 |
I appeal to the honorable gentlemen in Congress, then present, and perfectly well acquainted with our mode and style of living, to inform Congress on which of the commissioners the greatest expense of providing for and entertaining the Americans, who visited them at Paris, or who escaped from prison in England, and applied for relief, fell. I lay this general state before Congress, to convince them how very far I was from being prodigal of the public monies, and that the accounts delivered, general as they are, are sufficient to exculpate me from every charge of peculation or extravagance. My future reputation and fortune depend much on my mercantile character in these transactions, and I rely on the justice of Congress to prevent its being any longer undeservedly sported with, vilified and abused.
Under the load of calumny and abuse I have for some months sustained, I have had this consolation, that the services I had rendered my country had been long since sensibly felt by her, and that they would one day be acknowledged, but when returning to the character of a private citizen in the mercantile line, I cannot sit down easy under imputations injurious to my private character.
I have long since requested to have these accounts examined into, on the spot, where only a full and minute investigation can be made, and that they should be settled as justice required. I now repeat my request, and that previous thereto, the accounts laid before Congress be examined, from which alone it will appear, if there be any ground even for suspicion, and that I may be permitted to obviate, if in my power here, any objections that may be made. The mode in which the monies were received for the commissioners' use at Paris, the source from whence they came, with other circumstances relative, are such that I have not thought it consistent with the interest, the policy, or even the delicacy of Congress, or others, to lay the case at large before my countrymen, though I found myself injured in their opinion, by the abuse constantly thrown out against me in the papers, and from my silence on the subject. I have ever been, and still remain confident, that a general examination of the accounts, even in the state they are, must prove satisfactory to Congress, and that a minute investigation will show me to have merited their approbation, and not their censure. My first duty is, to satisfy Congress, in whose determinations the public will undoubtedly acquiesce, and to them therefore I have constantly made my application on this subject.
I will make no apology for troubling them so long at this time, my situation is, I trust, a sufficient one. I have only to add, that having delayed to leave the town beyond the time I proposed in my last, I hope for an early answer, and have the honor to be, with the utmost respect and attachment, &c.
SILAS DEANE.
Account of monies paid by Mr Grand, to Benjamin Franklin, Silas Deane, and Arthur Lee, for their particular use, and charged by him, as paid immediately to them.
To Benjamin Franklin—
Livres. 14th July, 1777, 4800 0 0 25th September, 4001 0 0 15th November, 8000 0 0 29th December, 2400 0 0 2d March, 3600 0 0 25th " 4800 0 0 —————— 27,601 0 0 10th March, 240 0 0 —————— 27,841 0 0
To Silas Deane—
Livres. 1st July, 1777, 2400 0 0 29th August, 4800 0 0 16th September, 4800 0 0 7th October, 2400 0 0 20th November, 2700 0 0 11th December, 2400 0 0 21st December, 2400 0 0 13th January, 4000 0 0 12th February, 2500 0 0 17th March, 4800 0 0 24th " 2400 0 0 —————— 35,600 0 0
To Arthur Lee—
Livres. August, 2400 0 0 8th October, 4800 0 0 12th November, 2400 0 0 December, 2400 0 0 23d November, 22,519 5 6 23d December, 2400 0 0 January, 720 0 0 11th " 4800 0 0 " 2400 0 0 16th February, 2400 0 0 6th March, 4800 0 0 —————— 52,039 5 6 35,600 0 0 27,841 0 0 —————— 115,480 5 6
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Philadelphia, 12th May, 1779.
Sir,
I returned last evening, and now send you the New York papers of the 3d and 5th instant. You will much oblige me, by informing me what resolutions Congress have come to on my letters of the 26th, 27th, and 30th ult. as well as on the petitions I have repeatedly made to them for the settlement of the business, on which I was ordered to return to America. If nothing has been done, I pray to be informed when I may depend on a decisive answer from Congress.
I have the honor to be, with the most sincere respect,
SILAS DEANE.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Philadelphia, 22d May, 1779.
Sir,
As this will probably be the last time I shall trouble Congress with my addresses to them, I hope to be indulged in briefly laying before them the following observations on my case and situation.
From the moment, that the contest between these States and Great Britain became serious, I have taken and pursued a decided and active part in favor of the liberties of my country, have cheerfully sacrificed my fortune, and exposed my life, for an object much dearer to me than either, the peace, liberty, and safety of these States. The part I took in the first, and succeeding Congress, is well known to many of the honorable members now present, as well as to my countrymen and fellow citizens in general, who must do me the justice to say, that I let slip no opportunity either in Congress or out, which offered, for serving America, and distressing its enemies.
In January, 1776, when I was about returning to my family and private concerns, which had suffered much by my absence, I was applied to, by the committee of Congress, to go to France, to negotiate the political as well as commercial affairs of America in that kingdom. The advantages proposed to me in the latter were considerable, and without any probability of difficulty, embarrassment, or risk, further than the dangers of the voyage, which were indeed great at that time. In the former it was very different, but the difficulties which presented, great as they were, had no consideration with me, in the situation in which our affairs then were. My subsequent conduct, from my arrival in France, until I left that kingdom, fully demonstrates that private interest and personal safety never had any weight with me, when the service of my country called upon me. In my narrative I have been so particular on the situation I found myself in, on my arrival in Europe, the embarrassments and difficulties I constantly labored under, and had to encounter, and in the many letters I have written to Congress since my return, requesting my conduct might be examined, in the strictest and most public manner, I have so often represented to them what my situation and line of conduct had ever been, that I am under no necessity of saying anything on the subject at present.
On the fourth of March, 1778, after having succeeded in procuring supplies for these States, which fell almost solely on me, and having, jointly with my colleagues, concluded the treaty of the sixth of February, which secured and guarantied the independence of these States, when I found myself, for the first time after my leaving America, free from those distressing embarrassments and difficulties I had been constantly under, and at liberty to pursue openly the great objects in view, and which I had for some time contemplated for the service of these States, I received the resolution of Congress of the 8th of December, ordering me to return immediately to America, to inform Congress of the state of foreign affairs in Europe. I did not hesitate a moment as to the part I should take, but immediately set myself on improving this circumstance and others, which then fortunately coincided, to the greatest possible advantage of these States,—the publication of the treaty, until that time ordered to be kept a profound secret, and the sending out the Toulon fleet, in which I embarked early in April.
I submit to the consideration of Congress, whether from the 4th of March to the 30th, the day I left Paris, I could possibly have been better employed, and whether I could have justified myself, or been even excused by others, had I neglected these objects, and delayed to pay the most immediate attention to the order of Congress, for the mere purpose of collecting in and adjusting accounts from the different ports of France; accounts which could not be collected and closed under several months, and in the settlement of which my colleagues were equally interested with myself.
I say I submit this to the consideration of Congress, nor do I fear publicly to submit it to the world, or even to those enemies whom I am so unfortunate as to have in it. The voice of my friend and colleague, Doctor Franklin, with that of my other noble friends and patrons in France to me was,—"Lose not a moment on any object either public or private; the fleet at Toulon will be ready by the time you arrive there; by no means let it wait a moment for you; you may sail early in April, and be in America in the course of the month of May; you may finish the information you have to give Congress immediately, and return to France by the time the accounts you have been concerned in can be got ready for settlement." It cannot be supposed, that I wanted to be urged to take the part I did; on the contrary, I exerted myself to the utmost in my power to get away as early and as secretly as possible, being convinced that the plan was well laid, happy to find the ministry had come so readily into it, and sensible how much depended on despatch. Never was there a more glorious prospect before us than at that time, nor ever were my hopes and expectations raised higher on any occasion.
Having been honored with the particular confidence, and I may say friendship, of the minister, and knowing that the relief of my country and the defeat of its enemies depended solely on our seasonable arrival, I suffered no private considerations to detain me a single moment. I was not insensible that I had enemies in America; I knew well that I had them in France, in Mr Williams and Mr Arthur Lee, and I was well acquainted with their connexions in America; but conscious of the part I had acted, and of the services I had rendered, and was then doing, for my country, which services were not in words, but in acts, the most honorable testimonials of which, given by the highest and first characters in Europe or America, I had in my hands, I had nothing to apprehend. Though permit me to assure you, that had I at the time foreseen all that has happened, and that even my life, as well as reputation, were to be sacrificed on my return, to the interested views of my enemies, I should not have hesitated a moment on taking the part I actually did take at the time. On my arrival early in July, I repaired immediately to Congress, and informed them I waited their orders.
It was late in August before I had the honor of an audience. Many circumstances, as well as direct information, convinced me, of what I had before suspected, that ill offices had been done me, and my conduct misrepresented. When I was first heard before Congress, I therefore requested, that if anything had been alleged against any part of my conduct, or character, as the public agent and commissioner of Congress, I might be made acquainted therewith, and have an opportunity for an explanation. I received no answer, and consequently had a right to conclude no charge had been made against me. I was told by many of the honorable members, that they knew of none, nor had they heard of any. Conversing with an honorable friend of mine, I mentioned to him my expectation of returning to France early in the fall, on which he told me I must not expect it, for that my enemies had determined to throw such obstacles and difficulties in my way, as most probably would detain me here much longer than I thought for. I asked him how it was possible, when the business I was ordered home upon was so very simple and so easily finished, and when the unclosed state in which I had been obliged to leave many public transactions in Europe, made my returning as early as possible of consequence to the public, as well as to myself, and especially when nothing had, nor, I presumed, could be, alleged against me. He answered, that it was the design of those, who wished to sacrifice me to the family interests and emoluments of my enemies, to wear me out by delays, and, without any direct charges, to ruin me in the opinion of my countrymen by insinuations, hints, and innuendoes, that though I might with confidence rely on the justice of Congress, yet measures would be taken to delay it on one pretence or other, in a way that would prove prejudicial if not ruinous to me. Though I could by no means bring myself to think my friend's suspicions well founded at the time, yet they made me more attentive to what was passing, and my observations served to confirm them.
The many fruitless applications I made for near five months to obtain an audience of Congress, and to have the business I came out upon closed, are well known to Congress, and the inferences I drew from the silent neglects, which my requests met with, may be easily conceived. In this situation I determined to lay my case before my countrymen and fellow citizens, to whom I considered myself ultimately accountable, though immediately so to their representatives in Congress. In consequence of this determination, I published my address in the beginning of December. On the 5th, Congress resolved to hear me; on the 7th I attended, and was ordered to report in writing my agency of their affairs in Europe, as soon as may be, &c. In obedience to their commands, I delivered them a brief and faithful narrative of my transactions, from the time of my leaving America, and flattered myself, that, from the time which had elapsed from my recall, which was more than twelve months, and more than five from the time of my return and attendance, the fullest examination must have been made into every part of my conduct, and that I could not fail of obtaining an early decision. Confident in the justice of Congress, I forbore to address the public further, whilst my cause was before Congress, and whilst I daily expected their determination. From these considerations, I silently submitted to the torrent of abuse, misrepresentation, and calumny, which almost daily poured forth against me in the public papers.
I considered myself as the servant of Congress, and entitled to their protection; to them I constantly appealed, not for favors, I asked none, but for justice. It is now five months since I laid my narrative before Congress, and on my being informed that a committee was appointed to examine and report on Foreign Affairs, and that my narrative was referred to them, I applied repeatedly to several of the honorable members, and requested that, if in the course of their examination they met with anything, in the letters and documents before them, respecting my conduct, which required explanation, they would call upon me and acquaint me therewith. I was not notified to attend them on the subject, and though I am informed their report has been for several weeks before Congress, I am unacquainted with its contents, as well as with the letters and documents on which it has been made.
Since I had the honor of laying my narrative before Congress, I have repeatedly solicited for the decision of Congress, but am to this hour without the honor of any reply to the many letters I have written; it would be tedious and perhaps unnecessary to repeat the substance of them; it would take some time to refer to the dates only; they are before Congress, and to them I appeal whether they speak the language of a man conscious of having defrauded and injured the public, or that of an innocent but greatly injured free citizen. I have had the honor of acting in the character of political as well as commercial agent for these States; I have repeatedly observed that every thing relating to the former is already ascertained or ascertainable at this time, and I freely rest my merits in that department on facts, and on the testimony of those great personages, who best know what my conduct was, and who have generously, and without solicitation from me, publicly declared their approbation of it. With respect to my commercial, I have appealed and again appeal to that mode of trial, which will prove to a mathematical certainty whether I have embezzled or misapplied the public monies, or whether, for more than three years' faithful services, I have received anything more than my private expenses. I have for more than ten months past been constantly soliciting to have the accounts of the commissioners settled, on the issue of which I freely put my reputation, and every thing dear in life. My solicitations have been unsuccessful, whilst my enemies, taking the base and disingenuous advantage of the circumstances before mentioned of my leaving France, raise a cry against me and say—where are his accounts? why did he not bring them out? if they were not settled, why did he not stay and settle them? I must confess, that when I reflect that these very men owe their present political, as well as personal, safety, to the measure I then took, I am at a loss which prevails most in my mind, indignation or contempt.
I trust Congress will indulge me, and the rather as I hope not to be obliged to trouble them again soon, whilst I ask every unprejudiced and disinterested member of that honorable body, coolly to review the scenes I have passed through, and to place himself in the different situations I have been in at different periods, since my engaging in this great and important contest, and consider me, after having at the earliest period adopted and invariably pursued the most decisive and determined part, after having for more than four years devoted my whole time and abilities to the service of my country, more than three of which have been in the immediate service of Congress; after having, under every disadvantage and embarrassment, successfully solicited and procured most essential aid and supplies for these States; after having been the principal actor in concluding an alliance every way honorable and advantageous to these States, and then returning to my native country with honorable testimonials of my character and conduct from His Most Christian Majesty and his ministers, as well as from my friend and colleague, and the French nation in general; and with an armament, which promised, on its sailing, complete and decisive victory over the enemies of these States, and which, notwithstanding its misfortunes, relieved them (this capital in particular) from the deepest distress and the most imminent danger; after this, to be obliged to waste ten months in fruitless attendance and solicitation for justice to my fortune and character, and at last worn out with the most mortifying delays and contemptuous neglect, driven unrewarded and unthanked to collect the little which remains of the scattered wrecks of my fortune, and to retire loaded with the most outrageous and unmerited reproaches into obscurity, poverty, and exile;—I ask every member of that honorable body, even those the most unfavorably disposed towards me, to put themselves for a few moments in my case, which I have by no means colored beyond the real life, and then pass sentence.
The loss of interest has little weight with me, nor loss of time, infinitely more precious, if by either, the honor, safety, and prosperity of these States is promoted. In the present case I am deprived even of this consolation, having seen, to my inexpressible grief, the essential interests of these States sacrificed by the very measures, which have occasioned the delay of justice to me. I still glory in the character of a free American citizen, and when I fear to speak in the style of one, I shall deservedly forfeit the most honorable of all titles. It was just and proper that my first applications should be made to the representatives of my fellow citizens; I have made them in the most decent and urgent manner, and repeatedly. They have been treated with the most mortifying silent neglect, even whilst every thing dear in life to me, and more than life itself, my reputation, was suffering. I thank God I have sufficient fortitude to part with every thing in life, and life itself, in the service of my country, without repining; but no consideration whatever shall induce me silently to suffer my reputation and character to be abused and vilified, whilst I have the power either to act or speak. For ten months past I have presented myself and my case before Congress, such as could by no means be considered in a neutral point of light, but decidedly meriting their approbation or censure. I have not been able to obtain either. Justice, therefore, to my countrymen and fellow citizens, to myself, and those great and generous personages who protected and patronized me, and the cause I was charged with abroad, requires of me that I justify myself before the world, by laying before them a faithful and exact account of all my public transactions from the first, and of the treatment I have met with.
In doing this, (if laid under the necessity,) I shall on no occasion transgress against the strictest rules of truth and decency, nor be wanting in that respect, which I have ever paid, and shall ever pay to Congress, as the representative body of my fellow citizens. At the same time, I shall with proper firmness, and the dignity becoming a free but injured citizen, expose to public view those, whether in Congress or out, who, to promote partial, interested, and family views, have from the first systematically labored to prevent Congress from deciding on my conduct as the servant of the public, though the interest of these States called for their decision. I flatter myself I shall not be laid under the necessity of further application, but that Congress will relieve me from the unmerited distress I labor under by closing this long protracted affair, or at least by immediately taking such measures as will, without delay, do justice to my services.
I have the honor to be, with the most respectful esteem and attachment, &c.
SILAS DEANE.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Philadelphia, 18th August, 1779.
Sir,
I do myself the honor of enclosing a memorial,[22] which I beg of you to lay before Congress as early as may be, and I flatter myself it will be taken under their consideration as soon as is consistent with the other important affairs before them.
I have the honor to be, &c.
SILAS DEANE.
FOOTNOTES:
[22] All the letters written by Mr Deane, from the 10th of July to the 18th of December, 1779, were on file in the Secretary's office of Congress, and taken thence for the purpose of having them recorded, with his other letters of a prior and subsequent date, which were filed in the office of Foreign Affairs, except the memorial mentioned to be enclosed in his letter of the 18th of August, 1779, which was then and is still missing.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Philadelphia, 4th September, 1779.
Sir,
I take the liberty of addressing you on the subject of a memorial I presented to Congress, and to pray you would inform me what the determination of Congress has been thereon.
I have the honor to be, with the most sincere respect and attachment, &c.
SILAS DEANE.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Philadelphia, 23d November, 1779.
Sir,
As I have received no answer to my memorial of the 16th of August last, I conclude none will be given, and, consequently, that I am laid under the necessity of returning to Europe in the best manner I can, and at my own expense.
I must confess, that when I reflect on the part I have acted, and the returns made me for my services, I have nothing but the consciousness of having done my duty to my country with zeal and integrity, and of having been successful in the important affairs I engaged in, to support me. Previous to my embarking, permit me to assure Congress, that my respect for them as the representative body of these States, is not lessened, nor my zeal for the service, prosperity, and happiness of my country abated, by the treatment I have met with. The expense of time and money, which I have suffered by my detention in this city, with the further expense I am now unavoidably forced to make, fall heavy on the small remains of a very moderate fortune; but as I go to vindicate what is dearer to me than either life or fortune, my honor and character, as the faithful servant of these States, and confident that in doing this, I shall render essential services to my country, I cheerfully submit.
On the 26th of August last, I received an order on the continental treasurer, signed by Joseph Nourse, for ten thousand five hundred dollars, said to be in full consideration of my time and expenses during my attendance on Congress, from the 4th of June, 1778 until the 6th day of August last.
I mean not the least disrespect to that honorable body, nor do I feel the slightest emotions of resentment towards those of them, who opposed the grant even of that sum to me, but the same feelings, which prompt me to further sacrifices, forbid my acceptance of a sum so inadequate to my actual expenses, and confident that the day is not far distant in which I shall demonstrate, not only that the public monies and supplies from abroad have been at first obtained, principally by my agency, but that the disposition of them, so far as depended on me, was made with the utmost possible economy and perfect integrity. I refer to that time the discussion of what recompense is due me for fourteen months' attendance in Philadelphia, in obedience to the orders of Congress, and for the other services I have been so fortunate as to render the United States. I have so often troubled Congress with my letters, and been so particular in them respecting my situation and affairs, that I need only refer to them at this time, particularly to my letter of the 22d of May last, and to submit the whole to their wise and mature consideration.
I have the honor to be, with the utmost respect to your private as well as public character, &c.
SILAS DEANE.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Williamsburgh, 18th December, 1779.
Sir,
When I did myself the honor of writing you on the 16th of November last, the order of Congress in my favor on the continental treasurer for ten thousand five hundred dollars being mislaid, was not enclosed. I now take the liberty to enclose it, and have the honor to be, with the most sincere respect and attachment, &c.
SILAS DEANE.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, 15th May, 1781.
Sir,
On my arriving in France, I applied to Mr Johnson to appoint a time for examining my accounts and vouchers, which I told him would soon be ready. He informed me, that he had determined not to accept the appointment, and that he had informed Congress of his resolution sometime before. Though this was a severe disappointment to me, yet I flattered myself that Congress would not delay the naming some other to the office, and in this hope I came to Paris in August last, and entered on the adjustment of my accounts, which have been for many months ready for settlement, yet, to my extreme mortification, I cannot get them closed for want of an auditor, or person empowered by Congress to examine them.
I pray Congress would candidly review the circumstances I have been under, from my leaving France in April, 1778, to this time. After having to that time faithfully and successfully served them, I was, in obedience to their orders, obliged to make a voyage to America, and to wait their pleasure in Philadelphia for more than a year, unable to obtain their decision on my conduct, though it was almost daily solicited by me; the only objection made was, that my accounts remained unsettled; as soon as Congress appointed an auditor to examine them, I set out on my voyage to Europe, regardless of danger or expense, fondly hoping that at last I should be able to close my accounts, and to receive the balance due to me, but what was infinitely more important, to vindicate my injured character. The expenses of my voyage were great, and during ten months' attendance here, they have been still greater, and though there is evidently a large balance in my favor, I have been refused money for my support. I have never asked of Congress anything but common justice, in the payment of my just demands, out of which, I have now been kept for three years. My necessities would long since have justified my seizing on the public property here to the amount of the money due to me, but I have been withheld from doing it on account of my regard for the credit of my country, and have rather chosen to be obliged to strangers for money for my support. And to what purpose is it for me to leave France, and return with my accounts and vouchers unaudited? It is equally useless to transmit them in that state. My enemies represented me as a defaulter, grown rich out of the public monies in my hands, and prejudiced the minds of Congress so strongly against me, that all my efforts in America to obtain even a hearing were vain and ineffectual. My present situation, as well as the state of my accounts, give the lie to every assertion or insinuation of the kind, yet I am still left to suffer under the calumny in America, and to be obliged to strangers for money for my support in Europe. I will not trust myself further on the subject, lest something escape me which may offend, without my intending it.
I hope Congress will impartially review my case in every stage of it, and that they will not force me to appeal to the laws of a foreign nation, or to the tribunal of the public in Europe, for the recovery of my right, and for justice to my character, which the great and first law of nature will oblige me to do, unless immediately relieved by those who owe me, and more who owe to their own character, and to that of their country, the justice which I demand.
I have the honor to be,
With great esteem and respect, &c.
SILAS DEANE.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Ghent, 17th March, 1782.
Sir,
I have written repeatedly to Congress, and to Mr Morris, and enclosed my accounts; as I have not been honored with any answer, I fear either that my letters may have been intercepted, or that the multiplicity of business has prevented.
Mr Barclay has been here some days; he has looked into my accounts with the public, and I have given him a copy of them, which he has promised me to send by the most safe conveyance, and does me the favor of enclosing this to you, which is simply to request that you would take, or procure to be taken, such measures as will bring on a final and decisive settlement of my accounts.
Mr Barclay tells me, that he has no orders on the subject, and that it lies in your department. I have, therefore, taken the liberty to address myself to you.
Mr Barclay, after viewing my accounts, proposed that auditors, or arbitrators, should be named at Paris, to audit and settle the accounts. I have not the least objection to this, nor shall I have any against any person, or persons, named by Congress, provided they are such as have a competent knowledge of accounts, and are impartial. I am willing, either to nominate one part of them, or to leave the whole nomination to Dr Franklin, as Congress shall prefer, or to submit my accounts to the examination of Mr Barclay alone, provided that he be empowered to take the opinion of disinterested persons on the spot, as to any dubious or uncertain articles, and to make a final close of the affair.
You will, by exerting your interest to bring this affair to a settlement, do, as I conceive, material service to the public, and certainly lay the utmost obligations on one, who has the honor to be, with great respect and esteem, &c.[23]
SILAS DEANE.
FOOTNOTES:
[23] In addition to articles in the newspapers, Mr Deane wrote a pamphlet, vindicating himself from the charges that were brought against him, chiefly by Mr Arthur Lee, in two publications, and in his letters to Congress. This pamphlet was dated London, August 10th, 1783, and entitled, "An Address to the United States of North America; to which is added, a Letter to the Honorable Robert Morris, with notes and observations." This address was printed in England and the United States.
THE
CORRESPONDENCE
OF THE
COMMISSIONERS
FROM THE UNITED STATES TO THE COURT OF FRANCE.
Commissioners were appointed by Congress, for transacting the business of the United States at the Court of France, on the 26th of September, 1776. The persons chosen were Benjamin Franklin, Silas Deane, and Thomas Jefferson. On the 22d of October, Arthur Lee was elected in the place of Mr Jefferson, who declined accepting the appointment. These three commissioners met in Paris about the middle of December, where they continued to reside, chiefly employed in procuring military supplies and money for the United States, till they signed the treaty of alliance, February 6th, 1778. They were presented to the king, as representatives of an independent State, on the 20th of March. Silas Deane being recalled, John Adams was elected to supply his place, November 28th, 1777. Dr Franklin was appointed Minister Plenipotentiary to the Court of France, September 14th, 1778, at which time the Commission was dissolved.
THE
CORRESPONDENCE
OF THE
COMMISSIONERS
AT THE COURT OF FRANCE.
* * * * *
FROM THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, SILAS DEANE, AND ARTHUR LEE, COMMISSIONERS AT PARIS.[24]
Baltimore, 21st December, 1776.
Gentlemen,
After expressing our hopes, that this will find you all three safely fixed at Paris, we proceed with pleasure to acknowledge the receipt of Mr Deane's letter of the 1st of October. When we reflect on the character and views of the Court of London, it ceases to be a wonder, that the British ambassador, and all other British agents, should employ every means that tended to prevent European powers, and France more especially, from giving America aid in this war. Prospects of accommodation, it is well known, would effectually prevent foreign interference, and, therefore, without one serious design of accommodating on any principles, but the absolute submission of America, the delusive idea of conciliation has been industriously suggested on both sides of the water, that, under cover of this dividing and aid-withholding prospect, the vast British force sent to America, might have the fairest chance of succeeding, and this policy has in fact done considerable injury to the United States, as we shall presently show by a just detail of this campaign, for it is not yet ended.
You know, gentlemen, that, at the moment a potent land and marine force was preparing to be sent hither, an act was passed for appointing commissioners, who, too many expected, were to give peace to America. As, therefore, the war might be soon concluded, so were our military arrangements accommodated, and the troops taken into service the last spring, consisting of regular corps and bodies of militia, were all engaged for short periods. With these the campaign began in various parts of North America. Dr Franklin is so well acquainted with the progress of the war in Canada, previous to his departure, that we need only observe, the campaign has ended as favorably for us in that quarter, as we could reasonably expect. The enemy, having been able to pierce no further than Crown Point, after a short stay, and reconnoitering General Gates' army, at Ticonderoga, thought proper to recross the lake, and leave us in quiet possession of those passes. General Gates, having left a proper force at Ticonderoga, and on the communication, retired with the rest of his troops. New York and its neighborhood not being defensible by an army singly against a strong land and sea force, acting in conjunction, was, of necessity, yielded to the enemy, after some contest, General Washington retiring, until the situation of the country above Kingsbridge no longer enabled the enemy to receive aid from their ships.
General Howe having stopped here, and General Carleton at Crown Point, effectually disappointed the great object of joining the two armies. The latter, as we have said, returning to Canada, and the former retreating from the White Plains towards New York, gave us a favorable prospect of seeing a happy end put to this dangerous campaign, however many causes have concurred in producing an unlucky reverse of fortune, such as the nature of the country, the uncommon fineness of the weather, even to this day, and, above all, the short enlistments, which gave the soldiery an opportunity of going home, tired as they were with the operations of an active summer.
When General Howe retreated from the White Plains, he halted his whole army on the North River, between Dobbs' Ferry and Kingsbridge, where he remained for some time. Having effected so little of the great business that brought him here, and the season allowing him time for it, most men were of opinion, that the next attempt would be, to get possession of Philadelphia by a forced march through the Jerseys, whilst a fleet should be sent up the Delaware to facilitate the enterprise. To guard against such a manoeuvre, General Washington crossed the North River with all the battalions, that had been raised to the westward of it, leaving General Lee, with the eastern troops, to guard the pass of the Highlands on Hudson River. In this situation of things, General Howe made a sudden attack upon Fort Washington, with the greatest part of his army, and carried it with considerable loss, making nearly three thousand of our men prisoners. By this event, it became unnecessary longer to hold Fort Lee, or Fort Constitution, as it was formerly called, which is on the west side of the North River, nearly opposite Fort Washington. It had therefore been determined to abandon Fort Lee, but before the stores could be all removed, the enemy came suddenly upon it, and the garrison retreated, leaving some of their baggage and stores behind.
About this time General Howe became possessed of a letter, (by the agency of some wicked person, who contrived to get it from the express) written by General Washington to the Board of War, in which he had given an exact account when the time of service of all our battalions would expire, and his apprehensions, that the men would not re-enlist without first going home to see their families and friends. Possessed of this intelligence, the opportunity was carefully watched, and a vigorous impression actually made at the very crisis, when our army in the Jerseys was reduced to 3000 men by the retiring of numbers, and the sickness of others; and before militia could, in this extensive country, be brought up to supply their places, the enemy marched rapidly on through the Jerseys, whilst our feeble army was obliged to retreat from post to post until it crossed the Delaware at Trenton, where about 2500 militia from the city of Philadelphia joined the General.
Since General Howe's arrival on the borders of the Delaware, various manoeuvres and stratagems have been practised to effect a passage over the river, but they have hitherto failed. General Washington's small army is placed along the West side of the Delaware to within fourteen miles of Philadelphia, from above Coryel's Ferry, which, with the gondolas, one frigate of thirtytwo guns, and other armed vessels in the river above the Cheveaux de Frize, cover the passage of it. General Lee (who had crossed the North River with as many of the eastern troops as could be spared from the defence of the Highlands, either to join General Washington, or to act on the enemy's rear, as occasions might point out) was the other day surprised and made prisoner by a party of seventy light horse, who found him in a house a few miles in the rear of his army, with his domestics only. This loss, though great, will in some degree be repaired for the present by General Gates, who, we understand, has joined the army commanded by General Lee, and who, we have reason to think, has by this time effected a junction of his force with that of General Washington.
As the militia are marching from various quarters to reinforce the General, if the enemy do not quickly accomplish their wishes of possessing Philadelphia, we hope not only to save that city, but to see General Howe retreat as fast as he advanced through the Jerseys. General Clinton, with a fleet, in which it is said he carried 8000 men, has gone from New York through the Sound, some suppose for Rhode Island, but neither his destination, or its consequences are yet certainly known to us.
Thus, gentlemen, we have given you a true detail of the progress and present state of our affairs, which, although not in so good a posture as they were two months ago, are by no means in so bad a way, as the emissaries of the British court will undoubtedly represent them. If the great land and sea force, with which we have been attacked, be compared with the feeble state, in which the commencement of this war found us with respect to military stores of all kinds, soldiers' clothing, navy and regular force; and if the infinite art be considered, with which Great Britain has endeavored to prevent our getting these necessaries from foreign parts, which has in part prevailed, the wonder will rather be, that our enemies have made so little progress, than that they have made so much.
All views of accommodation with Great Britain, except on principles of peace as independent States, and in a manner perfectly consistent with the treaties our commissioners may make with foreign States, being totally at an end, since the declaration of independence and the embassy to the court of France, Congress have directed the raising of ninetyfour battalions of infantry, with some cavalry; thirteen frigates from twentyfour to thirtysix guns are already launched and fitting, and two ships of the line, with five more frigates, are ordered to be put on the stocks. We hear the levies are going on well in the different States. Until the new army is collected, the militia must curb the enemy's progress. The very considerable force that Great Britain has already in North America, the possibility of recruiting it here within their own quarters by force and fraud together, added to the reinforcements that may be sent from Europe, and the difficulty of finding funds in the present depressed state of American commerce, all conspire to prove incontestibly, that if France desires to preclude the possibility of North America being ever reunited with Great Britain, now is the favorable moment for establishing the glory, strength, and commercial greatness of the former kingdom, by the ruin of her ancient rival. A decided part now taken by the Court of Versailles, and a vigorous engagement in the war in union with North America, would with ease sacrifice the fleet and army of Great Britain, at this time chiefly collected about New York. The inevitable consequence would be, the quick reduction of the British Islands in the West Indies, already barred of defence by the removal of their troops to this continent.
For reasons here assigned, gentlemen, you will readily discern how all important it is to the security of American independence, that France should enter the war as soon as may be; and how necessary it is, if it be possible, to procure from her the line of battle ships, you were desired, in your instructions, to obtain for us, the speedy arrival of which here, in the present state of things, might decide the contest at one stroke.
We shall pay proper attention to what Mr Deane writes concerning Dr Williamson and Mr Hopkins, and we think, that the ill treatment this country and Mr Deane have received from these men, strongly suggests the necessity of reserve with persons coming to France as Americans, and friends to America, about whom the most irrefragable proofs have not removed all doubt.[25]
The British recall of their Mediterranean passes is an object of great consequence, and may require much intercession with the Court of France to prevent the mischiefs, that may be derived to American commerce therefrom, but this subject has been already touched upon in your instructions on the sixth article of the treaty, proposed to be made with France. As all affairs relative to the conduct of commerce and remittance pass through another department, we beg leave to refer you to the Secret Committee and Mr Thomas Morris, their agent in France, for every information on those subjects. The neighborhood of Philadelphia having, by the enemy's movements, become the seat of war, it was judged proper that Congress should adjourn to this town, where the public business may be attended to with the undisturbed deliberation that its importance demands. The Congress was accordingly opened here on the 20th inst.
As it is more than probable, that the conference with Lord Howe, on Staten Island, may be misrepresented to the injury of these States, we do ourselves the pleasure to enclose you an authenticated account of the whole business, which the possibility of Dr Franklin's not arriving renders proper. This step was taken to unmask his lordship and evince to the world, that he did not possess powers, which, for the purpose of delusion and division, had been suggested.
Mr Deane's proposition of a loan is accepted by Congress, and they have desired two millions sterling to be obtained if possible. The necessity of keeping up the credit of our paper currency, and the variety of important uses that may be made of this money, have induced Congress to go so far as six per cent, but the interest is heavy, and it is hoped, that you may be able to do the business on much easier terms. The resolves of Congress on this subject are enclosed, and your earliest attention to them is desired, that we may know, as soon as possible, the event of this application. Another resolve enclosed will show you, that Congress approve of armed vessels being fitted out by you on Continental account, provided the Court of France dislike not the measure, and blank commissions for this purpose will be sent you by the next opportunity. Private ships of war, or privateers, cannot be admitted where you are, because the securities, necessary in such cases to prevent irregular practices, cannot be given by the owners and commanders of such privateers. Another resolve of Congress, which we have the honor to enclose you, directs the conduct to be pursued with regard to Portugal.[26]
We have nothing further to add at present, but to request, that you will omit no good opportunity of informing us, how you succeed in your mission, what events take place in Europe, by which these States may be effected, and that you contrive to send to us in regular succession some of the best London, French, and Dutch newspapers, with any valuable political publications, that may concern North America.
We have the honor to be, with great respect and esteem, Gentlemen, your most obedient and very humble servants,
B. HARRISON, R. H. LEE, J. WITHERSPOON, W. HOOPER.
P. S. The American captures of British vessels at sea have not been less numerous, or less valuable, than before Dr Franklin left us. The value of these captures have been estimated at two millions.
FOOTNOTES:
[24] For the instructions to the Commissioners, and the plan of a treaty, which they were directed to lay before the French Ministry, see Secret Journals of Congress, Vol. II. pp. 7, 27, 38.
[25] Mr Deane had found Dr Williamson and Mr Hopkins in Paris, and from circumstances, which he does not mention, he suspected them to be in the interest of England. Nothing ever occurred, however, to prove that this suspicion was well founded. On the contrary, Dr Williamson was afterwards a member of Congress, and equally distinguished for his patriotism and ability.
[26] For the resolves alluded to in this letter, and also for general instructions to the commissioners, on various important topics, see the Secret Journals of Congress, on Foreign Affairs, for Oct. 22, Dec. 23d and 29th, Vol. II. pp. 34, 35, 37.
* * * * *
ROBERT MORRIS TO THE COMMISSIONERS.
Philadelphia, 21st December, 1776.
Gentlemen,
I am now the only member of Congress in this city, unless Mr Walton, of Georgia, and Mr Clymer, my colleague, still remain, which I am not sure of. I cannot pretend to give you a regular detail of our manifold misfortunes, because my books and papers are all gone into the country, as is my family. But these unfortunate events commenced with the loss of Fort Washington, by the reduction of which, the enemy made about two thousand seven hundred prisoners, and at this critical time, they, by treachery, bribery, or accident, intercepted some despatches from General Washington to Congress, also some of the General's private letters, particularly one to Mr Rutledge, in which he had fully laid open the unfortunate situation he was then involved in, by the short enlistments of our army; for the times of most of them expired on the 1st of December, and the rest on the 1st of January, when the whole army would leave him, as they had undergone great fatigue during the whole of the campaign; had suffered amazingly by sickness and the approach of winter, added to an appearance of much suffering for want of clothes.
All these things he stated fully, and the enemy became possessed of a most authentic account of his real situation. They determined to take advantage of it, and before General Washington had time to make any new arrangements at Fort Lee, on the west side of the North River, to which he had crossed, with about eight thousand men, a large body of troops landed above, and another below him, so that he was near being enclosed with a force vastly superior. In this situation, he had nothing left for him, but to retire directly off the neck of land, on which that fort stands, leaving behind him considerable baggage and stores, with most of our large cannon and mortars. He retreated to Hackensack, and was there in hopes of making a stand, until the militia of the country should come to his assistance, but the vigilance of the enemy did not give him time for this. They pursued, and he retreated all the way through the Jerseys to Trenton, and from thence they forced him across the Delaware, where he still remains, to oppose their passage across the river.
Lord Cornwallis commanded the British forces in the Jerseys, until they reached Brunswick, where General Howe joined them with reinforcements, and determined to make his way to this city, without further loss of time. You may be sure the militia of New Jersey and this State were called upon to turn out, and defend their country in this hour of distress. Alas, our internal enemies had, by various arts and means, frightened many, disaffected others, and caused a general languor to prevail over the minds of almost all men, not before actually engaged in the war. Many are also exceedingly disaffected with the constitutions formed for their respective States, so that from one cause or other, no Jersey militia turned out to oppose the march of an enemy through the heart of their country; and it was with the utmost difficulty, that the associators of this city could be prevailed on to march against them. At length, however, it has been effected; they have been up with the General about two weeks, and the example is likely to produce its effect in the country, as they are now pretty generally on their march towards Trenton.
During General Washington's retreat through the Jerseys, he wrote for General Lee, who was left to command on the east side of the North River, with about ten to eleven thousand men, most of whose enlistments are now expired, or near it. He obeyed the summons, and brought with him about three thousand men; with whom he followed the enemy's rear, but was obliged to make slow marches, as his people were in great want of shoes, stockings, and other necessaries, which he was obliged to collect from the tories in the neighborhood of his route. After he had passed a place called Chatham, near Elizabethtown, he lodged at a farm house. Some treacherous villain gave notice to the enemy, and the General's ill fate, or some other cause I am not acquainted with, delayed him there, until near 10 o'clock on Friday morning, his army having marched, and their rear about three miles from him, when he was surprised by about seventy light horse, who made him prisoner, and bore him off in triumph. This is an event much to be lamented. I sincerely pity Lee, and feel for the loss my country sustains; his abilities had frequently been immensely useful; the want of them will be severely felt.
The command of this party devolved on General Sullivan, who continued his route, fell in with General Gates, with five hundred men, returning from the Lakes, and both joined General Washington yesterday. This junction is what we have long impatiently wished for, but still I fear our force is not equal to the task before them, and unless that task is performed, Philadelphia, nay, I may say Pennsylvania, must fall. The task I mean, is to drive the enemy out of New Jersey, for at present they occupy Brunswick, Princeton, Trenton, Pennytown, Bordenton, Burlington, Morristown, Mount Holly, and Haddonfield, having their main body about Princeton, and strong detachments in all the other places, it is supposed with a design of attacking this city, whenever they can cross the Delaware on the ice, for they have only been kept from it, by our sending up the gondolas and bringing off, or destroying, all the boats along the Jersey shore.
You will think the enemy are now in a situation for us to attack their scattered parties, and cut them off. This we think too, and are preparing to do it, but it will be a work of extreme difficulty to get at them; they have excellent intelligence of all our motions; we can hardly come at any certainty about theirs, for Lord Howe and General Howe issued a proclamation on the 30th of November, offering pardon to all, who should submit within sixty days, and subscribe a declaration, that they will not hereafter bear arms against the king's troops, nor encourage others to do it. This has had a wonderful effect, and all Jersey, or far the greater part of it, is supposed to have made their submission, and subscribed the declaration required; those who do so, of course become our most inveterate enemies; they have the means of conveying intelligence, and they avail themselves of it.
In this perplexing situation of things, the Congress were informed, this day week, that an advanced party of Hessians and Highlanders had taken possession of Burlington, that they were pushing for Cooper's Ferry, opposite the city, and it was thought had the means of crossing the river. There were no troops to oppose them; our whole force, both by land and water, was above; it was therefore deemed unsafe for Congress to remain here, and absolutely necessary that they should be in a place of safety, where they could deliberate coolly and freely without interruption, and last Saturday they adjourned to Baltimore, where they are now sitting. This city was for ten days, the greatest scene of distress that you can conceive; every body but Quakers were removing their families and effects, and now it looks dismal and melancholy. The Quakers and their families pretty generally remain; the other inhabitants are principally sick soldiers, some few effective ones under General Putnam, who is come here to throw up lines, and prepare for the defence of the place, if General Washington should be forced to retreat hither. You may be sure I have my full share of trouble on this occasion, but having got my family and books removed to a place of safety, my mind is more at ease, and my time is now given up to the public, although I have many thousand pounds' worth of effects here, without any prospect of saving them.
We are told the British troops are kept from plunder, but the Hessians and other foreigners, looking upon that as the right of war, plunder wherever they go, from both whigs and tories, without distinction, and horrid devastations they have made on Long Island, New York Island, White Plains, and New Jersey, being the only parts they have yet set foot on. Should they get this fine city, they will be satiated, if the ruin of thousands of worthy citizens can satisfy their avarice.
This is not the only part of the continent, that now feels the weight of their resentment; General Clinton, with from three to six thousand men, has invaded Rhode Island, and it is said, has taken possession of it; whether he will make any attempt on the main, during this severe, inclement season, I do not know, but if he does, I hope he may find cause to repent it.
I must add to this gloomy picture one circumstance, more distressing than all the rest, because it threatens instant and total ruin to the American cause, unless some radical cure is applied, and that speedily; I mean the depreciation of the continental currency. The enormous pay of our army, the immense expenses at which they are supplied with provisions, clothing, and other necessaries, and, in short, the extravagance that has prevailed in most departments of the public service, have called forth prodigious emissions of paper money, both continental and colonial. Our internal enemies, who, alas, are numerous and rich, have always been undermining its value by various artifices, and now that our distresses are wrought to a pitch by the success and near approach of the enemy, they speak plainer, and many peremptorily refuse to take it at any rate. Those that do receive it, do it with fear and trembling, and you may judge of its value, even amongst those, when I tell you that L250 continental money, or 666-2/3 dollars is given for a bill of exchange of L100 sterling, sixteen dollars for a half johannes, two paper dollars for one of silver, three dollars for a pair of shoes, twelve dollars for a hat, and so on; a common laborer asks two dollars a day for his work, and idles half his time.
All this amounts to real depreciation of the money. The war must be carried on at an expense proportioned to this value, which must inevitably call for immense emissions, and, of course, still further depreciations must ensue. This can only be prevented by borrowing in the money now in circulation; the attempt is made, and I hope will succeed by loan of lottery. The present troubles interrupt those measures here, and as yet I am not informed how they go on in other States, but something more is necessary; force must be inevitably employed, and I dread to see that day. We have already calamities sufficient for any country, and the measure will be full, when one part of the American people is obliged to dragoon another, at the same time that they are opposing a most powerful external foe.
For my part I see but two chances for relief; one is from you. If the Court of France open their eyes to their own interest, and think the commerce of North America will compensate them for the expense and evil of a war with Britain, they may readily create a diversion, and afford us succors that will change the fate of affairs; but they must do it soon; our situation is critical, and does not admit of delay. I do not mean by this, that instant submission must ensue, if they do not directly afford us relief; but there is a great difference between the benefits they will derive from a commercial connexion with this country, in full health and vigor, and what they can possibly expect, after it is exhausted by repeated efforts during the precarious process of a tedious war, during which its cities will be destroyed, the country ravaged, the inhabitants reduced in numbers, plundered of their property, and unable to reap the luxuriant produce of the finest soil in the world. Neither can they, after a tedious delay in negotiation, expect that vigorous assistance from us in prosecuting the war, that they may be assured of, if they join us in its infancy. If they join us generously in the day of our distress, without attempting undue advantages because we are so, they will find a grateful people to promote their future glory and interest with unabating zeal; and from my knowledge of the commerce of this country with Europe, I dare assert, that whatever European power possesses the preemption of it, must of consequence become the richest and most potent in Europe. But should time be lost in tedious negotiations, and succors be withheld, America must sue for peace from her oppressors.
Our people knew not the hardships and calamities of war, when they so boldly dared Britain to arms; every man was then a bold patriot, felt himself equal to the contest, and seemed to wish for an opportunity of evincing his prowess; but now, when we are fairly engaged, when death and ruin stare us in the face, and when nothing but the most intrepid courage can rescue us from contempt and disgrace, sorry am I to say it, many of those who were foremost in noise, shrink coward-like from the danger, and are begging pardon without striking a blow. This, however, is not general, but dejection of spirits is an epidemical disease, and unless some fortunate event or other gives a turn to the disorder, in time it may prevail throughout the community. No event would give that turn so soon, as a declaration of war on the part of France against Great Britain, and I am sure if they lose this golden opportunity they will never have such another.
You will doubtless be surprised, that we have not made better progress with our navy, because you are unacquainted with the many difficulties and causes of delay that have encountered us. The want of seacoal for our anchor smiths has been a great bar to our progress, the disappointment in our first attempts to cast cannon has been another, but above all, we have been hindered by the constant calling out of our militia, in a manner that did not admit of the necessary tradesmen being exempted. You will wonder at this; it would be a long story to unfold the reasons, therefore suffice that it is so. Dr Franklin can inform you of many particulars respecting the flying camp; therefore, I shall give you the present state of our navy, according to the best of my knowledge at this time.
The frigate in New Hampshire is a very fine ship, completed in every particular, except the want of cannon, which was to have been cast in Rhode Island, but the spirit of privateering has prevailed so eminently there, that they have sacrificed every other pursuit to it, both public and private, as I am informed; and we have ordered the guns cast in Connecticut for that frigate to be sent to Portsmouth. As soon as they arrive, the Raleigh will be manned, and sail on a cruise.
At Boston they have also two fine frigates; the Boston of twentyfour guns, I expect is at sea before this time, commanded by Captain McNeil, a very clever officer; the other is nearly ready, commanded by Captain Manly.
In Rhode Island were built the two worst frigates, as I have been informed by those that have seen the whole; these two are completely fitted, and were partly manned when we last heard from them, so that I hope they are now at sea.
In Connecticut the frigate is said to be a fine ship, but she cannot get to sea this winter for want of cordage and other stores. In New York two very fine frigates are blocked up by the enemy, and hauled into Esopus Creek for safety. At this place we have four very fine ships, one of them the Randolph, Captain Biddle, of twentysix twelve pounders, will, I hope, go to sea in company with this letter; another, the Delaware, Captain Alexander, is getting ready, and I hope will get out this winter; the other two want guns, anchors, and men. At Baltimore is a fine frigate, now only waiting for an anchor and men.
Besides these we have in service, the Alfred, Columbus, and Reprisal, ships from sixteen to twentyfour guns, the brigantines Cabot, Camden, Andrew Doria, and Lexington, of twelve to sixteen guns, the sloops Providence, Hornet, Fly, Independence, Sachem, and schooners Wasp, Mosquito, and Georgia Packet, all in actual service, and they have had great success, in taking valuable prizes, as indeed have numbers of privateers from all parts of America. We have besides two very fine low galleys, built here, of ninety feet keel, but they are not yet rigged; and it has lately been determined by Congress to build some line of battle ships, and at all events to push forward, and pay the utmost attention to an American navy. The greatest encouragement is given to seamen, which ought to be made known throughout Europe. Their pay in our navy is eight dollars per month, with the best chance for prize money, that men ever had, and liberty of discharges after every cruise if they choose it. In the merchant service they now get from thirty to forty dollars per month; and this leads me to the state of our commerce.
In the Eastern States, they are so intent on privateering, that they mind little else; however, there is some exportation of produce from thence, and as to imports, they are the best supplied of any part of America, having been surprisingly successful in captures. New York being in the hands of the enemy, we have nothing to say to it, and the produce of New Jersey will be totally consumed by their army and ours. In this State, (Pennsylvania,) we had last season the worst crop of wheat ever known, both as to quantity and quality; this being our staple commodity, and stores prohibited, our merchants have been led to purchase much tobacco in Maryland and Virginia, and their ships are employed in the export of this article, with some flour, boards, beeswax, &c. We have a good many imports, but as fast as goods arrive, they are bought up for the army, or for the use of neighboring States, and therefore continue to bear high prices.
The value of ships has risen in the same enormous proportion with every thing else, and ships, that were deemed worth L1000, twelve months ago, now sell for L3000, or upwards. Every article belonging to them is also excessively dear, and hard to be got, and the insolence and difficulty of seamen is beyond bearing. In Maryland, Virginia, South Carolina, and Georgia, they have plenty of valuable produce on hand, but no ships to carry it away, and constant cruisers all along the coast make it very dangerous to send ships from one port to another; so that look which way you will, you find us surrounded with difficulties, in the land service, in the sea service, and in our commerce.
Agriculture and mechanics have their impediments, by the enlisting of soldiers, and frequent calls on the militia. In short nothing but the most arduous exertions, and virtuous conduct in the leaders, seconded by a spirited behavior in the army, and a patient endurance of hardships by the people in general, can long support the contest; therefore the Court of France should strike at once, as they will reap an immediate harvest; they may sell their manufactures for any price they please to ask, they will get in payment tobacco, rice, indigo, deerskins, furs, wheat, flour, iron, beeswax, lumber, fish, oil, whalebone, pot and pearl ashes, and various other articles, and, if they please, here is an ample field to employ their shipping, and raise seamen for their navy.
I will not enter into any detail of our conduct in Congress, but you may depend on this, that so long as that respectable body persist in the attempt to execute, as well as to deliberate on their business, it never will be done as it ought, and this has been urged many and many a time, by myself and others, but some of them do not like to part with power, or to pay others for doing what they cannot do themselves.
I have Mr Deane's favor of the 30th of September,[27] to myself, now before me; the letter by the same conveyance from Martinico, under cover of Mr Bingham's, I sent down to the committee at Baltimore, and wrote them my mind on the justice of your complaints, for want of intelligence. I had often told it to them before; you know well I was not put in that committee to carry on the correspondence, but to find out the conveyances; however, I have been obliged to write all the letters, that have been written for some time past; but as Colonel Lee, Mr Hooper, and the Rev. Dr Witherspoon are now added to the committee, I shall excuse myself from that task, although I have thought it proper to give you a just state of our affairs at this time, because I do not suppose the committee will be got fairly together in Baltimore yet, and when they do, it is probable they may not be fond of laying things before you so fully as I have done. Some of us are of very sanguine complexions, and are too apt to flatter ourselves, that things are not so bad as they appear to be, or that they will soon mend, &c. Now my notion is, that you, gentlemen commissioners, should be fairly and fully informed of the true state of affairs, that you may make a proper use of that knowledge, keeping secret what ought to be so, and promulgating what should be known.
Doctor Franklin will see this letter, for whose safe arrival my best wishes have often gone forth, and I embrace this opportunity of assuring him of the high respect and esteem I entertain for him. I also beg my compliments to Mr Lee, if he is with you; tell him I have the commission, in which he is nominated, ready to send, but it is gone into the country with my papers, or I would send it by this conveyance. My own affairs necessarily detained me here after the departure of Congress, and it is well I staid, as I am obliged to set many things right, that would otherwise be in the greatest confusion. Indeed, I find my presence so very necessary, that I shall remain here until the enemy drive me away.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
FOOTNOTES:
[27] See page 41, of this volume.
* * * * *
THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE TO THE COMMISSIONERS.
Baltimore, 30th December, 1776.
Gentlemen,
You will be pleased to receive herewith copies of our letter of the 21st inst., and of its enclosures, which we recommend to your attention. Since that letter was written, General Washington having been reinforced by the troops lately commanded by General Lee, and by some corps of militia, crossed the Delaware with 2500 men, and attacked a body of the enemy posted at Trenton, with the success that you will see related in the enclosed handbill. We hope this blow will be followed by others, that may leave the enemy not so much to boast of, as they some days ago expected, and we had reason to apprehend.
Upon mature deliberation of all circumstances, Congress deem the speedy declaration of France and European assistance so indispensably necessary to secure the independence of these States, that they have authorised you to make such tenders to France and Spain, as, they hope, will prevent any longer delay of an event, that is judged so essential to the well being of North America. Your wisdom, we know, will direct you to make such tenders to France and Spain, as they hope will procure the thing desired, on terms as much short of the concessions now offered as possible; but no advantages of this kind are proposed at the risk of a delay, that may prove dangerous to the end in view. It must be very obvious to the Court of France, that if Great Britain should succeed in her design of subjugating these States, their inhabitants, now well trained to arms, might be compelled to become instruments for making conquest of the French possessions in the West Indies, which would be a sad contrast to that security and commercial benefit, that would result to France from the independence of North America.
By some accident in removing the papers from Philadelphia to this place, the Secretary of Congress has mislaid the additional instructions formerly given you, by which you were empowered to negotiate with other Courts besides France. We think it necessary to mention this to you, lest the paper should have got into wrong hands, and because we wish to have a copy sent us by the first good opportunity.
We observe, that Mr Deane sent his despatches for this committee open to Mr Bingham. Though we have a good opinion of that gentleman, yet we think him rather too young to be made acquainted with the business passing between you and us, and therefore wish this may not be done in cases of much importance.
The next opportunity will bring you the determination of Congress concerning the persons, that are to be sent to the Courts of Vienna, Russia, Spain, and the Grand Duke of Tuscany. In the mean time, it is hoped, that, through the medium of the ambassadors from those Courts to that of France, you may be so fortunate as to procure their friendly mediation for the purposes proposed by Congress.
Our Andrew Doria, of 14 guns, has taken a king's sloop of war, of 12 guns, after a smart engagement.
In our last we say, the enemy made near 3000 prisoners at Fort Washington, but the number is fixed at 2634. The West Indiamen taken by our cruisers amount to 250 sail.
The scarcity of ships here is so great, that we shall find much difficulty in making the extensive remittances to France, that we ought, in due season; therefore, it will in our opinion be an object of great importance, to obtain the consent of the Farmers-General to send to Virginia and Maryland for any quantity of tobacco they may choose, or to the State of North Carolina for any quantity of naval stores, which may be wanted for public use, or to supply the demands of private merchants.
The terms, both as to quantity and price, you will endeavor to learn, and let it be made known to us with all possible expedition, that you may receive an answer thereon.
The Captain of the armed vessel, that carries these despatches, has orders to deliver them himself to you in Paris, and his vessel will expect his return in a different port from the one he arrives at; he will take your directions about his return, and receive your letters, but the anxiety prevailing here to know your success, renders it proper, that he should return with all possible despatch.
Wishing you health, success, and many happy years, we remain, gentlemen, yours, &c.
B. HARRISON, R. H. LEE, J. WITHERSPOON, W. HOOPER.
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COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE TO CAPTAIN LARKIN HAMMOND.
Baltimore, 2d January, 1777.
Sir,
You are to proceed with all the despatch in your power, with the schooner Jenifer, under your command, to Nantes, in France; on your arrival there, you are to apply to Mr Thomas Morris, if he should be at that port, if he should not, your application must be to Messrs Pliarne, Penet & Co., who will furnish you with necessary cash for your journey to Paris, for which place you must set out immediately, and deliver your despatches to Messrs Franklin, Deane, and Lee, and wait their orders; when they discharge you, you are to return with the utmost diligence to America, and put into the most convenient port to the southward of the Delaware; we think Chincoteague or some other on the back of the Eastern shore the most likely for avoiding men of war, and would therefore have you attempt getting into one of those ports; when arrived, you must leave the schooner under the command of your mate, and bring the despatches yourself to Congress, wherever it may be sitting.
You are, before you set out for Paris, to consult with Mr Morris or the above gentlemen, whether your vessel will not be most likely to escape the enemy by sending her to some other port to meet you on your return; if this should be their opinion, you are to give orders to your mate accordingly; you are also to deliver your pig iron to the orders of those gentlemen, and take from them such a quantity of military stores, as will ballast your vessel. The safe delivery of the despatches, with which you are intrusted, and the obtaining answers to them, are matters of such immense consequence to the Continent, that we cannot too strongly recommend to you the avoiding all vessels that you may see, either outward bound, or on your return. You are also to avoid as much as possible, falling in with headlands and islands, as it is most usual for men of war to cruise off such places.
The despatches will be delivered to you in a box, which you must put into a bag with two shots, that, in case of falling in with an enemy, from which you cannot escape, you may be prepared to sink them, which, on such an event happening, we earnestly insist on your doing.
We wish you a good voyage, and safe return, and are your most humble servants,
B. HARRISON, R. H. LEE.
P. S. When you arrive at Nantes, inquire and get directions from the gentlemen there, to whom you are recommended for cash to carry you to Paris, where Dr Franklin, Mr Deane, or Mr Arthur Lee lodge in Paris; and above all things take care not to let it be known at Nantes, from whence you come, your business, or where you are going, except to the above gentlemen.
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TO THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE.
Paris, 17th January, 1777.
Gentlemen,
We joined each other at this place on the 22d of December, and, on the 28th, had an audience of his Excellency the Count de Vergennes, one of His Most Christian Majesty's principal Secretaries of State, and Minister for Foreign Affairs. We laid before him our commission, with the articles of the proposed treaty of commerce.[28] He assured us of the protection of his Court, and that due consideration should be given to what we offered. Soon after we presented a memoir of the present situation of our States, drawn up at the minister's request, together with the articles of general confederation, and the demands for ships of war, agreeable to our instructions. Copies of all these papers were given by us to the Count d'Aranda, His Catholic Majesty's Ambassador here, to be communicated to his Court. We are promised an answer from this Court, as soon as they can know the determination of Spain, with which they mean to act in perfect unanimity.
In the mean time, we are endeavoring to expedite several vessels laden with artillery, arms, ammunition, and clothing, which we hope will reach you in time for the campaign, though unfortunately one vessel, which Mr Deane had sent so laden, has just put back, after having been three weeks at sea. She is, however, now sailed again. The ports of France, Spain, and Florence, (that is Leghorn, in the Mediterranean,) are open to the American cruisers, upon the usual terms of neutrality.
We find it essential to the establishment and maintenance of your commercial credit in Europe, that your concerns of that kind should be in the hands of the most respectable men, in the different countries. From the observations we have made, Mr Myrtle is not of that description, and we are sorry to say, that the irregularities of Mr Thomas Morris render it absolutely necessary, that some other person should be immediately appointed in his place. We also think it advisable, that you should be so far on your guard, with respect to Mons. Penet, as not to deviate from the original contract made with him, as we cannot learn that he is known to be a person of substance, at the same time it is but justice to say, that he appears to be active, industrious, and attentive to your interests. He is indeed connected with a very good house in Nantes, M. Gruel, but we know not the terms of that connexion, or how far M. Gruel is answerable. It seems to us, that those houses, which are connected in Great Britain, are to be avoided.
It would be useful if we had some blank commissions for privateers, and we therefore wish some may be sent us, by the first opportunity. As vessels are almost daily arriving from America, at the ports here, we conceive advices of the proceedings in the campaign might be frequently sent to us, so as to enable us to contradict the exaggerated representations made by the English of their successes; which, standing uncontroverted, have a considerable influence upon our credit and upon our cause.
Great efforts are now making by the British government, to procure more troops from Germany. The Princes in alliance with France have refused to lend any, or to enter into any guarantee of Hanover, which England has been mean enough to ask, being apprehensive for that Electorate, if she should draw from it more of its troops. Four more regiments, two of them to be light horse, are raising in Hesse, where there has been an insurrection, on account of drafting the people; and now great sums of money are distributed for procuring men. They talk of ten thousand men in all to be sent over this spring. These things do not look as if England was very confident of success in the next campaign, without more aid.
The hearts of the French are universally for us, and the cry is strong for immediate war with Britain. Indeed every thing tends that way, but the Court has its reasons for postponing it a little longer. In the mean time preparations are making for it. They have already a fleet of twentysix sail of the line, manned and fit for sea. Spain has seventeen sail in the same state, and more are fitting with such diligence, that they reckon to have thirty sail in each kingdom, by the month of April. This must have an immediate good effect in our favor, as it keeps the English fleet at bay, coops up their seamen, of whom they will scarce find enough to man their next set of transports, and probably keep Lord Howe's fleet more together, for fear of a visit, and leave us more sea room to prey upon their commerce, and a freer coast to bring in our prizes; and also the supplies we shall be able to send you, in consequence of our agreement with the Farmers-General, which is, that the Congress shall provide, purchasing bona fide at the lowest price possible, twenty thousand hogsheads of tobacco, in Virginia and Maryland, at the public warehouses in those States, for the ships which they, the Farmers-General, shall send; and that those tobaccos shall be brought to France, at their risk and in their ships. They understand the price is not likely to exceed three or four French sous in America, but we do not warrant that it shall cost no more, though we hope it will not. Upon these conditions we are to have half the supposed price advanced, immediately, and the opportunity of shipping warlike stores on board their ships, at your risk, and paying reasonable freights; the rest to be paid as soon as advice is received that the tobacco is shipped.
The desire of getting money immediately to command the preparations for the ensuing campaign, and of interesting so powerful a body as the Farmers-General, who in fact make the most efficient part of government here, and the absolute part in all commercial or monied concerns, induced us to concede to these terms, which may possibly in the estimate of the price of tobacco be low, but which upon the whole we judged necessary, and we hope will be advantageous. So strong is the inclination of the wealthy here to assist us, that since this agreement we are offered a loan of two million of livres, without interest, and to be repaid when the United States are settled in peace and prosperity. No conditions or securities are required, not even an engagement from us. We have accepted this generous and noble benefaction; five hundred thousand livres, or one quarter, is to be paid into the hands of our banker this day, and five hundred thousand more every three months.
As the ships we were ordered to hire, or buy from this Court, cannot be obtained, it being judged absolutely necessary to keep their whole naval force at home, ready in case of a rupture, we think of purchasing some elsewhere, or of building, in order as far as possible to answer the views of Congress. Of this we shall write more fully in our next. In the mean time we cannot but hint, that this seems to us a fair opportunity of supporting the credit of the paper money you borrow, as you may promise payment in specie of the interests, and may draw upon us for the same with all confidence. We cannot for several weighty reasons be more explicit at present, but shall hereafter. Present our dutiful respects to the Congress, and assure them of our most faithful services.
We are, gentlemen, &c.
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, SILAS DEANE, ARTHUR LEE.
P. S. 22d January. Our agreement with the Farmers-General is not yet signed, and perhaps some small changes may be made in it, but as these will probably not be very material, we wish measures may be taken immediately for the purchase of the tobacco. We shall send by the next opportunity, a copy of the contract. We have received the five hundred thousand livres mentioned above; it is now at our disposal in the hands of our banker, who has orders to advance us the second payment if we desire it, and he is ready to do it. We are, on the strength of this, in treaty for some strong ships. Ten thousand French troops are on their march to Brest. But America should exert herself, as if she had no aid to expect, but from God and her own valor.
FOOTNOTES:
[28] This commission and plan of a Treaty may be found in the Secret Journals of Congress, Vol. II. pp. 7, 32.
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THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE TO WILLIAM BINGHAM AT MARTINIQUE.
Baltimore, 1st February, 1777.
Sir,
As we shall write you shortly again, our attention at present will be confined chiefly to your favor of December 6th, 1776, in which you mention the conduct of Captain Patterson. We have laid your letter before Congress, and they have appointed a committee to consider of the most proper steps to be taken in this business, that speedy and condign punishment may be applied to Captain Patterson, when his crime shall be duly inquired into and established. The Congress having an utter abhorrence of all irregular and culpable violation of the law of nations, and of that respect and friendship, which they entertain for the French nation, we wish you would communicate this to their Excellencies the Governor and General of Martinique. |
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