and that he will do with zeal and fidelity, is to invite the Americans to the peace, and to facilitate it by every means that they believe compatible with their essential interests. But that the King may take this step with safety, and the hopes of success, and with the certainty of not rendering himself suspected by the Americans, it is necessary that he should first know the determination of the mediators upon the observations now made to them, and that this determination should be such as to secure to the American States their political existence.

The two high mediators and their Ministers are too enlightened not to perceive, that without this preliminary measure the Congress will send no person to Vienna, and that the King can make no attempts to engage them thereto, without incurring the danger of involving himself, by means whereof, and for the reasons already urged, the mediation will be stopped at its first outset. These reflections appear to merit the most serious attention of the two mediating Courts.

"ARTICLE II. This separate peace cannot, however, be signed, except conjointly, and at the same time with that of the powers whose interests shall be treated by the mediating Courts. Although neither peace, notwithstanding they are treated separately, shall be concluded without the other, yet care shall be taken to inform the mediators constantly of the progress of that, which regards Great Britain and the Colonies, to the end, that the mediation may be able to regulate the measures intrusted to it according to the state of the negotiation relating to the Colonies, and both of the pacifications, which shall have been separately concluded at the same time, shall be solemnly guarantied by the mediating Courts, and by every other neutral power, whose guarantee the belligerent powers may think proper to claim."

When the United States shall have been duly called to the Congress at Vienna, and shall have commenced their separate negotiation with England, this Article will make no difficulty with his Majesty.

"ARTICLE III. To render the negotiations of peace independent of events of war, always uncertain, which may arrest, or at least retard their progress, there shall be a general armistice between the two parties, during the term of one year, reckoning from —— of the month of —— of the present year, or reckoning from the month of —— of the year 1782. Should it happen, that a general peace should not be re-established during the first term, or whilst the duration of either of these terms continues, everything shall remain in the same state, in which it shall be found at the signing of these preliminaries."

This Article includes two objects equally important; an armistice and a statu quo. The mediators have already acknowledged, that without this preliminary basis, they cannot enter upon a serious negotiation for a peace; and, for still stronger reason, these preliminaries should be established before a truce can be spoken of.

The two mediating Courts are themselves of this opinion, since they do not propose the armistice, but in consequence of the acceptation of the first and second Preliminary Articles. The King thinks, that before they can agree to an armistice, it is necessary that the belligerent parties should have established preliminaries; and it cannot be denied, that the basis, which the high mediators have proposed, may lead to a delay of those preliminaries, which should serve as the pledge and security for the re-establishment of peace, when, in fact, they really afford none.

But when these preliminaries shall be invariably established, it may be of consequence to determine what duration should be given to the suspension of arms. The plan of the mediators proposes one year; but this term appears too short not to be illusory. In fact, it should be observed, that the fire of war being kindled in the four quarters of the world, one part of the year will have revolved before the orders can be received by the respective commanders; so that tranquillity will be established in Europe, while hostilities continue in America and in the Indies. Besides, all the powers remaining armed, the slightest circumstance may occasion a violation of the truce.

In fine, it is in vain to flatter ourselves with the hope of concluding a definitive peace in the short space of one year; as, exclusive of the variety of subjects, that must necessarily be discussed, the two mediating Courts are at a great distance from each other; nor is there less between the belligerent powers; and we should deceive ourselves, if we supposed, that all the propositions, which will be made on the one part, and on the other, will not give room for much debate and altercation; or, that they will not, consequently, consume much time.

To these considerations we ought to add, that an armistice for one year would be very burdensome, because the powers at war will be obliged to remain in arms, to their manifest loss, as it will be impracticable to disarm, as well from the dispersion of the troops, as from the enormous expense, if, (which is highly probable) it should become necessary to renew hostilities. If, then, the mediators wish sincerely to establish the peace they propose, they should prefer a truce of many years to a simple armistice for one year. This expedient is better adapted to consolidate their work, than a suspension of arms for a short time. But a truce will have the same inconveniences, and be equally dangerous with an armistice, if the belligerent powers remain under arms. Thus it seems necessary to agree at the same time reciprocally to disarm.

But supposing these two points settled, there remains another equally important, that is the statu quo. Neither France nor Spain have any reason to reject it, so far as they are individually concerned. This is not the case with the Americans. To be satisfied of this, we need only cast our eyes upon the points, that the British troops actually occupy upon the continent of North America. The question, then, will be to obtain the consent of the United States, and this consent can only be demanded by the two Courts that offer their mediation, for the reasons that have already been urged.

"ARTICLE IV. This plan of negotiation being adopted by all the parties, the belligerent powers shall request the mediators to open the conferences of the Congress, and shall without delay give their respective plenipotentiaries such full powers and instructions, as they shall judge necessary for the success of the negotiation."

The King will conform himself, with as much pleasure as earnestness, to this Article, as soon as the preliminary basis shall be irrevocably established, agreeably to the observation above mentioned. And the King will then authorise his plenipotentiaries to treat immediately of the Preliminary Articles, which should lead to a cessation of hostilities; and, as soon as these Articles shall have been agreed to, to labor with zeal and assiduity for the early conclusion of a definitive treaty. The high mediators may be assured, that his Majesty will facilitate this double task by every means, which he shall deem compatible with his dignity, with his interest, and with those of his allies; and that as far as depends upon him, they will acquire the glory of having established, upon a solid and unalterable basis, the peace and tranquillity of every part of the world.

FOOTNOTES:

[2] Austria and Russia proposed to act as mediators for a general peace about the beginning of the year 1781. Some particulars on this subject will be found in John Adams's Correspondence, Vol VI. p. 98;—also in Flassan's Diplomatic Francaise, Vol. VII. p. 300.—The papers here inserted are imperfect, but they are all that could be found in the Department of State. They will serve to illustrate that part of the preceding communication of M. de la Luzerne, which relates to the proposed mediation.

* * * * *

No. 2.

The Answer of the Court of London to the Preliminary Articles proposed by the Mediating Courts.

I am authorised to return an answer to the paper, which, by order of your Court, you delivered me, and of which I have given an account to his Majesty.

The answers marked A and B,[3] which I have the honor to submit to you, explain the unalterable sentiments of the King, upon points essential to his dignity, and demonstrate the reasons, that obliged his Majesty to decline the plan proposed, so far as it relates to his rebellious subjects. The King knows the justice and the impartiality of the mediating Courts, and he considers the plan with that spirit of conciliation which they give birth to. But his Majesty cannot but see it in a very different point of view, from that in which it appeared to the august mediators when they supposed it admissible in all points.

The King persuades himself, that after having considered it again, they will not entertain the same judgment relative thereto as heretofore; and that they will even cease to wish that it should be admitted, since, from their intention, as well as from the principles, which they have laid down with so much wisdom, and which the King adopts altogether, it necessarily results, that everything inconsistent with the dignity of his Majesty, the essential interests of his nation, and the rights of his crown, is inadmissible. A just and honorable peace with the belligerent powers, under the mediation of the two Imperial Courts, is the first object of his Majesty's wishes. The King knows, that the two august mediators will pursue the great work, that they have undertaken, with the same sentiments, which induced them to engage therein, the desire of being useful to the belligerent powers; and his Majesty hopes, that their generous care will be crowned with success, and that they will serve to reconcile all the sovereigns at war, by a safe and honorable peace, which it shall be the interest of all parties to accept, and which shall not wound the dignity of either of them.

The sincere desire of peace, the gratitude due to the august sovereigns, who have been willing to charge themselves with the mediation of it, and the sentiments with which the King will always receive whatever shall be proposed to him by them, would dispose his Majesty to accept the proposed Articles, if that acceptation could be reconciled to his dignity, the interests of the empire, and the rights of his crown.

1st. On every occasion, in which there has been a question of negotiation, since the commencement of the war with France, the King has constantly declared, that he could never admit in any manner whatsoever, nor under any form, that there should be any interference between foreign powers and his rebellious subjects.

2dly. The resolution of his Majesty upon this important object is founded upon what the King owes to his own dignity, upon the essential interests of his people, and upon the incontestible right, which every Sovereign has to determine at his pleasure, that which is clearly within his jurisdiction. This resolution is as immutable, as the foundation upon which it rests. From the application of this principle to the different points of the first, second, and third articles, results the melancholy, but indispensable necessity of declining all that is proposed in these different articles relative to the rebellious subjects of his Majesty.

The King invariably entertains the desire, which he has so often manifested, of terminating the war in which he is engaged with the belligerent powers, by a just and honorable peace, under the mediation of the Imperial Courts, and for this purpose his Ministers shall be furnished with instructions and full powers, necessary to treat of all objects directly relative to the said powers. They shall be ordered to pursue the negotiation conformably to the principles explained therein, with all possible zeal, and to contribute on their part every suitable means to conduct it to a happy end.

FOOTNOTES:

[3] These papers are missing.

* * * * *

No. 3.

The verbal Answer of the King of Great Britain to the to the verbal Observations made by the Count de Belgiojoso, Austrian Ambassador in London.

Since the King finds himself under the necessity of declining a plan proposed by the two mediating Courts, he should think himself wanting in that respect, which is due to them on so many accounts, if he did not give some details of the reasons, which have rendered it indispensable for him to take this step. His Majesty is persuaded, that when the two august mediators shall have considered them with that spirit of justice and impartiality, which characterises them, they will become sensible of their weight.

The King would derogate from his rights of sovereignty, should he consent in any manner to the admission of any person whatever, delegated to the Congress by his rebel subjects; this admission being absolutely incompatible with their quality of subjects. For the same reason, conciliatory measures employed to put an end to a rebellion, ought not to be intermixed, either in their commencement or in their conclusion, with a negotiation between sovereign States.

In consequence of the same principle, his Majesty can never enter into any engagements, nor adopt any plan, which may limit or suspend the incontestible right, which every Sovereign has, to employ all the means in his power to terminate a rebellion kindled in his dominions, either by the progress of his arms, or by conciliatory means employed in the country itself. If, instead of taking advantage of the present disposition of a great part of his rebellious subjects to return to their allegiance, he was to stop the effect and progress of that disposition by stipulating a suspension of arms, he would retard the instant of that reconciliation, which he wishes so much to hasten, and would furnish the leaders of the rebels with the means of fostering and strengthening their rebellion, and oppressing the well-affected by the weight of their usurped authority; he would put it in the power of his enemies to prolong the troubles, if he made the return of peace in America to depend on the success of a negotiation with a belligerent power, a negotiation which it would always be in their power to render fruitless.

The favorable intentions of the King towards his rebellious subjects, and his desire to make them experience the effects of his clemency, and restore to them the happiness, which they enjoyed before their rebellion, are generally known, but whatever may be the arrangements, which his Majesty will make to restore and ensure the quiet of his Colonies, and link the happiness of his American subjects to that of the metropolis, they will be in their nature as all things are, which are merely national, arrangements of internal policy, and as such, they cannot properly be the object of the mediation or guarantee of any foreign power. When the King availed himself of the dispositions of the two Imperial Courts and employed their mediation, his Majesty gave it plainly to be understood, that he aimed at the restoration of peace between the belligerent powers, to which alone it appeared to him that a mediation could be applied. Persisting invariably in the same sentiments, the King wishes that the mediation, at the same time that it confines itself to this particular object, may comprehend it in its full extent, and that the war between Great Britain and the Republic of Holland may be included in it.

If the negotiation is opened, agreeably to these principles, and directed solely to this salutary end, if the other belligerent powers bring to it the same conciliatory spirit which his Majesty will show, the generous care of the mediating powers will meet with a success the most complete, and the most conformable to their views.

* * * * *

No. 4.

Reply of the Mediators to the Belligerent Powers.

Translation.

The Courts of Versailles and Madrid having transmitted to the two Imperial Courts their respective answers[4] to the Articles proposed to serve as a basis to the negotiation, which had been communicated to them, as the Court of London had done on the 15th of June last, the two Imperial Courts think, that they must not delay to communicate their reply reciprocally to the three respective Courts, as necessary to their mutual direction, and they have directed in consequence their Ambassadors and Ministers with the said Courts, to present copies of them to their respective Ministers.

Their Imperial Majesties have seen with the greatest satisfaction, in that which was transmitted to them by his Most Christian Majesty, the assurance of the grateful sentiments and real pleasure, with which his Majesty has received the said Articles, but they could not but be so much the more affected by the exposition of the motives, which have appeared to his Britannic Majesty sufficient to prevent his acceptation of them. It appears convenient to them in the actual state of things to refer to another time, and other circumstances the observations, which they might produce, and which it would probably be useless to expose in the present moment, but what cannot be so either at present or in future, is that the belligerent powers may see in their proper light the Articles, which have been proposed to them, and may in consequence appreciate them properly.

The mediating powers could not allow themselves to make any propositions, which might wound the dignity or delicacy of either of the parties, or any of those, which might in the first instant have obliged them implicitly or explicitly to decisions, which can only be the result of a consent obtained by the way of negotiations. They must consequently have confined themselves to seeking and finding out some proper means to enable the belligerent powers to assemble their respective Plenipotentiaries, at the place where the Congress shall sit, to endeavor, under the mediation of the two Imperial Courts, to settle amicably all the differences, which are the causes of the present war, and when once they have met, and are provided with instructions for all possible cases, to be continually at hand, to seize one of those happy moments, which circumstances sometimes bring on, and which are often lost forever, or at least for a great while, when one has not been at hand to take advantage of them.

They have found at the same time no other inconveniency in this, but that perhaps the progress of the negotiation might not be altogether so rapid as it would undoubtedly be wished. The suspension of arms and of the statu quo by itself, independent of the remaining part of the proposition, can either be adopted or rejected; and after having weighed with the greatest impartiality the inconveniencies and advantages, which may result from the acceptation of their propositions, it has consequently appeared to them, that nothing could better suit the respective interests of the belligerent powers, as well as their general and particular circumstances. They still persist in that opinion, and from the sincere interest, which they take in the circumstances of all the belligerent parties, they cannot but wish, that they might still admit between themselves, with such modifications as they should think proper, the Articles, which have been proposed to them, and which, as his Most Christian Majesty well observes, are not Preliminary Articles, as in the nature of things they could not be such, but which can no less be the means, not only of bringing on at one moment or other the conclusion of a preliminary treaty, but perhaps even that of peace, a speedy return of which is so much to be wished for.

The two Imperial Courts have thought, that in return for the confidence, with which his Most Christian Majesty has expressed himself in his answer, they ought to show as much in exposing to him the light, in which they have seen the step they have taken in proposing the Articles, which they have caused to be communicated to him, and which they still persist in holding out, that the belligerent parties may still be able to adopt what has been proposed to them, or if not, to communicate some other idea, which may be productive of the same good effects, or of happier ones if possible. His Most Christian Majesty may be persuaded beforehand, that in that case they will with the greatest zeal make such use of it as they shall think most useful and convenient. Nothing can certainly add to the sincerity, with which they will take care to justify on every occasion the confidence, which the high belligerent parties have shown in accepting their mediation.

FOOTNOTES:

[4] The answer of the Court of Madrid is missing.

* * * * *

No. 5.

Answer of the Court of France to the Reply of the Mediators.

Translation.

The King has received, with equal sensibility and gratitude, the answer of the two mediating Courts; his Majesty regards it as a new proof of their friendship for him, of the just estimate which they form of his confidence in their impartiality, and of the true interest which they take in the prompt re-establishment of peace.

The King has not changed, and will not change, in his desire to second views so salutary; and the two high mediating powers may be assured, that so far as concerns his Majesty, it will not be owing to him, if they are not soon in a situation to give full scope to their beneficent zeal.

But the Court of London deprives the King of every expedient and every hope, on this subject, by its invariable resolution to regard and treat the Americans as its subjects. Such a resolution renders abortive every exertion, that may be made for obtaining peace. It utterly destroys the plan of the two mediating powers, since it decides, in the most peremptory manner, the question which is the subject of dispute, and the direct or indirect decision of which should be the preliminary basis of the future pacification.

In this state of things the King thinks, that the conferences, proposed by the two mediating Courts, would at present be without effect, and that the meeting of the respective plenipotentiaries would be but a vain pretence, which would not diminish nor abridge the horrors of war, and which might compromise the dignity of their Imperial Majesties.

The King is truly sorry to see, that things have taken a direction so contrary to his wishes, and to the expectations of their Imperial Majesties; and, if it were in his power to change it, he would do it with an eagerness, which would show to them the purity of his intentions; but his Majesty thinks it his duty to observe, that he has allies with whom he has inviolable engagements, that he should betray them by abandoning the American cause, and that he should betray this cause, if he consented to negotiate a peace separate from and independent of the United States. The high mediating powers have perceived the impossibility of such a proceeding, since they have themselves proposed to place the negotiation of the King, and that of the United States, upon an equal footing.

But even admitting, that the King should lay the affairs of America out of the question, that he should be content to act only for his own personal interest, and that he should leave to the Americans the care of coming to an accommodation with their mother country, what would be the result of this mode of proceeding?

The result would be, that the peace would be deceptive; that it would have a merely speculative existence. In fact, if, as appears from the strongest evidence to be probable, the Americans should persist in their refusal to return to their obedience to the British crown, the war between Britain and her former colonies would still continue. The King would then be obliged, as at present, to assist them; the King of Spain, on his part, would be under the necessity of assisting his Majesty; so that France and Spain, after the signature of their private treaty, would be in the same situation as they now are.

These considerations seem to the King to be most forcible, and his Majesty has too just an idea of the wisdom and penetration of the two high mediating powers, not to be convinced, that they will regard them in the same point of view, and that they will wholly approve the cautious course which they oblige him to pursue.

The King is earnestly desirous to be able to change this course, and it is in consequence of this desire, that he invites the high mediating powers to employ all their influence at the Court of London to induce that Court to show dispositions, which may convince us, that it is at last resolved to unite, in good faith, in a prompt and equitable peace.

The King thinks, that he ought to inform the high mediating powers, that his Ambassador at Vienna is at present authorised to attend to all overtures and all expedients, which tend to this object, whether they come from the Court of London, or are proposed by their Imperial Majesties; and he is also authorised to join in the negotiation, if sufficient grounds are presented to him, for conducting it safely to a happy conclusion, under the auspices of their Imperial Majesties.

* * * * *

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Translation.

Philadelphia, November 23d, 1781.

Sir,

I have the honor of sending to you a letter, which I wrote to the commanding officer of St Domingo, in consequence of that with which you honored me yesterday.

Be pleased to send the two despatches to those interested, in order that they may send them to their Fonde de Procuration by safe opportunities.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

* * * * *

CONGRESS TO THE KING OF FRANCE.

The United States in Congress assembled to their Great, Faithful, and Beloved Friend and Ally, Lewis the Sixteenth, King of France and Navarre.

Great, Faithful, and Beloved Friend and Ally,

At a period so glorious to the arms of France, both by sea and land, and so favorable to the fortunes of America, it is with particular satisfaction that we congratulate the Monarch, whose wise counsels and generous support have so largely contributed to events, illustrious in themselves, and promising consequences truly important.

We wish to convey to your Majesty our sense of the victory obtained by the Count de Grasse over the enemy's fleet on our coast, and the subsequent reduction of the British armament in Virginia; and we repeat our grateful acknowledgments for the various aids so seasonably extended to us. From the benevolence and magnanimity, which has hitherto interested your Majesty in the welfare of these States, we are convinced, that you will on this occasion feel an equal pleasure with ourselves, whose immediate advantage is the result of such fortunate exertions.

We mention with great pleasure the zeal and ability manifested by the Count de Rochambeau, commanding your Majesty's forces in the allied army. His conduct, and that of his officers under him, merit our fullest approbation; and we are made further happy by the perfect harmony and affection, which has subsisted between the troops of the two nations.

The distress occasioned to the common enemy by combined operations will, we trust, point out to both nations the utility of similar measures in future; and whilst it induces your Majesty to supply that naval force, which the situation of our country renders necessary, will urge the United States to every effort which their particular interests, added to their desire of seconding your Majesty's views, can call forth to ensure the complete success of attacks upon the enemy's strong holds.

It is with great pleasure, that the United States continue to number some of your Majesty's subjects amongst their most able, spirited, and faithful officers. It affords the world a striking proof of the intimate connexion, which subsists between the allied nations, at the same time serves to cement the union which it manifests.

Major General the Marquis de Lafayette has in this campaign so greatly added to the reputation he had before acquired, that we are desirous to obtain for him, on our behalf, even notice in addition to that favorable reception, which his merits cannot fail to meet with from a generous and enlightened Sovereign; and in that view, we have directed our Minister Plenipotentiary to present the Marquis to your Majesty.

We pray God, Great, Faithful, and Beloved Friend and Ally, always to keep your Majesty in his holy protection.

Done at Philadelphia, the twentyninth day of November, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eightyone, and in the sixth year of our independence. By the United States in Congress assembled. Your faithful Friends and Allies.

JOHN HANSON, President.

CHARLES THOMSON, Secretary.

* * * * *

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Translation.

Philadelphia, December 11th, 1781.

Sir,

I have received the letter, with which you yesterday honored me. I have, consequently, the honor of sending you triplicate copies of a letter, which I wrote to the Count du Durat, Governor of Grenada. Be pleased to send it to the persons whom it concerns, and at the same time to advise them to annex to it copies of their memorial in French. I hope that it may prove satisfactory to them. I can do nothing else in affairs of this kind, except to invite the Admiralties of our Islands to take them into consideration.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

* * * * *

TO COUNT DU DURAT, GOVERNOR OF GRENADA.

Translation.

Philadelphia, December 11th, 1781.

Sir,

I have the honor of sending you a copy of a memorial presented to the State of New Hampshire, and sent by that State to Congress, relative to a ship carried to Grenada by some American sailors, whom the English had compelled to serve on board of her. I do not know what are the rules or usages, to which the Admiralty of Grenada conform in such cases, I merely inform you, Sir, that by the laws of Congress, when insurgent sailors bring an English vessel into the ports of the United States, it is adjudged as a prize to them. The Admiralty of St Domingo, knowing these laws, have not hesitated, in a similar case, to restore the prize to the Americans, who had conducted it into port, after deducting the expenses of the proceeding.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

* * * * *

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Office of Foreign Affairs, December 21st, 1781.

Sir,

I do myself the honor to enclose an extract of my letter to Dr Franklin, on the subject of the late ordinance of Congress, relative to captures. Though in it I suggest a mode, by which the identity of goods captured and shipped may be authenticated, yet I have not thought it prudent to give it the preference to any other, which Dr Franklin, upon communicating with the Minister, may think more proper. I have only to request, that you will by your representations second his, and urge the Court of France to adopt the regulation above suggested, or any other that will best guard against this illicit commerce on the one hand, or the injury of innocent dealers on the other.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Office of Foreign Affairs, January 19th, 1782.

Sir,

I do myself the honor to enclose two letters from Mr Deane, which were delivered with his own hand to a Mr Marshal, who has sworn to their identity. These add so much weight to the suspicions already entertained against him, that they may probably be of use to your Court in justifying any measure, which they may deem it proper to adopt, to prevent the ill effects of the principles he endeavors to disseminate, and to invalidate the ill-founded assertions he makes.

I beg to be informed whether you think it probable that the Hermione has sailed yet, and if not, whether you have any express going down to her.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Translation.

Philadelphia, January 20th, 1782.

Sir,

I thank you for communicating to me Mr Deane's two letters. I shall transmit them to my Court. I am not at present, sending any express to the Chesapeake, but I shall probably send one as soon as I shall have received the letters, which should have been brought by the Sybil. It is still possible that the Hermione may be charged with them.

I proposed to have the honor, at the first opportunity, of conversing with you upon a circumstance, which it is desirable that Congress should alter. In the State of Massachusetts there is no Marshal of the Court of Admiralty. The custom in that State is, to put into the hands of the agent of the libellant the effects libelled, and the proceeds of their sale, if it has taken place. This practice has already been attended with great inconveniences, as it respects French merchants, and particularly as it respects a Spanish vessel, the owners of which, it is thought, have lost from twentyfive to thirty thousand pounds sterling, merely because the contested property had not been put into the hands of a responsible public officer. You will be better able, Sir, than I am, to judge by what means these inconveniences may be remedied.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

* * * * *

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Office of Foreign Affairs, January 24th, 1782.

Sir,

Reflecting that our not communicating the resolutions of the 22d to you, when we send them to Dr Franklin, might appear to the Count de Vergennes to betray a want of confidence in you, which I am persuaded Congress do not entertain, I am led to consider my not having received instructions to communicate them as a mere accidental omission, and accordingly take upon me to enclose a copy of them. You will, I presume, put them in cypher before they are sent off. To give you leisure to do it, I have not sent them to your house, but have ordered my servant to find you at the Assembly.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Translation.

Philadelphia, January 25th, 1782.

Sir,

I have the honor of sending back the resolution of Congress of the 22d instant, and of thanking you for this communication. The letters which I have had to write to France, in answer to those which I received by the Sibyl, being now finished, I shall have the honor of communicating to you, before the end of the week, the news which I have received.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, January 28th, 1782.

Sir,

The undersigned, Minister Plenipotentiary of France to the United States, has the honor of informing Congress that a great part of the loan of ten millions of livres tournois, opened in Holland on account of the United States, was taken up in October last, and that the interest on it has been fixed at 4 per centum. It is now proper that Congress should be pleased to send to Mr Franklin, the instructions and the authority necessary for performing the acts required to bind the United States, in their engagements with his Majesty on account of this loan, as well as of the interest and expenses which it has occasioned. The undersigned has informed the Superintendent of the Finances, that after deducting the money advanced by his Majesty for this loan, there would remain about four millions of livres, at the disposal of the United States when the loan is entirely taken up.

LUZERNE.

* * * * *

THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, January 29th, 1782.

Sir,

The Minister of France informed me, that he was desirous of making some communications from letters received by the Sibyl. Ten o'clock this day was appointed to receive them. He accordingly came, and read to me passages of a letter of Count de Vergennes to him, dated October 17th, 1781, which contained in substance,

That France wished (as was evident, from her going into the war on our account) to obtain every advantage for us. That powers at war must often be governed by circumstances. That if events would enable her to command them, we might depend on everything she could obtain. That her political system depended not only on America, but on the other powers at war. That if France should continue hostilities merely on account of America, after reasonable terms were offered, it was impossible to say what the event might be. That his Majesty was, however, at all events, determined to adhere to the true principles of the alliance, and would farther endeavor to obtain for us whatever we demanded, as far as events would justify.

He observed, that people in America appeared to be greatly deceived with respect to the disposition of the belligerent and mediating powers, and to imagine that all were anxious for a peace; that this was so far from being the case, that Great Britain had not yet returned any answer to the overtures of the Imperial Courts, nor had any reply been made by the latter to the answer given them by France, from which delay it might be easily imagined peace was far distant. That from the present situation of Spain, there was strong reason to suppose she could not spare us any money, her own operations requiring all she had. That he hoped France would not be called upon to make up her deficiencies, as they were in no situation to make new grants. Besides, that in order to rid us of our embarrassments, they had already made efforts in our behalf, which they had reason to believe exceeded our expectations, and that what they had done for America this year, entitled them to an exemption from further demands.

In a letter of October 20th, 1781, from the Count de Vergennes to the Minister of France, it is observed, that the United Provinces would not embarrass themselves at present by an alliance with us; that in this they will follow the example of Spain; that, however, it will be prudent to keep an agent in Holland, and direct him to advise constantly with Dr Franklin, that we may observe some consistency in our politics. That he fears America founds hopes on the aid of Russia; that nothing can be more groundless; that though he believes she is not averse to the independence of America, yet we ought not to expect that she will move a step in our favor; that she has no particular interest in terminating the war; that as she means to assume the character of a mediator, she must preserve that of justice and impartiality; that nothing, therefore, can extort from her measures that are favorable to us, but a conviction, that we cannot be brought back to the dominion of Great Britain. That this should lead us to think (a sentiment which he desires the Minister to inculcate) that our success depends upon our exertions, and upon our relinquishing the inactivity into which false hopes, excited by success, do sometimes plunge us.

He repeated, that France could lend us no more money; that the ten millions borrowed upon our account in Holland, were greatly sunk by advances made in France; that no bills would be paid in France, which the Minister did not authorise us to draw; that he hoped our officers would have too much prudence to risk the credit of the United States by drawing; that the negotiations are still inactive, and will remain so, till events oblige one or other of the parties to sue for peace. That the success of the expedition against Portsmouth (that being the supposed post of Cornwallis) might possibly have some effect. That the great object of England is America; that she will not cede it while she can carry on the war; that she will certainly make great exertions the ensuing campaign; that equal exertions are therefore necessary on our part. That Spain and Holland view America as the great obstacle to a peace, from which consequences may flow, which people of judgment may easily foresee.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

COUNT DE VERGENNES TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Translation.

Versailles, January 31st, 1782.

I have received, Sir, the letter with which you honored me on the 20th of October of last year. I heard of your appointment as Minister of Foreign Affairs of the United States, with the greater pleasure, as I already knew the extent of your knowledge and your zeal for the interests and the glory of your country.

I am convinced, Sir, that it will be the dearest object of your cares and labors to support the cause for which the United States are contending, and to maintain the principles, which serve as the basis of the union between them and his Majesty. Be assured, Sir, that I shall omit nothing that lies in my power, effectually to second your good intentions. My confidence in your zeal and patriotism is equal to the sentiments of respect, with which I have the honor to be, Sir,

Your most obedient and humble servant,

DE VERGENNES.

* * * * *

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Translation.

Philadelphia, February 1st, 1782.

Sir,

I have received the letter, with which you honored me on the 31st ultimo, and the affidavit enclosed in it. I have the honor of sending it back to you, and I also annex a letter for the commanding officer of the Island of St Domingo. It will be necessary, that Mr William Marshall should be charged to prosecute this affair himself.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

* * * * *

Instructions to Dr Franklin.

In Congress, February 5th, 1782.

On the Report of the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, to whom was referred the note (dated January 28) from the Minister of France,

Resolved, That the following powers and instructions be given to the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America at the Court of Versailles.

Whereas, the Minister of his Most Christian Majesty has informed the United States in Congress assembled, that the loan of ten millions of livres tournois, opened in Holland on account of these United States, was in a great measure completed in October last, and requested in consequence thereof, that full powers might be expedited to bind these United States to discharge the principal and interest of the said loan, agreeably to the terms thereof, with such expenses as might have accrued in making such loan; you are, therefore, hereby authorised, directed, and empowered, to enter into such engagements with his Most Christian Majesty, with the States General of the United Provinces, with any particular State or Province, or with any man or body of men whatsoever, with whom you may find it necessary to enter into engagements, for the purpose of binding these United States to discharge the said loan, with interest, agreeably to the terms thereof; and also for the repayment of such expenses as have arisen, or may arise by reason of the said loan. And the said United States of America do hereby pledge their faith to confirm what you shall execute in pursuance of the above power.

JOHN HANSON, President.

* * * * *

RESOLVES OF CONGRESS RESPECTING THE COMMUNICATIONS MADE BY THE MINISTER OF FRANCE.

In Congress, February 8th, 1782.

On the Report of the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, to whom was referred the communication made to him by the Minister of France, (November 23d) containing, among other things, an opinion of Count de Vergennes, that his Catholic Majesty will not have it in his power to advance any money to the United States; and expressing in strong terms the Count's hopes, that the United States will not imagine that France should make up the sums they expected from Spain, after the assistance they have already derived from France;

Resolved, That Congress are fully sensible of the frequent, friendly and generous interposition of his Most Christian Majesty in their behalf, and are led from thence to hope a continuation of his assistance, since nothing has been wanting on their part, so to apply the aid he generously affords, as to distress the common enemy, and lead to the great object of their alliance, a safe and honorable peace.

Resolved, That Congress cannot, without injustice to themselves and their ally, withhold from him a knowledge of their present circumstances, or neglect to mention the ruinous consequences that may attend a refusal of those aids, which as well the friendly dispositions of his Most Christian Majesty, as the success that has attended his interposition in their behalf, gave them reason to hope would be continued till the States, which have lately been ravaged by the enemy, had so far recovered their commerce and agriculture, as to be able more effectually to contribute to the general expense; and that his Majesty may be assured, that their applications for this purpose shall not exceed what may be absolutely necessary for the support of the common cause.

Resolved, That the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, consulting with the Superintendent of Finance, explain to the Minister of the United States at the Court of Versailles, the extensive advantages, which have resulted from moneys supplied by his Most Christian Majesty to these United States, and the engagements, which have been entered into with a view to render the next campaign decisive, the consequence of failing in those engagements, and the little prospect there is of fulfilling them without an additional loan or subsidy, for the year 1782, of at least twelve millions of livres tournois, in order that the said minister may present a memorial on this subject to his Most Christian Majesty, and at the same time lay before him the several resolutions lately passed by the United States in Congress assembled, which evidence their unalterable resolution to make every exertion, for a vigorous campaign, which their present situation will allow.

Resolved, That the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America at the Court of Versailles be, and he is hereby instructed and empowered to borrow, on account of these United States, the sum or twelve millions of livres tournois, and to enter into engagements on the part of the United States for the repayment of the same, together with the interest, which is not to exceed the terms allowed or given on national security in Europe.

* * * * *

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Translation.

Philadelphia, February 18th, 1782.

Sir,

The Minister Plenipotentiary of France has the honor of communicating to Mr Livingston a letter from the Marquis de Bouille, commanding officer of the Windward Islands, and a memorial presented to that General by the Council and Assembly of the Island of Dominica. One of the two cases mentioned in them, that of the Dutch vessel, the Resolution, has been decided by the Court of Appeals, and the sentence of the Court of Admiralty of Philadelphia, has been amended in almost every point. The case of the Eeirsten has been decided at Boston in the first instance, and recently by the Supreme Court of Appeals. As the annexed papers seem to contain means for the revision of the first case, and proofs which were not known to the Judges when the decision was made, the undersigned has the honor of communicating them to Mr Livingston, and requests him to be pleased, after reading them, to send them back to him.

The agent of the merchants at Dominica designs to solicit the said revision, with a view to have all the cargo, without exception, acquitted. The undersigned Minister flatters himself, that Congress will be pleased to enable the said agent to avail himself of the new proofs, which he says that he has obtained. The letter of the Marquis de Bouille, and the request of the Council and Assembly of Dominica, may hereafter serve to determine the true meaning of the capitulations of the English Islands, taken by the forces of his Majesty; and it is for this reason also, that the undersigned requests that they may be laid before the Tribunal of Appeals. This letter and this request, leave no room to doubt, that the Ostend ship Eeirsten sailed under the faith of the capitulation, and that her owners ought to participate in the advantages secured by it to the capitulators.

The undersigned Minister appeals to the justice of Congress, and of the American tribunals, in favor of those inhabitants or capitulators of the Island of Dominica, who are interested in the cargo of this ship, as subjects of the King, his master, and in favor of those people of Ostend who are interested, as subjects of his Imperial Majesty, who is allied to the King, his master, both by blood and by treaties.

LUZERNE.

* * * * *

THE MARQUIS DE BOUILLE TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Translation.

Without date.

Sir,

I have the honor to transmit you a Memorial from the Council and Assembly of the Island of Dominica, who lay claim to the Dutch ship Resolution, Captain Waterburg, which has been retaken from an English privateer from Carolina, by the American privateer Ariel, belonging to Messrs Robert Morris, Samuel Inglis, and William Bingham, brought into Philadelphia, and condemned there as a legal prize.

This neutral ship, employed in the exportation of the produce of Dominica by virtue of the proclamation of his Britannic Majesty in favor of neutral ships bound for the British Colonies, conquered by France in the course of this war, would not have been condemned as a legal prize, had it remained in the power of the British privateer, and been brought into a port belonging to his Britannic Majesty. She could not, then, be condemned by the Admiralty of Philadelphia, since that Court could not consider her otherwise than as a neutral vessel, sailing under the faith of his Britannic Majesty's proclamation, which the commander of the English privateer was no doubt ignorant of, and after which she could no longer be considered as a recapture.

This affair, Sir, deserves all your attention, and the particular protection which I request you to grant it, that the owners of this vessel may obtain, from the Council of Prizes of the United States the justice due to them.

It is feared at Dominica, lest the Ostendian ship Eeirsten, Captain Thomson, which sailed for the said Island, and was taken by an American privateer and brought into Boston, may likewise have been condemned; and should this have been the case, I also request your interposition in favor of the owners of the said vessel.

I have the honor to be, &c.

BOUILLE.

* * * * *

MEMORIAL OF THE COUNCIL OF DOMINICA.

To his Excellency the Marquis de Bouille, Marshal of the King's Camp and Armies, Lieutenant General and Governor General, in and over the Islands of Martinico, Dominica, Grenada, and St Vincent, Tobago, &c. &c.

The Memorial of the Council and Assembly, representing the capitulants of this Island.

By virtue of the 17th Article of the capitulation signed by your Excellency, the capitulants of this Island were authorised to ship the produce of their estates, in neutral ships, to neutral ports in Europe, and to receive from them the necessary supplies of provisions and plantation stores.

Annexed to the oaths of the respective shippers of produce on neutral vessels, his Excellency the Marquis du Chilleau, his Majesty's Governor in this Island, granted to the master of each vessel his certificate, that such shippers were capitulants, and the produce laden in such vessel was the growth of their estates, and therein recommended those vessels and their cargoes to the protection of all his Majesty's subjects, those of his Most Catholic Majesty and to the Americans in alliance with France. These certificates were always respected till now, and in consequence such neutral vessels, although detained and examined at different times, arrived at their destined ports.

To the infinite surprise of your memorialists, they have received advice from Philadelphia, that the Dutch ship, the Resolution, Captain Waterburg, was retaken from an English privateer, belonging to Carolina, by the Ariel, an American privateer, belonging to Messrs Robert Morris, Samuel Inglis, and William Bingham of Philadelphia, carried into that city, and was there condemned and sold with her cargo, without respecting either the capitulation, or the certificate and recommendation of his Excellency the Marquis du Chilleau. This ship was loaded at Dominica and regularly cleared there for Amsterdam within the time limited by his Britannic Majesty's Proclamation in favor of Dutch vessels, loading in the conquered Island, the commander of the Carolina privateer, unacquainted with the Proclamation, had detained her as a Dutch ship. That this ship would certainly have been released in Carolina cannot even be doubted, as she had before been carried into the Island of Nevis on the same voyage, and released with a compensation after her papers were examined.

Your memorialists have received further advice, that another American privateer has taken and carried into Boston, the Ostend brig Eeirsten, Captain Thomson, bound from that port to this Island, and laden with provisions and plantation stores for the estates of your memorialists, where we fear she will have the same fate.

If the Americans should persist and be authorised to take and confiscate neutral vessels, loaded with the produce of capitulants' estates under the authority of the French government, and those who in return are loaded with the provisions essentially necessary to them, what is the trade of this Island? This must put an effectual end to it; what resources are then left to us?

The inhabitants of this Island are capitulants, and they dare flatter themselves, that under their present government they have the merit of having constantly manifested the most uniform propriety of conduct; the Americans should not only have respected, but protected their property. Bound to do so by their treaty of friendship with France, by the capitulation, and by the certificate and recommendation of the French Governor.

Your memorialists do therefore most earnestly entreat, that your Excellency will be pleased to take this Memorial into consideration.

Council Chamber, in Roseau, the 23d day of November, 1781.[5]

ABRAHAM SHAW, President in Council.

House of Assembly, Roseau, this 23d day of November, 1781.

J. MORSOU, Speaker of the House of Assembly.

FOOTNOTES:

[5] Extract from an authentic copy of the capitulation, granted by the Marquis de Bouille to the Island of Dominica.

"ARTICLE 7th. That they (the inhabitants of Dominica) shall pay no other duty to his Most Christian Majesty, than they have paid to his Britannic Majesty, without any charge or imposts. The expenses attending the administration of justice, the Minister's stipends and other customary charges, shall be paid out of the revenue of his Most Christian Majesty in the same manner as under the government of his Britannic Majesty.

"Granted, and that the inhabitants of Dominica may freely export their produce to all parts, on paying into the custom house the duties, which the inhabitants of the French Islands pay in the Islands or in Europe; but the expenses for administration of justice shall be paid by the Colony.

"ARTICLE 17th. The merchants of the Island may receive vessels to their address from all parts of the world, without their being confiscated, and they may sell their merchandise, and carry on their trade; and the port shall be entirely free, for them for that purpose, paying the customary duties paid in the French Islands.

"Granted, until the peace, English vessels excepted."

* * * * *

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Office of Foreign Affairs. February 20th, 1782.

Sir,

I was yesterday honored with your note, covering the papers, which relate to the ship Resolution's cargo, and the brigantine Eeirsten's. With respect to the first, I believe there is little doubt, that that part of the cargo, which is condemned would be acquitted upon a rehearing, and proving, that it was the property of capitulants. The case of the brigantine is much more intricate, and carries strong marks with it of a fraudulent design to protect British property, contrary to the spirit of the capitulation. One of the Judges who condemned this vessel assures me, that there was strong proof, that the cargo belonged to British owners, even after she parted from Ostend, nor was there any evidence that the bottom was neutral. The capitulation does not certainly tend to cover any other property of the capitulants, but that which should be shipped from the Island, or to the Island from a neutral port, otherwise its trade with Britain would stand upon the same footing as it did before the capture. However, I have not had such a view of facts, as will enable me to give an opinion upon the subject, and if I had it would not fall within my department to determine upon it.

The line in which justice will most speedily be done, will be for the parties who conceive themselves aggrieved to petition Congress for a rehearing. If, Sir, you shall approve it, I will lay before them your note, with the papers annexed, and my opinion thereon. I doubt not, that they will readily adopt such measures as are most consistent with justice, and the respect they will feel for your recommendation.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, March 8th, 1782.

Sir,

I have the honor of informing your Excellency, that I am about to take a journey to Virginia, and shall probably be absent some weeks. M. de Marbois will remain here during this interval, as Charge d'Affaires of his Majesty. Be pleased to honor him with your confidence, in case that circumstances shall render it necessary for him to make any communication to Congress.

If your Excellency has any commissions, with which to intrust me, for Virginia, I entreat you to be assured of my punctuality in performing them.

I am, Sir, respectfully, &c.

LUZERNE.

* * * * *

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Translation.

Philadelphia, April 17th, 1782.

Sir,

I have repeatedly applied to the Department of War, to have a settlement made of the accounts of M. de la Radiere, an officer of Engineers, and General Baron de Kalb, both of whom died in the service of the United States.

I have been answered, in the absence of General Lincoln, that the demands, which I made by order of my Court, for the benefit of their heirs, were just, but as yet no money has been paid to me, and I therefore entreat you to be pleased to procure it as soon as possible. I have received several letters from the family of Baron de Kalb, and I wish to be able to send them a satisfactory answer. General Lincoln having returned, I hope that these two affairs will suffer no delay.

The Count de Barras also demanded, in the month of July of last year, the payment of the sums due to the volunteers, who have served on board the Ariel, Captain Paul Jones; and on leaving the Chesapeake he has renewed his demands, in order that this money may be sent to France, where it will be paid to those to whom it belongs. This debt amounts to four thousand one hundred and ninetyseven livres tournois, not including the sum of one thousand one hundred and fiftyone livres, which has been paid to Joseph Caron, Francois Marais de Tulipe, Joseph Powaruce, and Paterne Jean, who were on board the Hermione. Congress, by a resolution, the date of which I cannot recollect, last year ordered the whole of this sum to be paid. I entreat you, Sir, to be pleased to persuade the Board of Admiralty to bring this affair to a close, and to transmit this sum to his Majesty's Consul, that he may send it to those to whom it is due.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

* * * * *

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Translation.

Philadelphia, April 13th, 1782.

Sir,

I embrace the first moment after my return from Virginia, to comply with the request of the principal officers of our army, in tendering you their sincere respects.

I have already forwarded to your Excellency a letter from Count de Rochambeau; on my return here, I found letters from my Court, dated in February last. They do not announce anything pacific, on the part of our enemies. No progress is made in the mediation of the Courts of Vienna and Petersburg, and the Court of London seems determined to risk the event of another campaign, in which they will employ all the strength they have left. The plan for the campaign was not yet finally decided, it depending on some arrangements, which were yet to be made with the Court of Madrid, and on some advices, which were expected from the Antilles. It nevertheless seemed to be the intention to act vigorously for the assistance of the United States, and though no particular assurances could be given me on this head, yet from what they write me, it is probable that New York or Charleston, or perhaps both, will be the object of their efforts next campaign.

I think it, however, proper to inform you, that at the same time they announce to me their general views, they observe, that it is an unhappy circumstance, that the American army is so weak as it is; and they seem to fear, that it will not be in a condition to second their efforts, when it shall be necessary to strike, a decisive stroke, or to undertake operations, in which such extensive means are required as in a siege.

I beg your Excellency would enable me to give my Court the necessary information on a matter so important as this is. I am not curious to know any of the particular details relative to your army, which it may be necessary to keep secret, but the military operations of France and America are so intimately connected, that it is indispensable for us to know what is the actual force and means which you have, in order to calculate with any degree of probability what enterprises can be undertaken. Our ignorance in this respect cannot but be very prejudicial to our affairs, because, if from false information we consider your army as weaker than it really is, it will prevent our forming plans, which it would be possible to execute; and if, on the contrary, we are led to believe it stronger than it really is, we run the risk of forming plans impracticable in their execution. It is from these considerations, that I beg of you to confide to me such information on this head as you may think proper, both with respect to the actual force you have at the different parts of the continent, and what it will probably be in the course of the campaign. It is equally interesting to know the force of the enemy, both in regulars and militia. I beg you to rest assured of the discretion, with which I shall make use of these communications.

I cannot refuse myself the pleasure of communicating to you the sentiments, with which our Court and the nation at large are inspired, from the reports of the French officers, respecting your Excellency, on their return to Versailles. Their testimony could add nothing to the universal opinion of the great services you have rendered your country, but to the esteem and admiration of the French are now added a sentiment of affection and attachment, which are the just return for that attention which our military experienced from you, and the progress they made in their profession by serving under your orders.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

* * * * *

COUNT DE ROCHAMBEAU TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Williamsburgh, April 16th, 1782.

I send you under a flying seal, my dear Chevalier, the letter I have written to M. de Guerny, commanding the Emerald frigate. You will observe, that I am yet in a state of ignorance, not having received my ministerial despatches. It is of the greatest consequence, that this letter should be forwarded by a safe route, through the hands of General Washington, that it may be despatched as quick as possible.

Our last news from Edenton is of the 8th of April, by a captain of a vessel, who left Georgetown the 25th of March. The enemy employ all the wagons of Charleston in transporting their stores on board the empty vessels, which came from New York.

I think General Washington would do well to have all the works levelled, which we made at Rhode Island round Newport, and even the fort on Butts' Hill, if he has not troops vigorous and firm to keep possession of it.

The plans of the enemy seem to give their marine all the superiority they can in these seas. I think they must have it much at heart to re-occupy the port of Rhode Island. The port of New York being precarious, the entry depending on the tides, they run the greatest risks in their naval combats, in not having a port where they can take refuge at all times.

I have not time to translate this into English; I beg you to transmit it to our General, as well as that for M. de Guerny, that he may forward it with the greatest despatch.

I submit, with reason, all my reflections on Rhode Island to him. I have always in mind Lord North's speech, and the news which seemed to follow, of the pretended evacuation of Charleston.

Count Ferson sets off to meet my despatches; he tells me that there is a detachment of about one hundred men, which might be employed jointly with the militia in levelling the works.

ROCHAMBEAU.

* * * * *

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Translation.

Philadelphia, April 18th, 1782.

Sir,

On my return to this place, Count Beniowsky delivered to me a plan, which he wished to have communicated to your Excellency before your departure from Philadelphia, but as he was particularly recommended to me by my Court, he deferred taking that step till my arrival. He will not make any proposition to Congress without first consulting your Excellency and obtaining your approbation, and it is with this view he now goes to the army.

I need not recall to your Excellency's mind, the services and actions, which have recommended Count Beniowsky. His fervor you are acquainted with, and I am persuaded, that if you think he can be useful to the United States, no one will more sincerely support him in carrying into execution those views, which brought him to this continent.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

* * * * *

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Newburgh, April 28th, 1782.

Sir,

I receive with much gratitude the remembrance and compliments of the principal officers of the French army in Virginia, and thank your Excellency for the trouble of being the bearer of them to me, and the letter from Count de Rochambeau.

With equal sensibility and pleasure, I received and do now acknowledge my obligations to your Excellency for the communications from your Court, which, though not decisive, are nevertheless important. The late instance of their generous aid, hinted at by your Excellency and particularised by Mr Morris, is one among a variety of important considerations, which ought to bind America to France in bonds of indelible friendship and gratitude, never I hope to be sundered. Induced by that entire confidence, which I repose in your Excellency, and a full conviction, that a nation, who combines her force with ours, for purposes of all others most interesting to humanity, ought not to be deficient in any information I can give to point objects to means, that an accordance with them may be inseparable, I shall, without hesitation, give you the state of our present force, and my ideas of the increase of it by recruits, from the best view of it which is before me.

It can scarcely be necessary to inform your Excellency, that our military establishment for the present year consists of one regiment of artillery, four legionary, and two partisan corps, and fifty regiments of infantry, beside the corps of invalids; or that Congress have called in pointed terms upon each State to complete its regiments to the establishment, the aggregate of which, if complied with, would amount to thirtyfour thousand three hundred and eight men, exclusive of commissioned officers, sergeants, and music, Hazen's regiment, and the corps of invalids. Of this force, one legionary corps, two regiments of artillery, and twentytwo of infantry, besides Hazen's regiment and the invalids, compose the northern army; but as Hazen's regiment is fostered by no State, discouraged from recruiting by all, and without funds if the case were otherwise, it must soon dwindle to nothing, being now very weak.