The most effectual card now played by the British Ambassador is, asserting that an accommodation will soon take place, and by some means or other conjecturing my want of powers by my not appearing at Court, he is bold in this assertion, and I find it the greatest difficulty I have to encounter. But I will not enter on a subject, which has well nigh distracted me, and embarrassed and disheartened in a greater or less degree every friend of America. The late conduct of the Court of Spain respecting Captain Lee, whose case I mentioned before, is a striking proof of what I have so positively asserted of the good disposition of both these Courts. They dismissed the complaint against him, afforded him protection, with assurances of every assistance he might need, declaring publicly that their ports were equally free for Americans as for Britons. I have besides these overt acts still more convincing proofs, that the moment your application is made every thing will be set in proper motion.

I now discuss a subject which has given, and still continues to give me as much anxiety as I can struggle with, and mention another, a little new but indeed somewhat connected with it; it is the equipping of a number of American ships of war in the ports of France. Considering the price of duck, cordage, ordnance, and other military stores in America, they may be built much cheaper here. This is not the sole advantage, they may carry over stores of every kind in safety, as being French bottoms, ostensibly at least, all the brave and ingenious in the Marine Department in this kingdom would become adventurers in person, or in purse and influence in such a scheme; and I speak on good grounds, when I say, that in three months after receiving your orders I can have ten ships of at least thirty six guns each, at your service, independent of assistance immediately from Government; so much attention is paid to the American cause by all persons of consequence in this kingdom. The honorable Congress must I conceive either continue emitting bills or borrow money, and I submit whether it be not better to borrow of foreign states than individuals, in the present situation of American affairs; I am convinced you may borrow five or six millions of Holland, on France becoming your security. This I am confident may be obtained on application to this Court and Spain, and that on these principles they can by no means be willing to permit the Colonies to return to their former subjection to Great Britain, armed as both countries are. Their possessions in America must lie at the mercy of Great Britain, on such an event as a reconciliation with the Colonies. The Colonies being in want of the manufactures of Europe, of this kingdom in particular, this sum would, a principal part of it, rest in France and give a great spring to their manufactures, and afford them the advantage of anticipating others in American commerce. These are important objects, and I have no doubt would be considered of consequence sufficient for them to risk such a credit. Rich individuals offer to supply any quantity of goods or stores on such security, and I believe the latter would do considerable, were they only assured of five per cent interest on their debts after they become due. But I submit the whole to the mature consideration of the honorable Congress, and am, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

* * * * *

TO THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE.

Paris, 3d December, 1776.

Gentlemen,

My letters from Bordeaux and since, to which I have received no reply, will give you my situation, but lest some of them fail, I will briefly in this give you the history of my proceedings. Immediately on my arrival, I sent forward your bills, a large part of which were protested, and intelligence arriving of the loss of Canada, and that Carleton was even on the frontiers of the Colonies, and at the same time the formidable armament gone and going over, made every one here give up the Colonies as subdued. To have tried for a credit under such circumstances would have been worse than useless; it would have been mortifying, as a refusal must have been the consequence. Mr Delap generously offered to advance five or six thousand pounds, but when I considered it was already more than four months since you began to prepare for remitting, and that next to nothing was received, I really found myself embarrassed, and hoping every day for some relief, I suspended engaging, and came up to Paris, having previously sent Mr Morris's letter to his different correspondents, not one of which appeared inclinable to be concerned in a credit.

I sent —— to procure the goods in Amsterdam, if to be had, but found our credit worse there than in France. A gentleman here offered me a credit for a million of livres, but it was, when explained, on the following conditions. I must produce direct authority from the Congress, with their promise of interest; all American vessels must be sent to his address; and until this could be secured him I must provide a credit, or in other words a security in Europe. Here you are sensible my negotiation ended. I then contracted for the supplies of the army, and crowded into the contract as large a proportion of woollens as I well could, sensible that with them you might do something, and hoping your remittances might still arrive, or some intelligence of the situation of your affairs, for I thought I judged rightly, that if in six or seven months you were unable to send out one third the remittances, the returns must be equally difficult. On this ground I have been anxiously waiting to hear something from you. Meantime I shipped forty tons of saltpetre, two hundred thousand pounds of powder, via Martinique, one hundred barrels via Amsterdam. The late affairs at Long Island, of which we had intelligence in October, and the burning of New York, the report of Carleton's having crossed the lakes, and that you were negotiating, has absolutely ruined our credit with the greater part of individuals; and finding so little prospect of completing the Indian goods, I have attended the closer to despatch the supplies for the army, for which I had obtained a credit ostensibly from a private person, but really from a higher source. Meantime the monies remitted are in Mr Delap's hands, except what I have drawn out for my private expenses, for payment of the saltpetre, for the fitting out of Captain Morgan, and for the equipment of certain officers going to America. For the 200,000 weight of powder Mr Delap is my surety, consequently should he receive nothing more from you he will have no considerable balance in his hands. Could I have received but one half the amount in any season, I would have ventured on the goods long before this, but to what purpose would it have been, could I have been credited the amount, if you were unable to remit? The same obstruction must subsist against their arrival. I am however at last promised the goods on credit by the same way as the stores have been procured, and hope to ship them this month; but some of the articles are not manufactured any where in Europe except Great Britain, and others must be substituted in the best manner I can.

I have written to Mr Delap to send you his account, also to send the particulars to me, which I will transmit as soon as received. The goods may be expected in the month of February; meantime I pray you, not on this account only, but on others, to exert yourselves in remitting so much as to support the credit of the Continent, for which I am now engaged to a very great amount. Tobacco, rice, flour, indigo, peltry, oil, whale fins, flaxseed, spermaceti, masts, spars, &c. are in good demand. Tobacco at 9 to 10 sous per lb. and rising, free of duty or expense, save commission. Rice 30 livres per cwt. Flour 22 to 24 livres.

I am, most respectfully, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

P. S. When I say tobacco is free of duty, I mean if sold to the Farmers-General directly; on other conditions it is inadmissible at any rate.

* * * * *

TO JOHN JAY.

Paris, 3d December, 1776.

Dear Jay,

If my letters arrive safe they will give you some idea of my situation. Without intelligence, without orders, and without remittances, yet boldly plunging into contracts, engagements, and negotiations, hourly hoping that something will arrive from America. By General Coudray I send 30,000 fusils, 200 pieces of brass cannon, 30 mortars, 4000 tents and clothing for 30,000 men, with 200 tons of gun powder, lead, balls, &c. &c. by which you may judge we have some friends here. A war in Europe is inevitable. The eyes of all are on you, and the fear of your giving up or accommodating is the greatest obstacle I have to contend with. Mons. Beaumarchais has been my Minister in effect, as this Court is extremely cautious, and I now advise you to attend carefully to the articles sent you. I could not examine them here. I was promised they should be good and at the lowest prices, and that from persons in such station, that had I hesitated it might have ruined my affairs. But as in so large a contract there is room for imposition, my advice is that you send back to me samples of the articles sent you. Cannon, powder, mortars, &c. are articles known; but send clothes, the fusils, &c. by which any imposition may be detected. Large remittances are necessary for your credit, and the enormous price of tobacco, of rice, of flour, and many other articles, gives you an opportunity of making your remittances to very great advantage. 20,000 hogsheads of tobacco are wanted immediately for this kingdom, and more for other parts of Europe.

I have written you on several subjects, some of which I will attempt briefly to recapitulate. The destruction of the Newfoundland fishery may be effected, by two or three of your frigates sent there early in February, and by that means a fatal blow given to Great Britain, I mean by destroying the stages, boats, &c. and by bringing away the people left there as prisoners. Glasgow in Scotland may be plundered and burnt with ease, as may Liverpool, by two or three frigates, which may find a shelter and protection in the ports of France and Spain afterwards. Blank commissions are wanted here to cruise under your flag against the British commerce. This is a capital stroke and must bring on a war. Hasten them out I pray you. France and Spain are friendly, and you will greatly oblige the latter by seizing the Portuguese commerce whenever it is found. I have had overtures from the king of Prussia in the commercial way, and have sent a person of great confidence to his Court with letters of introduction from his Agent here, with whom I am on the best terms. A loan may be obtained for any sums at five per cent interest, perhaps less, if you make punctual remittances for the sums now advanced. The Western Lands ought to be held up to view as an encouragement for our soldiers, especially foreigners, and are a good fund to raise money on. You may, if you judge proper, have any number of German and Swiss troops; they have been offered me, but you know I have no powers to treat. A number of frigates may be purchased at Leghorn, the Grand Duke of Tuscany being zealously in favor of America, and doing all in his power to encourage its commerce. Troubles are rising in Ireland, and with a little assistance much work may be cut out for Great Britain, by sending from hence a few priests, a little money, and plenty of arms. Omnia tentanda is my motto, therefore I hint the playing of their own game on them, by spiriting up the Caribs in St Vincents, and the Negroes in Jamaica, to revolt.

On all these subjects I have written to you. Also on various particulars of commerce. Our vessels have more liberty in the ports of France, and Spain, and Tuscany, than the vessels of any other nation, and that openly. I presented the Declaration of Independence to this Court, after indeed it had become an old story in every part of Europe; it was well received, but as you say you have articles of alliance under consideration, any resolution must be deferred until we know what they are. The want of intelligence has more than once well nigh ruined my affairs; pray be more attentive to this important subject, or drop at once all thoughts of a foreign connexion.

Had I ten ships here I could fill them all with passengers for America. I hope the officers sent will be agreeable; they were recommended by the Ministry here, and are at this instant really in their army, but this must be a secret. Do you want heavy iron cannon, sea officers of distinction, or ships? Your special orders will enable me to procure them. For the situation of affairs in England I refer you to Mr Rogers, Aid de Camp to Mons. du Coudray. I have presented a number of memoirs, which have been very favorably received, and the last by his Majesty, but my being wholly destitute of other than accidental and gratuitous assistance will not permit my sending you copies. Indeed I was obliged to make them so as to explain the rise, the nature, and the progress of the dispute. I have been assured by the Ministers, that I have thrown much light on the subject, and have obviated many difficulties, but his Majesty is not of the disposition of his great grandfather Louis 14th. If he were, England would soon be ruined. Do not forget or omit sending me blank commissions for privateers; under these, infinite damage may be done to the British commerce, and as the prizes must be sent to you for condemnation the eventual profits will remain with you.

Doctor Bancroft has been of very great service to me; no man has better intelligence in England in my opinion, but it costs something. The following articles have been shewn to me; they have been seen by both the courts of France and Spain, and I send them to you for speculation.

1st. The thirteen United Colonies, now known by the name of the thirteen United States of North America, shall be acknowledged by France and Spain, and treated with as Independent States, and as such shall be guarantied in the possession of all that part of the continent of North America, which by the last treaty of peace was ceded and confirmed to the crown of Great Britain.

2dly. The United States shall guaranty and confirm to the crowns of France and Spain, all and singular their possessions and claims in every other part of America, whether north or south of the equator, and of the Islands possessed by them in the American seas.

3dly. Should France or Spain, either or both of them, possess themselves of the Islands in the West Indies now in possession of the crown of Great Britain (as an indemnity for the injuries sustained in the last war, in consequence of its being commenced on the part of Great Britain in violation of the laws of nations,) the United Colonies shall assist the said Powers in obtaining such satisfaction, and guaranty and confirm to them the possession of such acquisitions.

4thly. The fisheries on the banks of Newfoundland, of Cape Breton, and parts adjacent, commonly known and called by the name of the Cod Fishery, shall be equally free to the subjects of France, Spain, and the United States respectively, and they shall mutually engage to protect and defend each other in such commerce.

5thly. The more effectually to preserve this alliance, and to obtain the great object, it shall be agreed, that every and any British ship or vessel found or met with on the coasts of North America, of South America, or of the Islands adjacent, and belonging thereto, and within a certain degree or distance to be agreed on, shall be forever hereafter considered as lawful prize to any of the subjects of France, Spain, or the United Colonies, and treated as such, as well in peace as in war, nor shall France, Spain, or the United Colonies ever hereafter admit British ships into any of their ports in America, North and South, or the Islands adjacent. This article never to be altered or dispensed with, but only by and with the consent of each of the three contracting States.

6thly. During the present war between the United States and Great Britain, France and Spain shall send into North America, and support there, a fleet to defend and protect the coasts and the commerce of the United States, in consequence of which if the possessions of France or Spain should be attacked in America by Great Britain or her allies, the United States will afford them all the aid and assistance in their power.

7thly. No peace or accommodation shall be made with Great Britain to the infringement or violation of any one of these articles.[8]

I am, with the utmost impatience to hear from you, Dear Sir, yours, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

FOOTNOTES:

[8] From the manner in which Mr Deane introduces these articles, it does not appear in what source they originated. From the following sketch, which was prepared some time before this letter was written to Mr Jay, it is evident that the project was first proposed by Mr Deane himself.

"Outline of a Treaty between France and Spain and the United States, drawn up by Silas Deane, and presented to the Count Vergennes in his private capacity, Nov 23, 1776.

"1. Independence to be recognized.

"2. The United States to guaranty and confirm to France and Spain all their possessions in North America and the West India Islands.

"3. Should France or Spain gain possession of any of the West India Islands, (as an indemnity for the injuries sustained by them in the last war, in consequence of its being commenced on the part of Great Britain, in violation of the laws of nations,) the United States to assist the said powers in gaining satisfaction, and in retaining possession of such acquisitions.

"4. The fisheries on the Banks of Newfoundland to be enjoyed equally between the three contracting powers, to the exclusion of all other nations.

"5. The regulations of commerce to be reciprocal.

"6. Any British vessel found or met with on the coast of North or South America, or the Islands adjacent or belonging thereto, within a certain degree or distance to be agreed on, shall be forever hereafter considered as lawful prize to any of the subjects of France, Spain, or the United States, and treated as such as well in peace as in war,—nor shall France, Spain, or the United States ever hereafter admit British ships into any of their ports in America, North or South, or the Islands adjacent, nor shall this article ever be altered or dispensed with, but only by and with the consent of each of the three contracting States.

"7. During the present war, France and Spain to send fleets into the seas of the United States to defend them from the British, and should the possessions oL France or Spain in America be attacked, the United States to lend such aids as they can for their defence.

"8. No peace to be made with Great Britain, by either of the contracting parties, to the infringement or violation of any one of these articles."

* * * * *

TO THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE.

Paris, 6th December, 1776.

Gentlemen,

You have enclosed the duplicate of an agreement with Mons. du Coudray, of my orders for clothing, stores, &c., of my agreement with Baron de Kalb and others of his train, also with the Comte de Monau and his, which I hope will be agreeable, also the agreement for freight of the ships, which I was assured by letters from Bordeaux and elsewhere was as low as could be procured. At the same time, if it is above the stated price, in such cases I am promised an abatement. I hope the peculiarity of my situation, and the anxious desire I have of forwarding aid to my country, will be considered if any of the articles are thought high. Men cannot be engaged to quit their native country and friends, to hazard life and all in a cause, which is not their own immediately, at the same easy rate as men will do who are fighting literally pro aris et focis, and it is a universal custom in Europe to allow something extra to foreigners, but my allowances are very much below the rates here for officers in the same station.

I have the honor to be, with the most profound respect for the Congress, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

* * * * *

List of Officers of Infantry and Light Troops destined to serve the United States of North America.

NAMES OF OFFICERS. RANK. COMMENCEMENT OF THEIR PAY. Baron de Kalb, Major General, 7th November, 1776. Vicount de Mauroy, Major General, 20th do. do. de Senneville, Major, 7th do. do. The Chevalier du Buyssons, Major, 7th do. do. The Chevalier de Fayoles, Lieut. Colonel, 20th do. do. Dubois Martin, Major, 20th do. do. de Holtzendorff, Lieut. Colonel, 26th do. do. The Chevalier de Failly, Lieut. Colonel, 1st December, 1776. Amariton, Major, do. do. de Roth, Captain, do. do. de Gerard, Captain, do. do. Philis de Roseval, Lieutenant, do. do. de Montis, Lieutenant, do. do. Loquet de Granges, Lieutenant, do. do. de Vrigny, Capt. Company franche, do. do. Candon, Lieutenant, do. do.

The said ranks and pay at the dates marked in the present list have been settled mutually between us, the undersigned, me, Silas Deane, in my quality of deputy of the most honorable Congress of the United States of North America, and me, John Baron de Kalb, Major General in the service of the States General. Done double at Paris this 1st of December, 1776.

DE KALB, SILAS DEANE.

* * * * *

List of Officers of Infantry and Light Troops destined to serve in the armies of the United States of North America.

NAMES OF OFFICERS RANK COMMENCEMENT OF THEIR PAY

M. de la Fayette, Major General, from the 7th December, 1776. Baron de Kalb, Major General, 7th November, Delesser, Colonel, 1st December, De Valfort, Colonel, 1st December, De Fayoles, Lieutenant Colonel, 20th November, De Franval, Lieutenant Colonel, 1st December, Dubois Martin, Major, 7th November, De Gimat, Major, 1st December, De Vrigny, Captain, 1st December, De Bedaulx, Capitaine, Captain, 1st December, de la Colombe, Lieutenant, 1st December, Candon, Lieutenant, 7th November.

The ranks and the pay, which the most honorable Congress shall affix to them to commence at the periods marked in the present list, have been agreed to by us the undersigned, Silas Deane in quality of deputy of the American States General on the one part, the Marquis de la Fayette and the Baron de Kalb on the other part. Signed double at Paris this 7th of December, 1776.

SILAS DEANE, The MARQUIS de la FAYETTE, DE KALB.

The desire which the Marquis de la Fayette shows of serving among the troops of the United States of North America, and the interest which he takes in the justice of their cause make him wish to distinguish himself in this war, and to render himself as useful as he possibly can; but not thinking that he can obtain leave of his family to pass the seas, and serve in a foreign country, till he can go as a general officer; I have thought I could not better serve my country, and those who have intrusted me, than by granting to him in the name of the very honorable Congress the rank of Major General, which I beg the States to confirm to him, to ratify and deliver to him the commission to hold and take rank, to count from this day, with the general officers of the same degree. His high birth, his alliances, the great dignities which his family holds at this Court, his considerable estates in this realm, his personal merit, his reputation, his disinterestedness, and above all his zeal for the liberty of our provinces, are such as to induce me alone to promise him the rank of major general in the name of the United States. In witness of which I have signed the present, this 7th of December, 1776.

SILAS DEANE.

On the conditions here explained I offer myself, and promise to depart when and how Mr Deane shall judge proper, to serve the United States with all possible zeal, without any pension or particular allowance, reserving to myself the liberty of returning to Europe when my family or my king shall recall me.

Done at Paris this 7th of December, 1776.

The MARQUIS de la FAYETTE.

* * * * *

TO COUNT VERGENNES.

Paris, December 8th, 1776.

Sir,

I received last evening a letter from my friend, Dr Franklin, at Nantes, which place he was to leave last Sunday morning, so that I expect him in Paris this day, or early tomorrow. Meantime I have and shall carefully attend to the hint given me, and am confident he will do the same. His arrival is the common topic of conversation, and has given birth to a thousand conjectures and reports, not one of which I have given ground for, having constantly declared that I am ignorant of the motives of his voyage, or his business.

I have the honor to be, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

* * * * *

TO THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE.

Paris, 12th December, 1776.

Gentlemen,

Just as I had closed my despatches by the Generals de Coudray and Baron de Kalb, I was most agreeably surprised with a letter from Dr Franklin, at Nantes, where he arrived, after thirty days passage, with two prizes. I hourly expect him here, but knowing of his arrival, I despatch this with a duplicate to Havre de Grace, to go by the ships sailing thence, and have only time to inform you, that I sent an express instantly to Mr Lee to join us here without delay, for the news of Dr Franklin's arrival may occasion his friends being forbid coming from London to France. Nothing has, for a long time, occasioned greater speculation than this event, and our friends here are elated beyond measure, as this confirms them you will not negotiate with England; and for me, I will not attempt to express the pleasure I feel on this occasion, as it removes at once difficulties under which I have been constantly in danger of sinking. I may not add, as I shall miss the post, but am, with the most grateful and respectful compliments to the Congress, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

P. S. The King of Portugal is dead. The Comte Grimaldi, Prime Minister of Spain, has resigned, which will tend to accelerate a rupture in Europe, which I think unavoidable.

* * * * *

TO THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE.

Paris, 20th January, 1777.

Gentlemen,

I have met with disappointments, unexpected as they have been affecting; after orders and counter orders and manoeuvres, the very history of which would fill a volume, the Amphitrite departed with the first parcel of the stores on the 14th ult., and I was then in full confidence that the other vessels would instantly follow, as they lay ready in their different ports, when, to my surprise, counter orders arrived. While laboring to remove these, the Amphitrite returned into port, pretendedly through the want of live stock, &c. by the officers. The Captain has protested, that he returned in consequence of the positive orders of Mons. du Coudray, to whom a superior power was given. I have no time to decide so disputable a point as that respecting Monsieur du Coudray's return, but the consequences have been bad. This, I must say, he acted an unwise and injudicious part, in returning into the port he did, as he thereby gave a fresh alarm to the ministry, and occasioned a second counter order. Indeed Mons. du Coudray appeared to have solely in view his own ease, safety, and emolument, and instead of instantly despatching the ships with supplies, and thereby preventing a noise, he left the ships, and returned quite to Paris without the least ground, that I can find, for his conduct; and has laid his scheme to pass into America in a ship without the artillery, which is inconsistent and absurd, and contrary to our original agreement, and constant understanding, as I engaged with this man solely on account of the artillery he was to assist in procuring, expediting, and attending in person. His desertion of this charge, with his other conduct, makes me wish he may not arrive in America at all. I am sensible that my difficult situation may affect you, and therefore I shall, if possible, prevent his going out at all. With respect to the other stores they are embarked, and I am promised a permit, which is all I may say on the subject, which is left solely to my management by my colleagues.

M. du Coudray, not content with leaving the ship, took with him the papers which occasioned a still further delay after she was ready; but I will not enlarge on these disagreeable topics, but wishing the stores at hand,

I am, with much esteem, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

I recommend the Captain to the generosity of Congress.

* * * * *

TO THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE.

Paris, 6th February, 1777.

Gentlemen,

The bearer, Mons. Holtzendorff, is a Prussian officer, who served the last war in Germany, and with reputation. Gentlemen of first character in the army here have recommended him, as an excellent officer both for skill and bravery. I take therefore the liberty of recommending him to the service of the United States. He leaves a Major's post here in the army of France, hoping by his services in America to advance himself beyond what he can expect in Europe in a time of peace. I shall as soon as possible send you a particular account of all my proceedings to the time of the arrival of Dr Franklin, which I have in a great measure done already, though in detached parts in different letters, some of which may undoubtedly miscarry.

I am, with much respect, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

* * * * *

TO THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE.

Paris, 27th February, 1777.

Gentlemen,

This will be delivered you by Captain Goy, who, with his lieutenant and two sergeants, embarks with thirty field pieces, ten ton of powder, ball, lead, &c. which I wish safe and in season for service, though delayed beyond my expectations. Captain Goy has the best of recommendations from officers of distinction here, and I am confident will be found to be of great service in the artillery, a part of which he accompanies. Dr Franklin is at present in the country in good health, and we shall jointly write you very particularly in a few days; meantime we are without any intelligence from Congress since he left Philadelphia, in October last. I will not attempt to give you an idea of the difficulties, which are the consequence of our being left thus without intelligence, nor the anxiety it occasions in our minds; but must urge you to take some effectual measures for keeping up a correspondence with us in future, without which many proposals of the utmost importance to the United States are extremely embarrassed, and in danger of failing.

I have the honor to be,

With the most profound respect, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, 8th April, 1777.

Sir,

The bearer, Viscount Mourreu, is the gentleman of whom I formerly wrote, and who has been long detained by a variety of accidents, which he can relate to you at large. The engagements taken with him were previous to the arrival of my colleagues, who have not therefore intermeddled in the affair. His character and abilities are high in estimation here, and the Comte de Broglio has written in particular to General Washington. He served under the Comte, who commanded the armies of France with reputation in the last war.

I have the honor to be,

With the most profound respect, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

* * * * *

TO ROBERT MORRIS.

Paris, 23d August, 1777.

Dear Sir,

My letter, No. 1. of this date, gives you the state of Captain Bell's proceedings and the circumstances attending it. In this I mean to give you a short view of the conduct of this Court, with respect to American ships of war, private as well as public, which I cannot well do without giving you a history of facts.

You know that when I left America the naval armaments were but beginning by the Congress, and the inquiry was hardly made, even by individuals, whether foreign powers would admit our cruisers and their prizes. After my arrival the question was first started by Captain Lee of Marblehead, at Bilboa, of which I gave you an account in my letters of October and November last. Captain Lee carried no prize into Bilboa with him, and the question turned simply on the complaint of the English Consul, charging him with having committed acts of piracy on the high seas in making prizes of English vessels. The commissary or governor of the port detained his vessel and sent to Court for directions, and received orders to set the vessel at liberty; which orders were accompanied with a general declaration, that his Catholic Majesty was neuter in the dispute between England and America. Though the issue of this business was favorable, it was not direct to the point; we wished to establish the declaration of neutrality to be general.

In my letters of October and November last, some of which must have been received, I repeatedly gave my sentiments in favor of sending cruisers into these seas. The first that arrived was the Reprisal with two prizes; this caused much speculation, and at our first audience after, we were told, that by the treaties subsisting between France and England, ships of war belonging to any foreign power at war with either could not be admitted into their ports, unless driven by stress of weather, or want of provisions, &c. and that in such case they could not be permitted to stay longer than twenty four hours, or until they had taken on board the provisions necessary to carry them to the nearest port of their respective states, &c. as you will see in the treaty of commerce of 1713, confirmed by all the subsequent treaties. At the same time we were given to understand, that every favor and indulgence compatible with the treaties would be shewn us, and that ways might be found out to dispose of those prizes without giving public offence to England. The hint was taken, the prizes disposed of, and the Reprisal repaired and fitted for another cruise; which she made on the coast of Spain, taking, among other English prizes, the packet boat from Lisbon; with which Captain Wickes returned to port L'Orient. On this the English Ambassador complained loudly, and the English merchants were alarmed. Insurance rose in London, and it was generally supposed that there would be a restitution of the prizes and detention of Captain Wickes, or a declaration of war. This Court then ordered the prizes as well as Capt. Wickes to leave the port in twenty four hours. The former were sent out but sold to French merchants, and Captain Wickes, his ship being leaky, was permitted to stay. Soon after this, Captain Johnson arrived in the Lexington, and we, having bought a cutter with a view of sending her out as a packet, altered our resolution and equipped her as a cruiser, and sent her and the Lexington out under the command of Captain Wickes as commodore, with the design of intercepting the Irish linen ships; but by contrary winds, and mistaking the time of the sailing of those ships, they were unsuccessful as to the main object; but as they sailed quite round Ireland, and took or destroyed seventeen or eighteen sail of vessels, they most effectually alarmed England, prevented the great fair at Chester, occasioned insurance to rise, and even deterred the English merchants from shipping goods in English bottoms at any rate, so that in a few weeks forty sail of French ships were loading in the Thames on freight; an instance never before known.

But upon this, the English Ambassador complained in a higher tone, and gave us much difficulty; the prizes however were disposed of, though at a prodigious loss, and Captain Wickes set about repairing and refitting the Reprisal, which had been obliged to throw over her guns, and saw some of her beams, to escape a seventy four gun ship, which chased her and the Lexington on their return from their cruise. But before he was refitted, orders were sent from Court to detain his vessel and the Lexington, until further orders. This was owing partly to Captain Wickes having repeatedly come into the ports of France with prizes, and refitted his ship for fresh cruises, it being directly contrary to the treaty, which they pretend to hold sacred, and partly to the transaction at Dunkirk and the consequent threatenings of the British Ministry. In this situation Captain Wickes and Captain Johnson remain at present. Soon after Mr Hodge's arrival, we bought a lugger at Dover, and sent her to Dunkirk. Mr Hodge went after her and equipped her with great secrecy, designing a blow in the North Sea. He sent Captain Cunningham in her, and ordered him to intercept the packet between England and Holland, and then to cruise northward towards the Baltic. Cunningham fell in with the packet in a day or two after leaving Dunkirk, and took her. As she had a prodigious number of letters on board, he imagined it was proper he should return to Dunkirk instead of continuing his course; in his return he also took a brig of some value, and brought both prizes into port. This spread the alarm far and wide, and gave much real ground of complaint, as he had been entirely armed and equipped in Dunkirk, and had returned thither with his prizes. The Ministry, therefore, to appease England ordered the prizes to be returned, and Cunningham and his crew to be imprisoned, which gave the English a temporary triumph.

But not discouraged thereby, another cutter was bought and equipped completely in the port of Dunkirk. Cunningham and his crew were set at liberty, and with some address and intrigue he got again to sea from the same port, in a swift sailing cutter, mounting fourteen six pounders and twenty two swivels, with one hundred and six men. His first adventure greatly raised insurance on the northern trade, even the packet boats from Dover to Calais were for some time insured. On his leaving the port of Dunkirk the second time, he had orders to proceed directly for America, but he and his crew, full of resentment for the insults they had received from the enemy whilst in prison at Dunkirk, and afterwards, attacked the first vessels they met with, and plundered and burnt as they went on. Our last accounts are, that they had taken or destroyed about twenty sail, and had appeared off the town of Lynn and threatened to burn it unless ransomed; but the wind proving unfavorable, they could not put their threats into execution. In a word, Cunningham, by his first and second bold expeditions, is become the terror of all the eastern coast of England and Scotland, and is more dreaded than Thurot was in the late war. But though this distresses our enemies, it embarrasses us. We solicited his enlargement, and Mr Hodge engaged for his going directly for America. I know not how his engagement was expressed, but to appease the British Ministry and drive off an instant war, Mr Hodge has been arrested and confined. His friends need not be in distress for him; he will soon be at liberty. He merits much from his country, having been ready at all times to promote and serve its interests.

Just before the sailing of Cunningham, Captain Burrall arrived in a Maryland pilot boat. He made several prizes in his passage, and brought one into Cherbourg with him. He came to Paris for our advice, but on his return suffered himself to be enticed on board an English cutter in the port, where he was instantly seized, and the cutter came to sail and carried him off prisoner. We complained, and were promised that he should be reclaimed by this Court; it has probably been done, but we have received no answer. The ship General Mifflin, after cruising some time on the coasts of England and Ireland, put into Brest, and there, under Continental colors, saluted the admiral, who, after consulting his officers, returned the salute, which causes much speculation, and shows that the officers, as well as the other orders in this kingdom, are much in our interest. But, the politics of this Court are intricate, and embarrassed with connexions and alliances on the continent of Europe, which, with the state of their fleet, and their sailors being abroad in the fishery, &c. puts off bold and decisive measures. Some other prizes have arrived in different ports, particularly two valuable Jamaicamen sent into Nantes a few days since, by Captains Babson and Hendricks.

This is a brief account of the proceedings of our cruisers, who have put into the ports of this kingdom. The prizes are sold without condemnation, and consequently to a great loss, as the whole is conducted secretly, and put too much in the power of the agents. Though these cruisers have not been profitable to us, they have been of infinite prejudice to our enemies, both in their commerce and reputation. I will not add to this, as I shall write another letter by this conveyance.

I beg my best compliments to Mrs Morris, and that you will believe me ever, dear sir, yours, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

P. S. Since writing the above the two Jamaica prizes are, by order of Court, arrested, and it remains doubtful whether they will not be restored to the original proprietors. The captain of one of the privateers on his passage took on board a lady, who was prisoner on board an American privateer, bound for Boston. This he did from motives of humanity. On his arrival at Painbeuf, she wrote to her brother, a merchant at Nantes, who came down, and hoping to get the consignment of the prizes, officiously advised the captain to report them as ships laden at St Eustatia, which they did, and on their arrival at Nantes consigned the prizes to Messrs Lee & Williams, who immediately made a private sale of them. Meantime the owners being acquainted with the proceeding, and knowing that the ships and cargoes, by being regularly entered, were in the hands of the custom house, lodged claims, showing that they had been falsely entered, and were English property captured by American privateers, and consequently by treaty could not be sold in France. This obliged the government to arrest the prizes or openly violate the treaty. Mr Williams came up a few days since, and presented a memorial on the subject, but I fear he will receive an unfavorable answer. Orders are received for Captains Wickes and Johnson to depart the ports of France. I purpose sending duplicates of this letter by each of them. I cannot omit any opportunity of doing justice to these gentlemen, their officers and seamen, whose conduct has been such as merits the approbation of their countrymen, and has given reputation to our navy in France. They will not be able to carry out any goods, though we had purchased some with a design of sending by them, particularly a quantity of saltpetre. This, with other articles to a considerable amount, will be sent in the course of this and the next month. I have received letters a few days since, advising that Captain Cunningham was at Ferrol. I know not where he designs next, having nothing directly from him.

S. D.

* * * * *

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, 3d September, 1777.

Gentlemen,

Captain Landais is the bearer of this. He goes in the Heureuse, loaded with stores for America. This cargo has, by a succession of obstacles thrown in the way, been delayed from January last, to a most prodigious cost and expense. I hope, however, that it may finally arrive in season to be of essential service. Captain Landais, whom I have mentioned in my former letters, will offer his service to the United States. I must repeat here what I have written before, that I find him to be a skilful seaman, of long experience in every part of the world, of good judgment, and of the most unsuspicious honor and probity; I can but consider him as a valuable acquisition to our navy.

My agreement with M. Monthieu, the owner of this ship, in case she should not be sold in America, is that she be despatched with a cargo of tobacco as soon as possible, if the article is to be had, if not, with such articles as can be procured, as I have engaged for the freight out and home, and you are sensible of the necessity of having remittances by every opportunity. Whatever this ship may be loaded with, I pray the cargo may come to Messrs Rodrique Hortalez & Co. as they have advanced for the arms and other articles of this cargo, over and above their other large advances. Tobacco is the best article at present, in the ports of France, or indeed in any part of Europe, and must continue so for a very considerable time yet to come, most probably for twelve months. You will please to send me an account of the cargo, whatever it may be, that you ship in this vessel, and duplicates by others.

I have the honor to be, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

* * * * *

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, 10th September, 1777.

Gentlemen,

This will be handed you by M. Francy, who is agent for Messrs Rodrique Hortalez & Co.[9] You will see by the bills of lading, the quantity of stores shipped by that house, and make some judgment of their considerable amount. The vessel, in which M. Francy sails, is loaded with stores, which were long since engaged, but by a succession of obstacles have been until this detained. I still hope they will arrive in safety, and in season to be of service. The ship will be offered you to purchase, if she suits you, and if not, it will be equally agreeable to have her returned on the owners' account. I could not say any thing of purchasing a ship, without knowing more of her than I could know of this; I have therefore left it to your option to pay the price demanded, or the freight; the latter is to be what is at this time customary in vessels of such force, which not being precisely fixed, is submitted to M. Chaumont, by the advice and consent of my colleagues; it will probably be about two hundred and fifty livres per ton of goods to America, and back to France; it will not exceed that.

Messrs Rodrique Hortalez & Co. have other vessels, which will follow this in a short time, which they want to have despatched with tobacco, agreeably to what they formerly wrote you, and M. Francy goes partly on that account; I must therefore pray you to furnish him with the means of procuring the quantity he will want for them in season. The cargo of the Therese, sent by the way of St Domingo, I hope is by this time arrived; it was so valuable that it was thought most prudent to send it by that route, as it would run no risk in getting there, whence it might in different bottoms be got into the Continent, without the considerable risk of going direct. As the vessels of Messrs Hortalez & Co. will arrive at a time when despatch will be of the utmost consequence, they are desirous to have their cargoes ready on their arrival. By these vessels I will write you particularly on this subject, and in the meantime, have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

FOOTNOTES:

[9] For a copy of the power given to M. Francy, by Caron Beaumarchais, representing in France the house of Hortalez & Co., and also for several resolutions of Congress on the subject, see the Journals of the Old Congress for April 7th, 1778.

* * * * *

TO ROBERT MORRIS.

Paris, 23d September, 1777.

Dear Sir,

As many of the commissioners' letters may have failed, I take the liberty of enclosing an extract of a letter written jointly by Dr Franklin and myself in March last, in which we sent an extract of a letter from Mr Lee, who had been at Nantes, and was then at Bordeaux. This letter was to the committee, and consequently to Congress. We wrote one also previous to this, to the committee, just before Mr Lee's going to Nantes.

I am informed that it is insinuated, that interested and private views influenced me to write as I did,[10] and that the fixing Mr Williams at Nantes was the object I had in view. I am very sorry you should be so imposed upon; the consequences must ultimately be more prejudicial to yourself than to any other person. In the meantime, as a man of honor, I assure you I have neither interest or connexion in Mr Williams' business, nor have I engaged in the smallest private concern, except what you have been acquainted with, and which you know was in consequence of your letters in June, 1776.

Mr Williams came to France to visit Dr Franklin; he was in a good way of business in London, where he was entering into business with a capital house in the sugar business. England was disagreeable to him, solely on account of the animosities, which prevailed among individuals on account of the public quarrel. The stores which I had engaged, and which were sent out in the Mercury and Therese, were at Nantes, where matters had been so conducted that you must suppose I had no confidence in the managers. On this occasion I applied to Mr Williams, as a friend, to make a journey to Nantes, to examine the goods and see them shipped. He left Paris without intending to tarry longer than to perform this business. But his conduct at Nantes was so much the reverse of what had preceded, that every one who wished well to our affairs desired that he might be continued there. I needed no solicitations; the interest of my country was my sole motive; I knew he served it faithfully, and I knew him to be generous and disinterested in the service. Yes sir, disinterested; and you will acknowledge it when you are informed, that what he exacted of us was barely a sufficiency to support him, not amounting to one fourth of one per cent on the business. He has, if I am to have the credit of fixing him there, done me great honor; he has, at the same time, obtained the good opinion and friendship of the capital persons at Nantes. I am thus particular on this subject, as I am well convinced it has been represented to you very differently. How it has been represented I know not, nor am I likely to be informed but from second hand, from your brother's showing your letter directed to me to Mr Ross, and telling some others what were its contents, and that you not only justified his conduct, but had obtained for him more ample appointments, with severe reprimands to me, and even oblique censure on Dr Franklin, who happens to be Mr Williams' uncle.

It is hard for me, acting as I have done, from the most disinterested motives, and from those principles of friendship which shall be ever sacred with me, to be thus censured by you unheard.

Mr Ross does justice to the character you gave of him. I expect to see him in Paris in a few days, when I shall show him what I now write you.

I have not the least desire of intermeddling in the commercial concerns of the Congress in Europe, nor of going out of my own department, whatever it may be, on any occasion; but I have been obliged to take much upon my hands in procuring supplies of clothing, &c. as have also my colleagues, on account of the unhappy situation of our affairs here as to commerce. I will not add to a letter already long, only that if I have been mistaken in any thing, you will reflect that I write in reply to a part of one of yours, which I am unable to procure a sight of, and assure you that no private concern affects me more, than having drawn on myself your resentment by my desire of serving you. Be assured that I retain the highest esteem and respect for you in your public as well as private character, and am your sincere friend, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

FOOTNOTES:

[10] Allusion is here made to certain charges or complaints against Mr Thomas Morris, brother of Mr Robert Morris. He had been a merchant in Nantes, and was an agent for transacting in that port the mercantile affairs of the United States.

* * * * *

COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO SILAS DEANE.

York, in Pennsylvania, 4th December, 1777.

Sir,

In compliance with the order of Congress, we now enclose you their resolve of November 21st last; a duplicate goes by another opportunity. We are, Sir, &c.

R. H. LEE, J. LOVELL.

* * * * *

JAMES LOVELL TO SILAS DEANE.

York, 8th December, 1777.

Sir,

By accident I find myself called upon singly to execute the duty of the committee of foreign affairs, in communicating to you an order of Congress, of this day, respecting your return to America.

The order stands in need of no comment from the committee to elucidate it;[11] and being drawn up in terms complimentary to your abilities of serving these United States upon your arrival here, I take pleasure in conveying it, being, sir, your very humble servant,

JAMES LOVELL.

FOOTNOTES:

[11] Mr Deane was recalled by a resolution of Congress, Nov. 21st, 1777. The following preamble and order were passed on the 8th of December following, viz.—"Whereas it is of the greatest importance, that Congress should at this critical juncture be well informed of the state of affairs in Europe; and whereas Congress have resolved that the Hon. Silas Deane be recalled from the Court of France, and have appointed another commissioner [John Adams] to supply his place there;

"Ordered, that the committee of foreign affairs write to the Hon. Silas Deane, and direct him to embrace the first opportunity to return to America, and upon his arrival to repair with all possible despatch to Congress."

It may here be observed, that after the 17th of April, 1777, the Committee of Secret Correspondence was by a resolution of Congress, passed on that date, styled the Committee of Foreign Affairs.

* * * * *

FROM COUNT DE VERGENNES TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Versailles, the 25th March, 1778.

Sir,

Mr Deane being about to return to America, I embrace the occasion with pleasure to give my testimony to the zeal, activity, and intelligence with which he has conducted the interests of the United States, by which he has merited the esteem of the king my master, and for which his Majesty has been pleased to give him marks of his satisfaction. Mr Deane will be able to inform Congress of the disposition of the king towards the United States. The engagements formed with his Majesty, will doubtless satisfy their wishes; the king on his part is not only convinced, that they are founded on principles unalterable, but also that they will contribute to the happiness of both nations.

I have the honor to be, &c.

DE VERGENNES.

* * * * *

FROM COUNT DE VERGENNES TO SILAS DEANE.

Translation.

Versailles, 26th March, 1778.

As I am not, Sir, to have the honor of seeing you again before your departure, I pray you to receive here my wishes, that your voyage may be short and happy, and that you may find in your own country the same sentiments, which you have inspired in France. You need not, Sir, desire any addition to those which I have devoted to you, and which I shall preserve for you to the end of my life; they will be sureties to you of the true interest, which I shall forever take in your happiness, as well as in the prosperity of your country.

The king, desirous of giving you a personal testimony of the satisfaction he has in your conduct, has charged me to communicate it to the President of the Congress of the United States. This is the object of the letter, which Mr Gerard will deliver you for Mr Hancock. He will also deliver you a box with the king's portrait. You will not, I presume, Sir, refuse to carry to your country the image of its most zealous friend. The proof of this is in facts.

I have the honor to be, with the most sincere consideration, &c.

DE VERGENNES.

* * * * *

FROM DR FRANKLIN TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Passy, near Paris, 31st March, 1778.

Sir,

My colleague, Mr Deane, being recalled by Congress, and no reasons given that have yet appeared here, it is apprehended to be the effect of some misrepresentations from an enemy or two at Paris and at Nantes. I have no doubt, that he will be able clearly to justify himself; but having lived intimately with him now fifteen months, the greatest part of the time in the same house, and been a constant witness of his public conduct, I cannot omit giving this testimony, though unasked, in his behalf, that I esteem him a faithful, active, and able minister, who, to my knowledge, has done in various ways great and important services to his country, whose interests I wish may always, by every one in her employ, be as much and as effectually promoted.

With my dutiful respects to the Congress, I have the honor to be, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Delaware Bay, 10th July, 1778.

Sir,

I have now the pleasure of acquainting your Excellency of my arrival here yesterday, on board the Languedoc, commanded by his Excellency Count d'Estaing, with a fleet of twelve sail of the line, and four frigates. We sailed from Toulon the 10th of April last. I presume therefore that I have no intelligence from Europe so late as what you must be possessed of already. Finding that the enemy had escaped, the Admiral resolved instantly to pursue them to New York, and will sail this morning for that port, but he has no pilot. If, therefore, pilots can be sent to meet him on his arrival, it will be of the utmost service to the expedition. I shall embark this afternoon in company with his Excellency, Mons. Gerard, for Philadelphia, and hope soon to have the honor of paying my respects to your Excellency and the honorable Congress in person, and to congratulate you on the late glorious events. I have sent Commodore Nicholson express, who can inform you of our situation. Permit me to recommend him as an active, spirited officer, to whom the Admiral has been much obliged by his services during our passage.

I have the honor to be, with the most profound respect, your Excellency's most obedient, and very humble servant,

SILAS DEANE.

P. S. His Excellency the Admiral desires, that on the arrival of the pilots at the Hook, where they will find his fleet, they would make a signal with a white flag, either on board their boat, if they have one, or from the shore, formed in a triangle. Mons. Chouen, who will wait on you with a letter from the Admiral, sets out suddenly, and may want money to bear his expenses on his further journey. Mons. Gerard desires he may be supplied on his account, with any sum to the amount of twenty thousand livres.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, 28th July, 1778.

Sir,

I had the honor of receiving on the 4th of March last, in a letter from Mr Lovell, (a copy of which I now enclose,[12]) the orders of Congress, announcing my recall, and directing my immediate return.

This was the first and only intimation I ever received of the resolutions of Congress on the subject; I immediately complied with it, and left Paris the 1st of April, with hopes of arriving in season to give Congress that intelligence, which in the order for my return, they express their want of.

Unfortunately my passage has been much longer than I expected, and I but now begin to find myself recovering from the fatigues of it; yet my desire of giving Congress, as early as possible, an account of the state of their affairs in Europe, when I left France, as well as the peculiar situation in which my recall has placed me personally, has induced me to address them through your Excellency, to solicit for as early an audience as the important business in which they are engaged will admit of.

I have the honor to be,

With the most sincere respect, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

FOOTNOTES:

[12] See above, page 117.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, 8th September, 1778.

Sir,

I pray your Excellency to remind the Congress, that I still wait to receive their orders, and though I am sensible that they have many and important affairs under their consideration, yet I must entreat them to reflect on the peculiar situation I have for some time past been placed in, and inform me if they desire my further attendance.

I have the honor to be, with the highest respect, your Excellency's, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, 11th September, 1778.

Sir,

I received your note, in which you politely informed me that you had laid before Congress the letter, which I did myself the honor of writing to your Excellency a few days since. I now return you my thanks for the attention you have paid me, and again take the liberty to ask of you to remind Congress, that the circumstances under which I left France, and the situation of the affairs in Europe, which I had been principally concerned in transacting, (as I had the honor of mentioning to Congress) render it indispensably necessary on my part, that I return as early as possible, and that if my further attendance here is not necessary, I pray to be informed of it, that I may be at liberty to visit my friends, and prepare for my voyage; or that if further intelligence is expected from me, I may have an early opportunity of giving it.

I flatter myself your Excellency and the Congress will not judge my repeated applications improper, when the circumstances which attended my leaving Europe, and the situation I have been in since my arrival in America, are recollected and considered.

I have the honor to be, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, 22d September, 1778.

Sir,

In consequence of an order of Congress on the 8th of December, 1777, for me to embrace the first opportunity of returning to America, and "upon my arrival to repair with all possible despatch to Congress, that they might be well informed of the state of affairs in Europe in that critical juncture," I left Paris the 1st of April last, having received the order on the 4th of March preceding, and arrived in Philadelphia, the seat of Congress, on the 13th of July following, ready at the pleasure of Congress to render such information as was in my power to give. In this situation I continued until the 15th of August, when I received the order of Congress to attend them on the 17th, on which day, and on the 21st, I had the honor personally to inform Congress generally, of my public transactions under their authority from the time of my departure from Philadelphia in March, 1776, until my return.

In these audiences, I particularly stated and explained the unsettled state, in which the commercial transactions of the commissioners in Europe were at my departure, and that as well from their nature and extent, as that even at my departure from Paris many large orders were not completed, and of consequence, neither the accounts or vouchers delivered; that the interval between my receiving my order of recall, and my departure in compliance with it was so short, as to render it impossible for me to arrange those affairs further, than to be able to give a general state of them, which I then mentioned generally, and added, that I was under the necessity of returning speedily to Europe, as well on account of those, as of other important affairs left by my sudden departure in an unsettled state. At my last audience, I found and expected, that I should be called upon to answer questions, which might be put to me for the obtaining more clear and explicit information, than what I had given of some particulars in my general narration, and I held myself in readiness to attend the pleasure of Congress for that purpose. In this situation my private affairs pressed my immediate departure from Philadelphia, and my public as well as private affairs in Europe no less urged my departure from America. On the 8th of September, I took the liberty of reminding that honorable body, that I was still waiting to receive their orders, if they desired my further attendance upon them, and my affairs daily pressing, on the 11th of September, I again reminded Congress of my waiting their pleasure, and took the liberty of mentioning the reasons that pressed me to be anxious for their immediate decision. As Congress have not thought proper to make any reply to my letters, nor to admit me to lay before them such further information as they may desire, and I am enabled to give, and as from the many weighty affairs upon their hands it is uncertain when I may be admitted, and as my concerns will not permit my longer continuance in Philadelphia, I take the liberty of enclosing to your Excellency the account of the banker, in whose hands all the public monies were deposited, of which I gave you some time since a general state for your private information, and which I obtained from the banker but a day or two before my departure from Paris, with the view of giving all the information in my power on every subject to Congress, in which they were interested, and which account I expected in the course of my narration to have delivered personally to Congress.

As to any other subject on which further information may be desired, I shall be ready to give it, whenever that honorable body shall call on me for it, during the short time my affairs will permit me to tarry in this city. I have indeed thought that some further information would be necessary; I have daily expected to be called upon for it. On this consideration alone, I have, notwithstanding the pressing circumstances I have found myself in, waited with patience the orders of Congress. I shall be happy if such information or any other service in my power may be found agreeable and of use to that respectable body and the United States, to whom I have long since, and ever shall be devoted. I have only further to request that honorable body to be assured, that I shall ever retain a most grateful sense of the confidence, which they have heretofore honored me with, and consider it as the most honorable and happy circumstance of my life, that I have had the opportunity of rendering important services to my country, and that I am conscious of having done them to the utmost of my ability.

I have the honor to remain, with the utmost respect, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, 24th September, 1778.

Sir,

Being informed that letters from Mr Izard, reflecting on my character and conduct whilst in the service of the public abroad, have been read in Congress, I have to ask that honorable body to grant me copies thereof, and that I may be permitted to wait on Congress, and to be heard in my vindication. I have that regard for Mr Izard's opinion of my ability and disposition to transact public business, which I ought to have, and am consequently easy on that subject; but facts asserted, which affect either, call for an explanation. Those indeed, which respect myself personally, require none before Congress, nor will I trouble that honorable body with the making any; but those which regard my character and conduct as a public minister, and in so important a transaction as that of the late treaties of Paris, call on me, as well in justice to the public as to myself, for an explanation, which I am very happy in the having it in my power to give, as well as in the confidence I have, that Congress will neither delay nor refuse doing this justice to a faithful and greatly injured servant of theirs.

I have the honor to be, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, 7th October, 1778.

Sir,

In consequence of my letter of the 24th ult. I had the honor of receiving the order of Congress of the 26th, directing me to attend on the 29th, at three o'clock in the afternoon, that day being assigned for my being heard; I was at the same time favored with extracts from Mr Izard's letters.[13] On the 29th, I was served with an order of Congress, which postponed my being heard to some future time. On the 3d instant an extract of a letter from the honorable Arthur Lee, dated Paris, June 1st, 1778, was given me by order of Congress. I have for some time past waited with the greatest impatience for an opportunity of being heard before that honorable body, confident that my peculiar situation will excuse my impatience. I must, without repeating what I have already had the honor of writing to you, once more urge for as early an audience as the important business before Congress will admit of.

I have the honor to be, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

FOOTNOTES:

[13] See Mr Izard's letters to the President of Congress, Feb. 16th and April 1st.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, 12th October, 1778.

Sir,

I received your letter of the 7th instant, in which you informed me, that mine of the same date to you was by Congress ordered to lie on the table, until the examination of Mr Carmichael should be finished.

Though totally unable even to conjecture, what relation the examination of that gentleman can possibly have to those abusive and injurious letters, written by Mr Izard and Mr Lee, yet, as I had so often troubled Congress during a three months' attendance, with my repeated solicitations to be heard, I forbore repeating them until neither my health, my interest, nor my honor will permit me a much longer stay in America; I have, therefore, taken the liberty of enclosing my answers to the letters of those gentlemen. It pains me to be obliged to answer at all, and it grieves me exceedingly to be deprived of the opportunity of doing it in person; I still hope to be indulged before leaving America. I have only further to inform Congress, that I shall go into the country tomorrow, for a few days, that having engaged a passage in a ship, which will sail for France sometime next month, I propose to leave Philadelphia in a few days after I return from the country, in order to embark, and shall esteem myself honored by Congress if they have any thing further in which I may be of service to my country, if they will favor me with their commands.

I have the honor to remain, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, 12th October, 1778.

Sir,

In the extracts from the letters of the honorable Mr Izard, I find charges which respect me, supported by his opinions, and by what he declares to have heard from the honorable Arthur Lee, who, by his own account, is my irreconcilable enemy. I find also charges against the honorable Dr Franklin and myself jointly, supported on the same grounds, with this difference, that almost every complaint against us lies equally against Mr Lee, and it is worthy of remark, that where the charge lies equally against us all, Mr Izard leaves Mr Lee wholly out, and fixing it solely on Dr Franklin and myself, proceeds to represent the Doctor as entirely under my influence. My situation has, through the whole been peculiarly unfortunate, and in nothing more so than in this, that Mr Izard's letters, written as much with the design of impeaching Dr Franklin's conduct as mine, now operates solely against me.

Mr Izard says, in his letter of the first of April, "That if the whole world had been searched, it would have been impossible to have found a person more unfit than I was for the trust, with which Congress had honored me." It does not become me, and possibly not even Mr Izard himself, to determine on my competency to that trust, and I have only to observe, that both of us were appointed by the authority of Congress, with this only difference, that I had the honor of being personally known to the members who composed that body, and I can add with pleasure, that I always paid respect to Mr Izard from the choice they had made of him, which I doubt not was on good information. I shall feel no uneasiness on my own account, that Mr Izard's opinions of me remain on the journals of Congress, whilst on the same records there will be found that of his Most Christian Majesty, of his Minister, and Secretary of State, and of my venerable colleague, revered through Europe as the first of patriots, as well as philosophers, whom this age has produced. I find but two charges which respect me personally; the first is, the exercising such a degree of hauteur and presumption as to give offence to every gentleman with whom I transacted business. I transacted none with Mr Izard, and therefore must appeal from his opinion to the business I transacted, and the worthy and honorable persons with whom I transacted it, and who, from the first of my acquaintance with them to my leaving the kingdom, honored me with their friendship and their confidence. I desire it may be remembered, that, when I went abroad, charged with the transaction of political and commercial business for Congress, in the year 1776, I arrived at Paris as late in the season as the month of July, without funds, uncertain of remittances, without credit, ignorant of the language and manners of France, and an utter stranger to the persons in power and influence at Court; that I had not the patronage of any person of importance, and had no correspondence or connexions established in any part of Europe. The news of our misfortunes in Canada arrived in France with me, and that of our subsequent misfortunes immediately after, and was, as usual, exaggerated by the British Ambassador and his emissaries. In a word, without remittances, or even intelligence from Congress, and under all these disagreeable circumstances, I had to oppose the artifice, the influence, and the power of Great Britain; yet I have the pleasing reflection that before the first of December following, I procured thirty thousand stand of arms, thirty thousand suits of clothes, more than two hundred and fifty pieces of brass artillery, tents, and other stores to a large amount, provided the ships to transport them, and shipped a great part of them for America. Many of these supplies fortunately arrived at the commencement of the last year's operations, and enabled my brave countrymen, in some parts of America, to make a good stand against the enemy, and in the north to acquire immortal renown by the defeat and surrender of General Burgoyne and his whole army, an event peculiarly fortunate in its consequences, as it accelerated the completion of that alliance, to which the honorable Congress, with every true friend to the United States, have given their approbation. During this short period I had established a very extensive correspondence for the service of my country, not only in France but in Holland, at the Court of Russia, and elsewhere in Europe; and though the grant of money by the Court of Versailles was not at this time actually made, I had entered upon the negotiation and laid the foundation for obtaining it. These facts, without mentioning others of no less importance, will shew what business I transacted; and the character given me by those great personages, with whom I was in my public character connected, will evince the degree of reputation in which I stood. It is my misfortune that Mr Izard was of a different opinion.

The second charge is, that Mr Arthur Lee had assured him, that his despatches to Congress, and even one of his private letters had been opened by me. I am surprised Mr Arthur Lee never intimated this to me, and that he should communicate it to Mr Izard, to be reported in this manner. I think it however sufficient for me to say here, what I shall say elsewhere, and on all occasions, that this is a groundless calumny, which I should not have expected, even from an enemy, at least not from a candid or generous one.

Mr Izard complains that Dr Franklin and myself concealed from him, or attempted to conceal the opportunities of writing to America, as well as the intelligence received from thence. In reply to this, it need only be observed, that no packets or letters were sent by the commissioners to America and to Congress, without the knowledge and consent of Mr Arthur Lee, and no intelligence received to which he was not privy. That he was often with Mr Izard, and therefore it was naturally to be supposed would give him every necessary information; if Mr Lee did not acquaint Mr Izard, he is at least equally culpable with us, and if he did, there is no ground for the complaint. It is true, that neither Dr Franklin nor myself considered ourselves at liberty to communicate the treaty or its contents, until the consent of the Court should be had; we considered ourselves in the same situation as to the appointment of Mons. Gerard, and the sailing of the Toulon fleet. Mr Izard appears, however, to have been well informed of the former at least, and that very early, and of the latter on the day of our leaving Paris. Mr Arthur Lee knew of it sometime before, as he wrote many letters by his Excellency Mons. Gerard. In justice, therefore, the complaint ought not to have been made solely against Dr Franklin and Mr Deane, and particularly against the latter.

Mr Izard represents that there were dissensions and misunderstandings between the commissioners at Paris. It is true. He is of opinion that the interest of the public suffered by it, but in this he is mistaken, as the treaty itself and all our other public transactions will demonstrate. Mr Izard is of opinion that France might have been brought to have taken an active part much earlier. If circumstances, not in our power, had taken place earlier, they possibly might; but even in that case they would have done it under great disadvantages, as is evident from the representation I made to Congress when I had the honor of being heard on the 19th of August last. As the 11th and 12th articles of the treaty are complained of, and as this subject immediately interests the public, I have drawn up a concise narration of the whole of that transaction and have communicated it to his Excellency Mons. Gerard, who agrees to the truth of every part thereof, which has come to his knowledge. This I beg leave to present to Congress, as it will show that Mr Izard had not the best information, and that neither Dr Franklin or myself (though "born in New England") procured the insertion of those articles; it will further show that the Court of France never urged it, but on the contrary left us perfectly free to have them both inserted or both omitted. It will also appear, that Mr Lee himself wrote and signed the letter, desiring they might be inserted, and that he afterwards had a private conference with M. Gerard on the subject, and appeared perfectly satisfied. If any doubts arise on this subject, I shall be happy to refer for satisfaction on that head to Mons. Gerard, and also for what passed between Mr Lee and himself on the occasion, as well as for the pretended verbal promise that the article should be expunged if objected to by Congress. I have signed that narration, and shall sign these observations in which I have avoided taking those advantages of Mr Izard, which the passionate and partial complexion of his letters has given me, were I disposed to make use of them; because, I conceive it to be an abuse, if not an insult to trouble Congress with any thing merely personal, though I have provocation sufficient to justify me in the eyes of the world, and am by no means deficient in materials.

I recollect perfectly well the interview at Passy with Mr William Lee, at which Mr Izard was present, but I do not remember that any such letter as he describes was either desired or refused. I rather think that Mr Izard misunderstood Dr Franklin at the time, or that his memory has deceived him. The facts are these. The late Mr Thomas Morris had a commission to act as commercial agent; his commission was entirely distinct from, and independent of, the commissioners; he at least construed it so himself from the beginning. We were very early informed of his irregularities, and admonished him, and advertised Congress of them. As we could get no account of the disposition of the prizes brought into France, and the expense of repairing and equipping the vessels of war fell on the commissioners, Dr Franklin and myself (Mr A. Lee being then at Berlin) deputed Mr Williams to take the care of the prizes into his own hands, and ordered the Captains to account with him. On Mr William Lee's arrival at Nantes he joined with Mr Morris in writing a severe letter to the commissioners on what they had done, in which they complained, that the office or department of commercial Agent was broken in upon, and that we had no power over it. Dr Franklin, at the desire of Mr A. Lee and myself prepared an answer, in which the reason of our orders was given, and Mr Morris' conduct urged as our principal motive, but that as he, Mr William Lee, was there, we would recall our commission from Mr Williams. Mr Arthur Lee would not agree to the form of the letter, and after much dispute upon it, a second was written, when Mr Arthur Lee observed, that his brother was coming to Paris soon to receive his commission for Vienna and Berlin, and as there were then no prizes in port, or expected, the matter might rest. This was the reason why Mr W. Lee's letters were not answered. He came to Paris soon after, and represented the confused state in which affairs were at Nantes, and urged the interposition of the commissioners to put the whole agency into his hands. The situation of Mr William Lee at that time was precisely this; he had never received any commission either from Congress or their committee for the commercial agency, whilst Mr Thomas Morris was, and had been in the possession of a commission, and in the exercise of the agency.

Congress had made Mr William Lee their commissioner to the courts of Vienna and Berlin, each of which places is at least a thousand miles from the scenes of our commerce, without saying anything about his former appointment, from which it was natural to suppose his former appointment had been considered as superceded by the new. We had received intelligence, that the information we had given of Mr Morris's conduct, had been received and read in Congress, and that Congress notwithstanding chose to continue him in this situation. We thought it very extraordinary that we should be applied to, to interfere where Congress, knowing the facts, had declined to interfere, and still more so, that we should be requested to put (what indeed was not in our power) the commercial agency into the hands of a gentleman, who must execute it by deputies; himself at a distance too great either to see or correct the abuses that might be practised. The letter referred to by Mr Izard was a letter to this purpose, and I remember well (for I avoided bearing any considerable part in the conversation) Doctor Franklin's reply, which was to this purpose, that Congress by disregarding the information we had given, and continuing Mr Morris, had impliedly censured our conduct. That Mr Morris had treated us ill personally for what we had done, and that Mr William Lee ought to remember, that he had himself jointly with Mr Morris complained of our interfering as he thought in that department; and therefore he did not incline to subject himself to any further censures, or as he expressed it "raps over the knuckles" for meddling in the affair. We were indeed as much surprised as Mr Izard appears to have been on the occasion, but our surprise arose from another cause; it was to find Mr William Lee desirous of holding such a plurality of appointments, in their own nature incompatible with each other, and impossible to have been executed by the same person. But as one of the places was supposed to be a lucrative one, the subject was too delicate to be touched on by us.

Mr Izard says that Mr William Lee complained that parties had been excited against him at Nantes, and that so far from having been supported by the commissioners in the execution of his duty, these gentlemen had as much as possible contributed to perplex him in the discharge of it; that he had frequently written, &c. His letters have been taken notice of already, and the reason mentioned why they were not answered. The rest of this complaint is, as far as I know anything about the matter, totally groundless; it must appear so to every one acquainted with the following particulars. Mr William Lee never had a commission to the commercial agency, though he is now executing it by his agents. Mr Lee's caution was such, that he never even answered my letters to him in February or March, informing him that Mr Robert Morris had written to me, that he was appointed; nor did I learn anything from him of his intentions, until he arrived at Paris the summer following, where also he acted with the greatest caution, while he waited the return of his brother from Berlin. Before and after his being at Nantes, he went so far as even to desire Mr Williams and others at Paris and at Nantes not to let it be known, that he had anything to do in American affairs, as he said it would greatly prejudice his interest in London; and so far was he from ever executing, or publicly attempting to execute, that agency, until after the news of General Burgoyne's defeat had arrived in France, that he did nothing that ever I heard of, which could have prevented his returning to the exercise of his Aldermanship in London.

Mr Izard is pleased to say, that "to let Mons. Gerard go away without giving him the least intimation of it, was a very high insult to Congress." It was not in our power to permit or prevent Mons. Gerard's going away, and if we did not, circumstanced as we then were, think ourselves authorised to communicate it to Mr Izard, I cannot conceive this to be a high insult to Congress; certain it is, we meant no such thing; we meant to serve, not insult that honorable body. "The object," he says, "of these gentlemen is to have Mr Deane come back in a public character, if not to France, perhaps to Holland, or some other part of Europe, and therefore they are afraid of having reasons given why this should not be the case." And he adds, "I am of opinion that he is upon every account an improper person to be employed by Congress." I have already appealed from this gentleman's opinions, so I shall say nothing further about them; his reasons, if he offers any, are to be judged of by Congress. I find, however, he had more apprehensions than reasons in this part of his letter; his apprehensions as well as opinions were in part at least groundless; he was apprehensive lest my venerable colleague would solicit some appointment for me; I do not learn that he has done it, I never desired or expected that he would. Mr Izard, I presume, knew that I had a very extensive correspondence with gentlemen of the mercantile and monied interest and character in Europe, but particularly in Holland, where I had long before been preparing the minds of such men in favor of a loan. He knew that there was not merely a correspondence, but a strict personal friendship subsisting between certain gentlemen in Amsterdam and at the Hague and myself, and that I had proposed to go there on the subject of the loan, as well as for other purposes. I presume also he knew, that the French Ambassador in Holland, the Duke de Vauguyson, who spent last winter in Paris, honored me with his acquaintance, and with all the politeness as well as zeal for the interest of the United States of North America, which make part of that nobleman's character, urged me to go there, assuring me of every personal service and civility, which should be in his power. My recall prevented the execution of the plan, and Mr Izard doubtless apprehended that I should solicit for the appointment. His apprehension was groundless; the honorable Congress know that I have not solicited for any appointment; my life and fortune, with what abilities I am blessed with, have been from the first, and will ever be devoted to the service of my country, who are most certainly the best judges in what department they can be most useful; or if they can be of any use at all, and to their judgment I most cheerfully submit.

I have the honor to be,

With the most respectful attachment, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, 12th October, 1778.

Sir,

I beg leave to lay before Congress a few observations on the extracts from Mr Arthur Lee's letter, dated Paris, June 1st, 1778, read in Congress the 3d instant, which were ordered to be communicated to me. Mr Lee begins by saying that, "M. Monthieu's papers were sent to show you the demands that are made upon us, and the grounds of them; you will see that they are accounts, which Mr Deane ought to have settled."

Not having seen the accounts or papers said to have been sent, I can only reply generally by informing Congress, that I contracted with M. Monthieu (nearly at the time that I contracted with Mons. Beaumarchais for the stores) to procure ships to transport them over to America;[14] the rate, I was told in Paris and elsewhere, was as low as could be then procured in France; it has risen since that time. The ships were to have been despatched in a reasonable time to and from America. Mons. Beaumarchais was my surety. The difficulty met with in getting away the stores was such, that the last of the ships did not sail from Marseilles until in September, 1777. The delay of near twelve months of some of them in France, and an uncommon delay of all of them, occasioned by repeated counter orders, and fresh obstacles rising in the way of embarking those stores, as well as the unexpected detention of those ships in America, as for instance, of the Amphitrite, from April until the October following, with the capture of them, were circumstances unforeseen and unexpected at the time of making the contract, and entitled M. Monthieu to an equitable consideration over and above the freight stipulated. Before the last ship sailed, therefore, M. Monthieu insisted that some mode for a settlement should be agreed upon; on which Dr Franklin and myself agreed with him to submit the whole to Mons. Chaumont; the submission was made and signed. M. Monthieu, on his return from Marseilles, (to which place he went immediately to embark and send off the remainder of the stores) urged M. Chaumont to undertake it. I did the same; he declined, telling me that he found Mr Lee of so jealous and unquiet a disposition, and so much disposed to abuse every one that he had any concerns with, that he had well nigh resolved never to have any thing more to do with the commissioners, while he was one of them; but as M. Monthieu had other concerns with the commissioners, he thought it best to settle the whole at once, and when the whole was ready for a settlement, if Mr Lee would then desire him to undertake it, he would do it as well to oblige us as M. Monthieu, for whom he had a regard. This put off the settlement for the time.