We have the pleasure to inform Congress, that Mr Matthew Ridley of Maryland has made a present to the United States of a valuable manuscript upon naval affairs, which he has left with us. We shall take the first opportunity of a frigate to send it to Congress.

We enclose to Congress copies of a correspondence between the Ambassador of the king of the two Sicilies and us, which, as his Majesty is the eldest son of the king of Spain, is considered as an event indicative of the good will of a greater power, although, this is respectable.

It is of great importance to penetrate the councils of an enemy, in order to be prepared beforehand against his designs; we shall therefore be happy to advise Congress of the intentions of Great Britain as far as we conjecture.

We have every reason to believe, that the hostility of the disposition of the British Court has no other bounds but those of their power. Their threats, however, of large reinforcements and of Russian auxiliaries, are without foundation. The interest of the king of Prussia, and of the Empress Queen (who both choose at present to pursue decent terms with Great Britain) to prevent a close alliance between England and Russia, we apprehend, will prevent it. In short, we see no probability of England's forming any alliance against America in all Europe; or indeed against France; whereas, on the other side, from the astonishing preparations of Spain, the family compact, and other circumstances, and from the insolent tyranny of the English over the Dutch, and their consequent resentment, which has shown itself in formidable remonstrances as well as advances towards a treaty with us, there is reason to believe, that if Great Britain perseveres in the war, both of these powers will at length be involved in it.

We had the honor to write to Congress on the 20th of July and the 17th of September, of which we have sent duplicates and triplicates, and to which we beg leave to refer. By this opportunity we shall send the newspapers, which contain all the public intelligence.

We enclose a number of notes of hand, which have been taken from our unhappy countrymen, who have escaped from England, to whom we have lent money, as they had no other way of subsistence.

We have the honor to be, &c.

B. FRANKLIN, ARTHUR LEE, JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

M. DUMAS TO THE COMMISSIONERS.

Translation.

Hague, November 10th, 1778.

Gentlemen,

My last of the 4th was despatched the 6th. Tomorrow will be an important day, and will have serious consequences if Amsterdam yields. You are already acquainted with the opinion, which will be pronounced by the Admiralty. The committee appointed to confer with the Admiralty on this point have made a report as follows.

1st. The conference desired by Sir J. Yorke, concerning the meaning of the treaties relative to naval stores, shall be refused. 2dly. The restitution of the vessels seized shall be strongly insisted on. The Admiralty shall make certain arrangements with the merchants of the country during these difficulties, that is, in plain English, shall suspend the convoys, in so far as relates to the abovementioned materials. This addition spoils all the rest.

Your friend appeared to me rather embarrassed. He has sent for the most prudential persons on change to ask their advice concerning this addition, which he considers arrant folly. Another person, very much displeased with this addition, says, that if Amsterdam persists firmly in demanding the strict observance of the treaties, and a perfect neutrality, she can counteract this manoeuvre. Otherwise the servile submission of the nation to the lash of the English, will expose it to that of the French also, who will deprive it of the privileges it has heretofore enjoyed in their country, and will seize its vessels, after the example of the English.

You may therefore expect in my next to hear of a vigorous and successful opposition on the part of the city, or of a dreadful blow to the commerce and navigation of this country. It may then be said, quidquid delirant Britanni, plectuntur Belgae. It will be their own fault.

All this will probably be delayed somewhat; for our friend has told me, that the Provincial Assembly will not rise this week. As I cannot see him today, because he dines out, I have sent him a letter, of which a copy is enclosed.

I am, Gentlemen, &c.

DUMAS.

* * * * *

M. DE SARTINE TO THE COMMISSIONERS.

Translation.

Versailles, November 12th, 1778.

Gentlemen,

M. de Fleury has represented to me, that his only son embarked for America in 1778, where he served the United States in the army of General Washington, with sufficient distinction to be raised to the rank of Lieutenant Colonel, but having been made prisoner, and conducted to fort St Augustine, he has not yet been able to procure his exchange, and is in the most deplorable condition. The distinction which this young officer obtained in the service of the United States speaks in his favor, and I am persuaded, Gentlemen, that you will attend to the request of M. de Fleury. I should be obliged to you, if you would include him in the first exchange of prisoners.

I have the honor to be, &c.

DE SARTINE.

* * * * *

TO M. DE SARTINE.

Passy, November 12th, 1778.

Sir,

Last night we had a letter from Nantes, a copy of which we have the honor to enclose to your Excellency.

The subject of it appears to us of great importance to the United States, as well as to the individuals, Frenchmen and Americans, who are interested in the vessels destined to America; also to a considerable number of gentlemen and others, who are going passengers in this fleet, and ultimately to the common cause.

It gives us great pleasure to find so large a number of vessels going out upon this occasion. Their cargoes are much wanted to enable our countrymen to sustain the war. We therefore most cheerfully join with the subscribers to the letter, who have also petitioned your Excellency, in requesting a large convoy to protect those ships quite home to America.

Upon this occasion we cannot refrain from submitting to your Excellency our opinion, that the more of the king's ships are sent to America, the more certainly France maintains a superiority of naval power in the American seas, the more likely it will be that she will have the advantage in the conduct of the war. Because the French having the ports and the country, the provisions, the materials, and the artificers of America open to them, and the English being obliged to derive all these things from Europe, the former have a vast advantage over the latter, in the conduct of the war in that quarter of the world; not to mention that the French ships being newer and in better condition than the English, are better able to sustain the American seas.

Your Excellency will excuse our suggesting one reflection, that whatever vessels of war are sent to America, they should be plentifully furnished with marine woollen cloths, especially blankets and gloves, or mittens, without which it is extremely difficult for the men to do their duty in the cold season upon that coast.

We are, &c. &c.

B. FRANKLIN, ARTHUR LEE, JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

M. DUMAS TO THE COMMISSIONERS.

Translation.

Hague, November 13th, 1778.

Gentlemen,

The situation of affairs here is becoming extremely critical. The resolution mentioned in my letter of the 10th, to deny convoy for naval stores, has not yet been formally adopted. It has been decided to determine this point next Wednesday, by the majority of voices. The members from Amsterdam have protested against this, as contrary to the constitution, which requires in such cases unanimity, and have entered their protest in the books. They were, however, abandoned by all the other cities. M. Van Berckel sustained the attacks of the whole assembly with firmness; one might say, that he had to encounter the whole province, and consequently the whole republic except his own city. If the council upholds the regency, and the merchants continue to oppose this measure, as in all probability they will, they must succeed in their righteous cause. If the council, contrary to all appearances, should yield, M. Van Berckel declares, that he will never return, but will leave room for any one who wishes it to occupy his place.

The French ambassador, on his side, declared several days ago to the principal officers of government, and through them to the Pentionaries of the cities, that the king expects that the republic will cause the Dutch flag to be respected, and will protect efficiently and promptly her commerce, in conformity with the treaties of 1674, &c. between this country and England, on the faith of which reposes the confidence in this flag; and if the republic does not answer to such reasonable expectations, and undertakes to modify any part of those treaties to the prejudice of commerce, the king is immovably fixed in his determination, to deprive the nation of those advantages, which his Majesty, out of pure kindness and without any obligation by treaty, has hitherto permitted it to enjoy in the ports of France.

I have communicated this today to the friends of Amsterdam, to be made known on change.

I shall set out in an hour for a place where my presence is considered necessary. In the meanwhile,

I am, &c.

DUMAS.

* * * * *

M. DE SARTINE TO THE COMMISSIONERS.

Translation.

Versailles, November 14th, 1778.

Gentlemen,

I have submitted to the king the reasons, which might determine his Majesty to set at liberty citizens of the United States, prisoners in France. But he has wisely decided, that this favor ought to be granted only to those, who have been taken from American vessels, and compelled to serve against their country; it will, therefore be necessary for you, Gentlemen, to cause a list to be made, certified by yourselves, which you will have the goodness to forward to me, that only the good and faithful subjects of the United States may enjoy the benefit of his Majesty's favor.

I have the honor to be, &c.

DE SARTINE.

* * * * *

M. DUMAS TO THE COMMISSIONERS.

Translation.

Hague, November 20th, 1778.

Gentlemen,

I returned here last Wednesday morning, and in the afternoon was informed by our friend, that the despotic act, which I announced to you in my last of the 13th of November, was passed in the Assembly of the Province, after a session of three hours; and that the preamble with the addition, of which I gave you an account in my letter of the 10th, was adopted by a majority. The city of Amsterdam has in consequence entered a protest against this resolution, declaring it null, as having been adopted contrary to the forms required by the constitution of the State, which prescribes unanimity in such cases. The injurious consequences which may result to the city are also exposed.

Sir J. Yorke despatched a messenger with all haste to England, with the news of the triumph of his party. His Court will not fail to boast of this success in Parliament and in the journals; it appears to have been desired for this purpose. No mention will be made of the protest, which in reality converts this success into smoke, which will soon be dissipated; for the members from the great city declare, that if the protest is not printed with the resolution, they will have it printed in the city, so that at least this nation shall not be deceived. It is easy to foresee two important consequences resulting from this measure; one, the blow predicted in my letter of the 10th; the other, the close of a famous banking establishment, without which the others cannot stand.

I might enter more into details; but besides that I have not time, I am afraid to trust them to paper. I will only add, that tomorrow morning, the members from the great city will depart, and with them all the glory of Belgium. The others are ashamed of their own work, dare not boast of it, and hang down their heads. It has even been attempted to circulate the report, that the famous resolution was adopted unanimously, and in conformity with the wishes of the great city.

You cannot imagine, Gentlemen, how eager are your enemies in the present situation of affairs, to propagate reports of dissensions and divisions between the Americans and French, and among the Americans themselves; their object is to animate their own party, and discourage their opponents. We may despise them and laugh at them; but your best friends are afflicted, that we receive no news from America by the way of France. I pray God that we may soon have some, and of the most favorable character.

I am, Gentlemen, &c.

DUMAS.

* * * * *

TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Passy, January 1st, 1779.

Sir,

Some late proceedings of the enemy have induced us to submit a few observations to your Excellency's superior light and judgment.

His Britannic Majesty's Commissioners, in their manifesto of the 3d of October, have denounced "a change in the whole nature and future conduct of the war," they have declared, "that the policy as well as the benevolence of Great Britain has thus far checked the extremes of war," when they tended "to distress the people and desolate the country;" that the whole contest is changed; that the laws of self-preservation must now direct the conduct of Great Britain; that these laws will direct her to render the United States of as little avail as possible to France, if they are to become an accession to her, and by every means in her power to destroy the new connexion contrived for her ruin. Motions have been made and supported by the wisest men in both Houses of Parliament, to address the king to disavow these clauses, but these motions have been rejected by majorities in both Houses, so that the manifesto stands avowed by the three branches of the Legislature.

Ministers of State made in Parliament a question concerning the meaning of this manifesto; but no man who reads it, and knows the history of their past conduct in this war, can doubt its import. There is to be a "change in the nature and conduct of the war." A change for the worse must be horrible indeed! They have already burned the beautiful towns of Charlestown, Falmouth, Norfolk, Kingston, Bedford, Egg Harbour, and German Flatts, besides innumerable single buildings and smaller clusters of houses, wherever their armies have marched. It is true, they left Boston and Philadelphia unhurt, but in all probability it was merely the dread of a superior army, that in these cases restrained their hands, not to mention that burning these towns would have been the ruin of the few secret friends they have still left, of whom there are more in those towns than in all America besides. They have not indeed murdered upon the spot every woman and child that fell in their way, nor have they in all cases refused quarters to the soldiers, that at all times have fallen into their power, though they have in many. They have also done their utmost in seducing negroes and Indians to commit inhuman barbarities upon the inhabitants, sparing neither age, sex, nor character. Although they have not in all cases refused quarter to soldiers and sailors, they have done what is worse than refusing quarters, they have thrust their prisoners into such dungeons, loaded them with such irons, and exposed them to such lingering torments of cold, hunger, and disease, as have destroyed greater numbers than they could have had an opportunity of murdering, if they had made it a rule to give no quarter. Many others they have compelled by force to serve and fight on board their ships, against fathers, brothers, friends and countrymen; a destiny to every sensible mind more terrible than death itself.

It is therefore difficult to comprehend what they mean by a change in the conduct of the war, yet there seems to be no room to doubt, that they mean to threaten something more cruel, greater extremes of war, measures that shall distress the people and lay waste the country more than any thing they have yet done. "The object of the war is now entirely changed." Heretofore their massacres and conflagrations were to divide us and reclaim us to Great Britain. Now, despairing of that end, and perceiving that we shall be faithful to our treaties, their principle is by destroying us to make us useless to France. This principle ought to be held in abhorrence, not only by all christians, but by all civilized nations. If it is once admitted, that powers at war have a right to do whatever will weaken or terrify an enemy, it is not possible to foresee where it will end. It would be possible to burn the great cities of Europe. The savages, who torture their prisoners, do it to make themselves terrible; in fine, all the horrors of the barbarous ages may be introduced and justified.

The cruelties of our enemies have heretofore more than once exasperated the minds of the people so much as to excite apprehensions, that they would proceed to retaliation, which, if once commenced, might be carried to extremities; to prevent which, the Congress issued an address exhorting to forbearance and a further trial by examples of generosity and lenity, to recall their enemies to the practice of humanity amidst the calamities of war. In consequence of which, neither the Congress, nor any of the States apart, have ever exercised or authorised the exercise of the right of retaliation. But now, that Commissioners vested with the authority of the nation have avowed such principles, and published such threats, the Congress have, by a resolution of the 30th of October, solemnly and unanimously declared that they will retaliate. Whatever may be the pretences of the enemy, it is the manifest drift of their policy to disgust the people of America with their new alliance, by attempting to convince them that instead of shielding them from distress, it has accumulated additional calamities upon them.

Nothing, certainly, can more become a great and amiable character than to disappoint their purpose, stop the progress of their cruelties, and vindicate the rights of humanity which are so much injured by this manifesto. We therefore beg leave to suggest to your Excellency's consideration, whether it would not be advisable for his Majesty to interfere, by some declaration to the Court of London and to the world, bearing the royal testimony against this barbarous mode of war, and giving assurances, that he will join the United States in retaliation, if Great Britain by putting her threats in execution should make it necessary. There is another measure, however, more effectual to control their designs, and to bring the war to a speedy conclusion; that of sending a powerful fleet, sufficient to secure a naval superiority over them in the American seas. Such a naval force, acting in concert with the armies of the United States, would, in all human probability, take and destroy the whole British power in that part of the world. It would put their wealth and West Indian commerce into the power of France, and reduce them to the necessity of suing for peace. Upon their present naval superiority in those seas depend not only the dominion and rich commerce of their islands, but the supply of their fleets and armies with provisions and every necessary. They have nearly four hundred transports constantly employed in the service of their fleet and army in America, passing from New York and Rhode Island to England, Ireland, Nova Scotia, and their West India Islands, and if any one link in this chain was struck off, if their supplies from any one of these places should be interrupted, their forces could not subsist. Great numbers of these vessels would necessarily fall into the hands of the French fleet, and go as prizes to a sure market in the United States. Great numbers of seamen too would become prisoners, a loss that England cannot repair. It is conceived, that it would be impossible for Great Britain to send a very great fleet after the French into those seas. Their men of war, now in Europe, are too old, too rotten, too ill manned, and their masts and yards are of too bad materials to endure such a navigation. The impossibility of their obtaining provisions, artists and materials in that country, which would be easy to the French, makes it still clearer that they cannot send a great additional force, and the fear of Spain's interfering, with her powerful navy, would restrain them. Whereas France has nothing to fear in Europe from them, as the number and excellence of their armies are an ample security against the feeble land forces of Great Britain.

This naval superiority would open such commerce between the United States and the French West India islands, as would enable our people to supply themselves with the European and West India articles they want, to send abroad the produce of the country, and by giving fresh spirit and vigor to trade, would employ the paper currency, the want of which employ has been one cause of its depreciation. The maintenance of such a fleet in America, would circulate so many bills of exchange as would likewise, in a great measure, relieve them from that dangerous evil. And these bills would all return to France for her manufactures, thereby cementing the connexion and extending the trade between the two countries. Such a naval superiority would contribute very much to extinguish the hopes of the remaining number of persons who secretly wish, from sinister motives, to become again subjected to Great Britain, and would enable the people of the several States to give such consistency and stability to their infant governments, as would contribute greatly to their internal repose, as well as to the vigor of their future operations against the common enemy. The late speedy supply and reparation of his Majesty's fleet at Boston will show the advantages, which this country must enjoy in carrying on a naval war, on a coast friendly to her and hostile to her enemy. And these advantages will in future be more sensible, because the appearance of the fleet before was unexpected, and the harvest in that part of the country had been unfavorable. It is obvious to all Europe, that nothing less is at stake than the dominion of the sea, at least the superiority of naval power, and we cannot expect Great Britain will ever give it up, without some decisive effort on the part of France. With such an exertion as that of sending a superior fleet to America, we see nothing in the course of human affairs, that can possibly prevent France from obtaining such a naval superiority without delay. Without it the war may languish for years, to the infinite distress of our country, to the exhausting both of France and England, and the question left to be decided by another war.

We are more earnest, in representing these things to your Excellency, as all our correspondence from England, for some time, has uniformly represented that the intention of the Cabinet is conformable to the spirit of the manifesto, that all parties grow more and more out of temper with the Americans; that it has become fashionable with the minority as well as the majority and administration, to reproach us both in and out of Parliament; that all parties join in speaking of us in the bitterest terms, and in heartily wishing our destruction; that great clamors are raised about our alliance with France, as an unnatural combination to ruin them; that the cry is for a speedy and powerful reinforcement of their army, and for the activity of their fleet in making descents on the sea coast, while murdering and desolating parties are let loose upon the frontiers of the Carolinas, Virginia, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, New York, and New England, and, that very early in the year, they will carry all these projects into execution. This whole system may, as we conceive, be defeated and the power of Great Britain now in America totally subdued (and if their power is subdued there, it is reduced every where,) by the measure we have the honor to propose.

We submit the whole merely as our opinion to your Excellency's superior wisdom, and have the honor to be, &c.

B. FRANKLIN, ARTHUR LEE, JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO M. DE SARTINE.

Passy, January 2d, 1779.

Sir,

We had the honor of receiving your Excellency's letter of the 22d, and are much obliged to you for the interest you take in what concerns the unhappy prisoners, who may escape from England. We have not been inattentive to that subject. There are persons who supply them at Bordeaux, Brest, L'Orient, Nantes, and Dunkirk. A gentleman at Calais has voluntarily done this service, for which we have directed him to draw on us for his disbursements; and we shall as readily discharge what may have been disbursed by your commissaries, when we have their accounts.

As there is very little probability of prisoners coming to other ports, we will not give your Excellency the trouble you are so good as to offer to take.

The regulation your Excellency proposes, relative to the prisoners we may take from the enemy and bring into the ports of France, is entirely agreeable to us; and we shall direct our agents accordingly, who will readily deliver such prisoners to the persons your Excellency may appoint to receive them, having already requested us to procure written orders from you, without which your commissaries were unwilling to take charge of them.

We have the honor to be, &c.

B. FRANKLIN, ARTHUR LEE, JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

M. DE SARTINE TO THE COMMISSIONERS.

Translation.

Versailles, January 13th, 1779.

Gentlemen,

I have received your letter of the 2d instant. I know that you direct your agents, in different ports of the kingdom, to supply American prisoners escaped or returning from England with whatever may be necessary on their arrival; but you appear not to have given these orders in the ports of Normandy, and I am informed, that some prisoners, who need assistance, have appeared in those ports. It seems to me necessary, that you should take such measures as you may judge proper on this subject. I will transmit to you an account of the expenses, which have been incurred up to the last of December.

I have given orders in all the ports for the reception of English prisoners, brought in by citizens of the United States, for their detention in the prisons destined for that purpose, and for their usual supply of rations; a particular account of this expenditure will be kept. You may, therefore, direct your agents in all the ports to deliver such prisoners, on their arrival, to the Commissaries-General, and I have the honor to be, &c.

DE SARTINE.

* * * * *

TO WILLIAM LEE, AT FRANKFORT.

Passy, January 13th, 1779.

Sir,

The letter which you did us the honor to write us on the 16th of December we have received. As we have heard nothing further of the Congress in Germany, which you inform us was talked of, we presume that no such measure will take place.

However, whether there be a Congress or not, we cannot comply with the terms of the gentleman you mention, nor advise him to take any steps in the business.

We have also the honor of your letter of the 9th of December, informing us of your draft upon us for twentyfour thousand livres, at one month's date, payable to Mr Grand. The bill of exchange itself has also been presented to us and accepted.

We have the honor to be, &c.

B. FRANKLIN, ARTHUR LEE, JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO JOHN LLOYD, AND OTHERS.

Passy, January 26th, 1779.

Gentlemen,

We had yesterday the honor of your letter of the 21st of this month.

You desire to know what port, or ports, is or are made free, pursuant to the treaty? We believe that none has as yet been determined on; at present all the ports of France are open to American vessels of all denominations, and we are at present rather doubtful whether it would be politic in us to apply to have any distinction made. If the appointment of free ports would relieve us from the payment of duties, import or export, we should apply immediately. But as we apprehend this advantage would not be the consequence, the limits of the free ports would be prescribed, and the same duties must be paid upon removing goods, within or without those limits, as are now paid upon the imports and exports. Goods, however, might be brought into such free ports from abroad, and then landed and stand for a time, and then exported without paying duties; but whether this would be any great advantage to our trade, you are better judges than we. We shall be glad of your advice upon this head, and if you think of any advantages of considerable moment, that would arise, we shall be always ready to apply for such an appointment.

We are sorry it is not in our power to give you any acceptable information respecting the 8th article of the treaty, relating to the Barbary corsairs. All we can say is, that we have applied to the Ministry upon this head some months ago, and received satisfactory expressions of the disposition of this government to do every thing, which is stipulated in that article of the treaty. But some things remain to be determined by Congress, to whom we have written upon the subject, and we must necessarily wait their instructions.

There are two inquiries to be made, viz. which of all the nations, who now trade with France, is the most favored, and what duties are paid by that nation? These duties, and these only, we suppose we are to pay, and as soon as circumstances will permit, (two of us having been for a fortnight very ill, and one of us continuing so) we shall apply to the Ministry for an eclaircissement upon this head, which we will endeavor to communicate to you as soon as we shall obtain it.

We have received an answer to our last application for a convoy, from their Excellencies Count de Vergennes and M. de Sartine; but the answers convinced us, that M. de Sartine was under some misinformation, or misunderstanding relative to the business, which obliged us to write again. As soon as we shall be honored with an answer, we will communicate the result of it to you.

Meantime we have the honor to be, with great respect, Gentlemen, your most obedient humble servants,

B. FRANKLIN, ARTHUR LEE, JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Passy, February 9th, 1779.

Sir,

It is now six months since Captain M'Neil, of the Mifflin privateer from America, has been embarrassed with a process on account of a French ship, which he retook from the English, after she had been three days in their possession. The laws of France are clear with regard to the validity of this prize, and our Captains have orders, contained in their commissions, to submit their prizes to the laws of the country into which they carry them, and they ought undoubtedly to regulate their own conduct by those laws, without any regard to the laws of America relating to this matter, which may be different in every one of the United States, and, therefore, too uncertain to be made the rule for judgement in the courts here. But the persons reclaiming this prize insist, among other reasons, that their cause should be judged by the laws of Captain M'Neil's country, because more favorable for them.

We believe that no Americans in France will ever think of claiming here any advantage by virtue of the laws of their own country, and it seems not just to put those laws in force against them in France, when it may be done to their detriment. The vexation of these kinds of processes, and the slowness and length of these expensive proceedings before a decision can be obtained, discourage our armed vessels, and have tended to impress them with an opinion that their operations against the English cannot be carried on to advantage in the European seas. We, therefore, request your Excellency to join your solicitations to those we have had the honor to make to M. de Sartine, that these processes may be more speedily determined, and that the Americans in France may be treated, in those respects, on the same footing with the subjects of his Majesty; of which we shall be glad to give information to the Congress, that so some popular prejudices occasioned by these affairs may be effectually removed, and the American armed ships be encouraged to return and cruise again upon the coasts of England.

We have the honor to be, with the greatest consideration and respect, &c. &c.

B. FRANKLIN, ARTHUR LEE, JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO M. SCHWEIGHAUSER.

Passy, February 10th, 1779.

Sir,

Captain Jones has represented to us his desire and intention of returning to the Countess of Selkirk some plate, which his people took from her house.

We apprehend that Congress would not disapprove of this measure, as far as it should depend upon them, and we therefore consent on the part of the United States, that this plate should be returned. This consent is to be understood to extend no further than to the share, to which the United States may be supposed to have a claim. The claim of the officers and men, Captain Jones must be responsible to them for. This plate in the whole is represented to be worth about one hundred guineas.

We are, Sir, &c.

B. FRANKLIN, JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO JOHN PAUL JONES.

Passy, February 10th, 1779.

Sir,

As your separation from the Ranger, and the appointment of Lieutenant Simpson to the command of her, will be liable to misinterpretations and misrepresentations by persons, who are unacquainted with the real cause of those facts, we hereby certify, that your leaving the Ranger was by our consent, at the express request of his Excellency Monsieur de Sartine, who informed us, that he had occasion to employ you in some public service; that Lieutenant Simpson was appointed to the command of the Ranger with your consent, after having consented to release him from an arrest, under which you had put him.

That your leaving the Ranger, in our opinion, ought not, and cannot, be any injury to your rank or character in the service of the United States; and that your commission in their navy continues in full force.

We have the honor to be, &c.

B. FRANKLIN, JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.



TRANSCRIBER'S NOTE. Omitted words, shown as blank spaces in the original, have been transcribed as four hyphens (' '). Spelling variations between letters have been preserved.