Friday, Dec. 11th.—In the afternoon the Commander and Surgeon came on board, bringing us a bullock! and some vegetables.

Sunday, Dec. 13th.—The crew dined off the Commander's bullock to-day, being the first meal of fresh meat since leaving Simon's Town, nearly three months ago; and yet we have no one on the sick list! Causes—good water, temperance, strict government, and, as a consequence, a reasonable degree of contentment, and moderate and constant employment. The crew has had several runs on shore, too, without the possibility of getting drunk. A present of cocoa-nuts this morning from the Commander. This young Frenchman is very attentive to us.

Monday, Dec. 14th.—To-day we applied the principle of the coffer-dam to the replacement of the copper around our delivery or blow-pipe, some three feet below water. The operation proved quite simple and easy of accomplishment. Getting ready for sea. The news of our "whereabouts" probably reached Singapore on the evening of Saturday, and it is only two days from Singapore here, for a fast steamer; and so, whilst the enemy, should there be one at Singapore, is coming hitherward, we must be going thitherward to seek coal and provisions.

Tuesday, Dec. 15th.—At daylight got under way, under sail, and stood out of the harbour—lighting and banking the fires. On account of our proximity to the shore, and the very light breeze, we had barely room to pass the point—not more than a ship's length to spare, in case we had been obliged to let go our anchor. I felt quite nervous for a few minutes, but held on, and we caught a light breeze that soon sent us ahead out of danger.

Well, we are on the sea once more, with our head turned westward, or homeward. Shall we ever reach that dear home which we left three years ago, and which we have yearned after so frequently since? Will it be battle, or shipwreck, or both, or neither? And when we reach the North Atlantic, will it still be war, or peace? When will the demon-like passions of the North be stilled? These are solemn and interesting questions for us, and an all-wise Providence has kindly hidden the answers behind the curtain of Fate. A lengthened cruise would not be politic in these warm seas. The homeward trade of the enemy is now quite small—reduced probably to twenty or thirty ships per year; and these may easily evade us by taking the different passages to the Indian Ocean, of which there are so many, and so widely separated. The foreign coasting trade (as between one port in China and another, and the trade to and from Calcutta and to and from Australia), besides facilities for escape, are almost beyond our reach—at least we could only ransom the ship, the cargoes being all neutral—that is to say, such of them as get cargoes, now not many. And then there is no cruising or chasing to be done here successfully, or with safety to oneself, without plenty of coal; and we can only rely upon coaling once in three months at some English port. At the other ports there would probably be combinations made against us, through the influence of the Yankee Consuls. So I will try my luck around the Cape of Good Hope once more; then to the coast of Borneo; and thence perhaps to Barbadoes, for coal; and thence—-? If the war be not ended, my ship will need to go into dock, to have much of her copper replaced, now nearly destroyed by such constant cruising, and to have her boilers overhauled and repaired; and this can only be properly done in Europe. Our young officers, who had had so agreeable a change from the cramped ship to the shores and forests of Condore, with their guns and their books, had become so attached to the island that they left it with some regret.



CHAPTER XXXIII.

In the East—Aor—Marine nomads—Suspicious—At Singapore—A busy city—Chinese merchants—Whampoa and Co.—Calculating machines—Under way—The Martaban of Maulmain—Transformation—The Texan Star—Evasive—Getting at the truth.—Sonora—To the Cape.

The Alabama was now steering for Singapore, and for three or four days kept her course without the occurrence of anything particularly noteworthy. On the 19th December she anchored for a time in the bay on the south-east side of the island of Aor, with its lofty hills clothed with green to their summits, and its little sandhills and groves of cocoa-nut trees. The island is unclaimed by any European nation.

Sunday, Dec, 20th.—To-day being Sunday, and the weather being still thick, and blowing, I have resolved to remain until to-morrow before making the run for Singapore. Weather improved this morning, however, and the barometer going up. Several islands visible that were hid from us yesterday. Pulo Aor looking beautiful and picturesque. Some of the natives on board with their scant stores of fowls, eggs, and cocoa-nuts. They are larger than the natives of Condore, and stouter, and more developed, but with countenances not very prepossessing. The Governor, a rough-looking, middle-aged fellow, above the common height, pulled out some greasy papers, the recommendations of former visitors, and desired that I also would give him one, which I declined, as I knew nothing about him. Their canoes are light and graceful, and occasionally they present quite a picture with their gaily-dressed or half-dressed occupants. We heard their tom-toms and banjoes last night as evening set in, but a music much sweeter to our ears was a chorus from some frogs, with notes somewhat finer than their relatives on our side of the earth. These islanders are nothing more than marine nomads, that lead an idle, vagabond life, intermixed with a good deal of roguery. They have a fine physique, as might be supposed from their open-air mode of life, in which they have plenty of healthful exercise without being overworked, as Mother Nature feeds them spontaneously, and they require little more clothing than they brought into the world with them.

In the afternoon some of the officers visited the shore, and were hospitably received. There were from ninety to one hundred natives, men, women, and children, visible, and there were probably as many more on the other side of the island, as they have a S.W. monsoon village there. They seemed to have plenty of fowls, and they are very expert fishermen. They were gambling—such a thing as labour being out of the question. The island seems originally to have been a solid mass of rock, the rocky walls of the mountains peeping out in many places from the midst of the dense forest, and gradually as time and the elements disintegrated portions of it, plants and trees took root, until the island became what it is now, a mass of luxuriant vegetation. There were some fine large boats carefully hauled up on the beach, quite large enough for piratical purposes, for which they were probably intended, and some swivels were lying near the chief man's door. The cocoa-nut tree has climbed the mountain sides, and waves its feathery foliage from the crests of the ridges. It is food, and cordage, and light to the natives. Several delightful little valleys presented themselves, upon which, and on the adjacent steeps or the mountains, were thatched huts. Probably to the mere animal part of our nature, the life that these people lead is happier than any other; wants few and easily supplied, labour not too pressing, and the simple tastes satisfied with such pleasures as they find.

Rain, rain, in the afternoon. Most of the moisture is deposited on the mountain-tops, and the clouds sweep over it. And now for Singapore, God willing.

Monday, Dec. 21st—At 3.30 A.M. we got under way, under steam and sail, and steered S. by E. 32 1/2 miles, South 18 miles, and S. by W. 14 miles; and the weather setting in very thick, with heavy rain, obscuring all things, we were obliged to come to in 10 1/2 fathoms, with the north point of Bintang island bearing, and within 11 miles by computation of the Pedra Branca lighthouse. We have thus to war against the weather as well as our enemies. Soon after daylight we made a ship-rigged steamer on our port bow, bound also for Singapore. She anchored near us astern. It clearing a little at noon, we got hold of the marks and got under way, and taking a Malay pilot, anchored off Singapore at 5.30 P.M.

Tuesday, Dec. 22d.—At 9.30 A.M. the pilot came on board, and we ran up into New Harbour alongside of the coaling depot, and commenced coaling. Singapore is quite a large town, with an air of prosperity—a large number of ships in the harbour. The country is beautiful, and green, with an abundance of fine fruit, &c.; the country around highly improved with tasteful houses and well-laid-out grounds. The English residents call it the Madeira of the East, in allusion to its healthfulness. Some twenty-two American merchant ships here, most of them laid up! The Wyoming was here twenty days ago, and left for Rhio Strait, where she remained for some days. Finished coaling last night, the operation having occupied no more than ten hours. Received provisions.

Wednesday, Dec. 23rd.—Weather variable, with occasional showers of rain—raining heavily in the afternoon. Visited the city, and was astonished at its amount of population and business. There are from eighty to one hundred thousand Chinese on Singapore island, nearly all of them in the city, from twelve to fifteen thousand Malays, and about fifteen hundred Europeans. Singapore being a free port, it is a great entrepot of trade. Great quantities of Eastern produce reach it from all quarters, whence it is shipped to Europe.

The business is almost exclusively in the hands of the Chinese, who are also the artisans and labourers of the place. The streets are thronged with foot-passengers and vehicles, among which are prominent the ox, or rather the buffalo cart, and the hacks for hire, of which latter there are nine hundred licensed. The canal is filled with country boats of excellent model, and the warehouses are crammed with goods. Money seems to be abundant and things dear. They are just finishing a tasteful Gothic church, with a tall spire, which is a notable landmark as you approach; they are also completing officers' quarters on a hill which commands the town. Barracks for three or four regiments lie unoccupied a couple of miles outside the city, and a large court-house.

The moving multitude in the streets comprises every variety of the human race, every shade of colour, and every variety of dress, among which are prominent the gay turbans and fancy jackets of the Mahomedan, Hindu, &c. Almost all the artisans and labourers were naked, except a cloth or a pair of short trousers tucked about the waist. The finest dressed part of the population was decidedly the jet-black, with his white flowing mantle and spotted turban. The upper class of Chinese merchants are exceeding polite, and seem intelligent. I visited the establishment of Whampoa and Co. Whampoa was above the middle height, stout, and with a large, well-developed head. I was told that his profits some years amounted to forty or fifty thousand pounds! He was sitting in a small, dingy, ill-lighted little office on the ground floor, and had before him a Chinese calculating machine, over the numerous small balls of which, strung on wires, he was running his hands for amusement, as a gambler will sometimes do with his checks. At the suggestion of the gentleman who was with me, I requested him to multiply four places of figures by three places, naming the figures, and the operation was done about as rapidly as I could write down the result. Their shaved heads, and long queues, sometimes nearly touching the ground, are curious features of their personal appearance. The workshops front upon the streets, and in them busy, half-naked creatures may be seen, working away as industriously as so many beavers all day long, seeming never to tire of their ceaseless toil.

Amid all this busy population I saw but one female in the streets, and she was of the lower class. Dined in the country with Mr. Beaver. The ride out was over good roads flanked by large forests and ornamental trees, among which was the tall, slender, graceful palm of the betel-nut. The Botanical Gardens are on an elevation commanding a fine view of the town and the sea, and are laid out with taste, ornamented with flowering trees and shrubs, and flowers. Hither a band of music comes to play several times a week, when the townspeople turn out to enjoy the scene. A few miles beyond the town the whole island is a jungle, in which abounds the ferocious Bengal tiger. It is said that one man and a half per day is the average destruction of human life by these animals. Visited opium-preparation shop. It pays an enormous licence.

All this beauty fails to reconcile the European lady to this country, I was told. The eternal sameness of summer, and the heat and moisture, weigh upon them, and their husbands being away all day on business, they pine for their European homes. The life seems agreeable enough to the men. The Governor of the "Straits Settlement" is a Colonel.

Thursday, Dec. 24.—Cloudy; five of my men deserted last night. The Kwang-tung got under way at 8 1/2 A.M., and we followed her and steered for the strait of Malacca. Several sails in sight; Malay pilot on board. Passed the Kwang-tung very rapidly. At about 1 P.M. we fired a gun and hove to an American-looking barque, under English colours, with the name, "Martaban, of Maulmain," on her stern. Sent a boat on board; and the officer reporting that she was an American-built ship, with English register, and that the Master refused to come on board, I went on board myself to examine the case. There being no bill of sale, the transaction being recent, the Master and Mate, &c., being Americans, I had no doubt that the transfer was fraudulent, and captured and burned her. The cargo had no paper on board connected with it, except the ordinary bill of lading. It consisted of rice, and was shipped in Maulmain by a Mr. Cohen, and consigned to his order at Singapore, whither the ship was bound. Of course, the cargo followed the fate of the ship under such circumstances. Upon examination of the Master (Pike), under oath, he admitted that the transfer was a sham, and made to protect the ship from capture. At 11.30 P.M. came to anchor about four miles distant from Malacca, bearing N., in fifteen fathoms water, for the purpose of landing our prisoners.

* * * * *

The boarding officer's journal furnishes the annexed description of the interview with the Master of the prize:—

I was sent on board to examine her papers. The barque was American built, had a new English flag, and on her stern was painted "Martaban, of Maulmain." We knew that many Yankee vessels had been transferred to English owners, and of course had to have an English flag; but the question arose—Was there not some jobbery in this case? Nearing the Martaban I saw that she was newly painted; pulling round and under the stern, I saw that a name had been painted over, but could not see what the name was. I further observed that the last four letters of Maulmain had been painted much more recently than the other ones, so I determined to most rigidly scrutinize her papers. Upon my arrival on board, I inquired after the Captain's health, and then expressed a wish to make a few inquiries respecting his vessel.

He with the utmost affability was equally ready to afford me any information required, at the same time informing me I should find "everything correct." The vessel I found was the Martaban of Maulmain, Captain Pike, from Maulmain to Singapore, rice laden. I then requested to see the ship's papers, which request was readily granted. Accordingly the register, clearance bills of lading, and crew list, were speedily produced and examined, not omitting the Master's certificate. These but corroborated what I previously knew. Putting a few questions to the Captain, and comparing his answers with the papers, I learned the following facts—viz., that the barque was American built, that she had been upwards of five months in Maulmain; that she had been transferred on the 10th December, after the cargo was in, and on the day in which she cleared, and only one day previous to her sailing; that the captain had no certificate or bill of sale, nor, in fact, any papers respecting the transfer on board; that he, the Captain, was an American, and had commanded the barque previous to her transfer.

Taking the register up again and closely scrutinizing it, I observed what had previously escaped my attention—viz., that the register, which is a printed form, with spaces for written insertions, had been first written with a lead pencil, and over that with ink. No professional registrar or shipmaster would, I felt certain, have so prepared it. Looking again at the crew list I made another discovery, that all the names of the crew were written in one handwriting, from the mate to the boys. Now I well knew that some of the crew, and especially the mates, would be able to write, and of the mate's ability to use a pen I speedily satisfied myself by making him produce his logbook, wherein his name, &c., was written; or, if unable to write, the usual X, his mark, would have been affixed to each name. I had now no doubt about the papers, believing them to be false. I then requested the Master to take his papers and go on board the Alabama, which, however, he positively refused to do, unless forcibly compelled; stating that "this was an affair that flag (pointing to the English colours flying at his peak) wouldn't stand." He still persisting in his refusal to go on board our ship, I took possession of his vessel, pending Captain Semmes' decision.



Finding that the Mountain wouldn't come to Mahomet, Mahomet went to the Mountain; for, after calling a man out of my boat and stationing him at the wheel, I dispatched the boat back to the Alabama with a report of the irregularity of the papers, and a request for further instructions. To my surprise, Captain Semmes came himself and stopped at the gangway, and told the Captain he had come to examine the ship's papers. Captain Pike signifying his assent, we went into the cabin, and the papers being produced, I pointed out some of the discrepancies and acts previously mentioned.

Captain Semmes then sharply interrogated Pike, insisting upon additional documents to prove the legality of the transfer. None being forthcoming, Captain Semmes put some questions, as only a lawyer can (Captain Semmes not only having studied, but practised law), the answers to which only convinced Captain Semmes that what he had suspected was true—viz., that the ship was sailing under false colours, and was to all intents and purposes an American vessel.

Captain Pike of course protested, to which Captain Semmes replied by ordering the destruction of the vessel. Captain Semmes returning to the Alabama, I ordered the English flag to be hauled down, and directed the Mates and crew to pack their luggage, and hold themselves in readiness to go on board our ship. The First Lieutenant coming off, our boats got off a few stores, and the prisoners were transferred to the Alabama.

By 5.20 had applied the torch, and regained our ship 5.30. The steamer Kwang-Tung was observed near our burning prize. We then shaped our course for Malacca, intending to land our prisoners there.

About 7.30 the same evening, Mr. Smith, captain's clerk, and self had the boatswain and a seaman down in the steerage; and putting them on oath obtained the following additional particulars—viz., that they shipped on board the Martaban at Hong Kong and Singapore respectively; that she was then an American vessel, and called the Texan Star, of Galveston or Boston (she having had two American registers); that she left Maulmain as the Texan Star, and on leaving there hoisted American colours; that the name Martaban, of Maulmain, was painted by the captain's nephew two days after leaving that port; that the English flag was hoisted for the first time when the Alabama hove in sight this day; and that no articles were signed by them at Maulmain; nor, indeed, was any agreement made by the crew to serve in a British vessel, all hands, in fact, believing her to be American. The Mate having also made a few admissions, they and the preceding depositions were shown to Captain Semmes, who, after sending for Captain Pike, put the following questions to him—viz.:

What is your name?—Samuel B. Pike.

Where were you born?—At Newbury Port, Massachusetts.

Are you a naturalized citizen of any foreign government?—I am not.

How long have you been in command of the Martaban, formerly the Texan Star?—Two years and a half.

In what part of the United States was the Texan Star registered?—She was built and registered at Boston.

Has she but one register in America?—There was a change of owners, and she has had two American registers.

Who were the owners under the last American register?—John Alkerm, Samuel Stevens, George L. Rogers, and myself.

What proportion of the ship did you own?—One-sixth.

When did you sail from the last port in the United States?—A year ago last July.

It is stated in the present British register that Mr. Mark Currie is the owner?—That is as I understand it.

Do you state upon your oath that the sale was a bona fide sale?—I do not state that.

Do you not know that it was intended merely as a cover to prevent capture?—Yes, I do know it.

This closed the matter; nothing more was necessary. Here was admission enough to destroy any legal doubt that might have arisen from the destruction of a vessel under the English flag. What added to our triumph was the copy of a letter from Captain Pike to his owners, in which he stated that "he had taken such precautions as would deceive Semmes and all the Confederates." Had the Texan Star escaped, how Yankee cuteness would have been extolled! Why, as the Bostonians have presented a gold chronometer to the master of the barque Urania for such a daring deed as hoisting the American flag over his American vessel in a neutral port (Cape Town), whilst the Alabama was lying there, I say, had the Texan Star escaped from the Alabama, nothing short of the Presidency, or a statue in marble, or the deed graved in letters of gold, or some other equally ridiculous token of admiration, would have awaited the gallant master, and the fame of his clever trick would have been handed down to Yankee posterity.

Captain Semmes thus resumes his diary on the 25th December:—At daylight sent the prisoners of the Texan Star on shore, with a note to the Commander. Malacca is a pretty little village, or at least the sea-point, viewed from our anchorage, with a picturesque hill in the rear, on which is situated the fort and lighthouse. The flagstaff was decorated with flags and signals in honour of Christmas Day. A couple of boats with some English officers and citizens ran off, and visited us for a few minutes. Got under way at 9.30, under steam; at night anchored near Parceelar Hill in 25 fathoms water.

Saturday, December 26th.—At 6 A.M. got under way, and stood out for the lightship, and soon made a couple of American-looking ships ahead, at anchor; steamed up to the first, which refused to show colours. Sent a boat on board, when she proved to be the American ship Senora, from Singapore. Captured her, and steamed to the second, which in like manner refused to show colours. Upon sending a boat on board, she proved to be the American ship Highlander, also from Singapore. Captured her. Both of these ships were very large, being over a thousand tons each. They were both in ballast, bound to Aycaab for rice. At 10 A.M., having sent off the crews of the two prizes in their own boats, at their own election, fired the ships, and steamed out. Passed the lightship at about 11 A.M., and discharged the pilot.

From the 26th December to the 13th of January the Alabama steadily pursued her course, meeting with little adventure. Only four sail were seen in the period, and these all proved to be neutrals. On the last day of the year 1863 the North Indian Ocean was entered, and the ship's head once more laid in the direction of the Cape.



CHAPTER XXXIV.

The Emma Jane—Quilon—An alarm—Landing prisoners—Johanna and Mohilla—Friendly authorities—Slavery—A trading monarch—Distance lends enchantment to the view—Cousins-german of the Sultan—Princes gardens—Mahommedan sympathy—Off again.

On the 14th January, as the Alabama was lazily drifting in a north-easterly direction, near the Malabar coast, a ship was discovered running down towards her. The useful decoy—the United States flag—was at once hoisted, and the same colours were run up by the stranger. A gun brought the Yankee vessel to, and the Alabama forthwith took possession of the Emma Jane of Bath, Maine, bound from Bombay to Amherst in ballast, and at 8.30 P.M. the prize was set fire to.

About this period the cruiser experienced a series of calms, and she drifted with the current rather than sailed. On the 16th of January the Ghaut Mountains were made, and Captain Semmes makes the following entry in his journal.

Saturday, January 16th.—At meridian made the town of Quilon, and bore up east 1/2 south for the town of Angenga, which we made about 2 P.M. At 4.30 came to in the road abreast of the fort, and despatched a Lieutenant on shore to see about landing my prisoners. In the evening the residing magistrate's son came on board, and I arranged the matter with him. There being no external trade or shipping at Angenga, the prisoners could not well get away by sea; but my visitor stated that there was lagoon navigation inland all the way to Cochin, some seventy-five miles to the northward, and that at Cochin there were always means of reaching Bombay and other ports. Native boats were passing every day between Angenga and Cochin, and if I would send the necessary provisions on shore for the prisoners, his father would see them transported to Cochin. I sent a Lieutenant on shore after night with the son, to arrange the matter with the father; and as the boat was delayed much beyond her time, and we heard some firing as of revolvers and muskets, and as there was also some surf running, I became uneasy, and despatched the First Lieutenant in another boat to look into the matter. The chief magistrate had only been at public worship—the cause of the detention of the boat. Both boats returned about 11.30 P.M.

Sunday, January 17th.—At daylight I sent all the prisoners on shore, where they were landed apparently in the presence of half the village—the native boats taking them through the surf—and at 9.30 got under way. The town of Angenga was formerly of some importance as a shipping port for the produce of the country—cocoa-nut oil, pepper, &c. But all its trade has passed to its more prosperous rival—Cochin. It is about fifty miles from Travancore, the residence of The Rajah. There is water communication all the way, and the journey is generally made (in canoes) in the night to avoid the heat of the sun. The natives are nearly as black as the Africans, but with straight hair and European features. A large number of them visited the ship this morning. They were fine specimens of physical development, and wore scarcely any other covering than a cloth about the loins. They were sprightly and chatty, and in their quaint canoes made quite a picture.

* * * * *

On the 17th January the Alabama left Angenga, arriving without further adventure on the 21st at the Island of Minicoy, and after three weeks more of fine weather, found herself off the island of Comoro.

* * * * *

Tuesday, February 9th.—At 3.30 A.M. passed in sight of the N.E. end of Comoro. Soon after daylight made the Islands of Johanna and Mohilla. At 1.30 P.M. came to anchor about three-quarters of a mile from the shore. Despatched the Paymaster to the-town to arrange for fresh provisions. In the afternoon visited by several canoes, with a couple of poles lashed across the gunwales, attached to a float in each, to maintain their stability. Stalwart naked negroes were for the most part their occupants. Many of them spoke a little English. Among others, a dignitary of the Church came on board with the compliments of the chief priest (Mahommedan). We made arrangements with him for the supply of the ship. One of his companions asked me to which of the belligerent parties I belonged to, the North or the South. I replied, to the South. "Then," said he, "you belong to the side which upholds slavery." "Yes," said I, "we belong to the country where the black man is better taken care of than in any other part of the world." The churchman seeing me put on the defensive, as it were, came to my aid, and said: "Oh, we are slaveholders here; being Mahommedans, we have no prejudices that way; our only trouble is, we cannot get slaves enough. The English, who have no control over us, we being an independent government, are strong enough to interfere in everybody's business, and to say to us, that we bring over from the main no more slaves. The slaves themselves would gladly come to us, as they are much better off than under their native chiefs, who are continually making war upon and enslaving one another."

My informant was himself a full-blooded African negro, as black as the ace of spades, but with an immaculate white turban on his head, and the flowing robe and loose jacket of the Mahommedan.

Wednesday, February 10th.—Visited by the King's Dragoman this morning, who came to pay the respects of the authorities, to say he was glad to see us in Johanna. In the course of conversation, he was pleased to say that our ship was well known to him, and the news of our having appeared off the Cape some months ago had driven off all the Yankee whalers, several of which had been accustomed to resort hither. King Abdallah, he said, resided on the east side of the island. The king himself would come to see us, but was very busy just now patting up a sugar-mill, which he had just received from the Mauritius.

The island is a beautiful, picturesque spot. There is quite a mountain in the interior, and the higher parts of Johanna are densely wooded; the mountain-sides being in some places so steep that the tops of some trees touch the trunks and roots of others.

The inhabitants are a mixture of Arabs and negroes. They are intelligent and sprightly, and had not only heard of the American war, but said it bore heavily on them, as they were now compelled to pay a much higher price for their goods, which are mostly cotton. We have driven away, they say, all their Yankee trade. The Sultan is a young man of twenty-eight, with a moderate harem of only five wives.

Thursday, February 11th.—Visited the town to get sights for my chronometers—which puts the town at 44.26.30 N., just 30" less than Captain Owen's determination. The town, as viewed from the anchorage, is a picturesque object, with its tall minaret, its two forts, one perched on a hill commanding the town, and the other on the sea-beach, and its stone houses; but the illusion is rudely dispelled on landing. You land on a beach of rocks and shingle, through a considerable surf even in the calmest weather. The beach was strewn with the washed clothes of the ship, and a set of vagabonds of all colour, save only that of the Caucasian, were hanging about looking curiously on. The town is dilapidated and squalid to the last degree—the houses of rough stones, cemented and thatched; the streets five feet wide, and rendered, as it would seem, purposely crooked.

It was the second day of the fast of Ramadan, and groups of idlers were congregated in the narrow porticoes reading the Koran. The language, which is peculiar to the island, is very soft and pleasing to the ear. We visited one of the principal houses. The walls were filled with a number of small niches, receptacles for everything imaginable—coffee-cups, ornaments, &c. A number of couches were ranged round the room.

A crowd of half-clad, dirty children gathered round us, but no female made her appearance. We took our sights among the gaping multitude, all of whom were very civil and polite, and returned on board about 5 P.M., having seen all the outside life that was to be seen at Auzuan. The inside life was, of course, out of our reach.

Upon coming on deck this morning I was struck with the soft picturesque beauty of the hills, as shone upon by the morning sun lighting up the tops and sides, and throwing the valleys and ravines into shade. At night I am lulled by the roar of the sea upon the beach. It is delightful to sniff the fragrance of the land as it comes off to us upon the dew-laden wings of the softest of breezes. My fellows on shore looked rueful and woe-begone—nature had no charms for them—there was no liquor to be had! If I were to remain here long, I should send them on shore as a punishment.

Friday, February 12th.—This is the Mahommedan Sabbath, but they do not keep it so grimly as the Puritans. We had a number of visitors on board, and among others, several princes, cousins-german of the Sultan, one of them being the Commander-in-Chief of the army. He gave me an account of the affair of the Dale. Some years ago two Yankee whalers came in. One of them obtained provisions to the amount of two hundred and fifty dollars, telling the people he was too poor to pay for them in money, but that he would give them a bill on the Consul at Zanzibar. To this they assented; the skipper then ran off with his ship in the night, without giving the bill. They seized the other Captain and took him on shore, to keep him as a hostage while his ship should go in pursuit of the runaway and get the promised bill. But they thought better of it in a few hours, and released him. The Dale came the next season and demanded twenty-five thousand dollars, threatening to burn the town if the money was not paid. They could not pay them, there being probably not so much money in the island. The Yankees then set fire to one end of the town, cannonaded the fort, doing some damage, and withdrew. This is about the usual origin of Yankee shipmasters' complaints to their government. I made a present of a captured Yankee clock to each of the princes, and gave them a package of writing-paper. They seemed anxious to get some finery for their wives, but I told them we were not in that line, like Yankee whalers.

Saturday, February 13th.—Visited the town again to-day. Called at the houses of a couple of the princes, in which I found everything dirty, with an attempt at tawdry finery. A black houri was set to fan me. We were served with rose syrup. Walked to the prince's garden—a beautiful wilderness of cocoa and betel nuts, sweet orange and mango, with heterogeneous patches of rice, sweet potatoes and beans, and here and there a cotton plant. Two or three slave huts were dotted about, and walls of loose stones ran along crooked lanes and bye-ways. As we came off, some of the inhabitants were at evening prayer, and others preparing to take their evening meal. People met us everywhere with kindly greetings, and the Cadi, a venerable-looking old man, wished me a safe return to my own country.

Sunday, February 14th.—Visited in force again to-day by the princes, and other chief men. In the afternoon the high-priest visited me. He was a fine-looking man—Arab by descent—with a well-developed forehead, and easy, gentlemanly bearing. He wore a sword, and was evidently looked upon with great respect by his attendants. He expressed much sympathy with our cause, and said he would pray to Allah for our success. The Yankee whalers, he said, invariably stole some of their slaves. Said they could not do very well without the whalers, as they were the only traders to the island, and brought them many useful things.

Monday, February 15th.—Received on board some bullocks and fruit; paid our bills, and were taken leave of affectionately by the simple people. At meridian moved out of the anchorage under steam, amid the cheers, given in real English fashion, by the many boatmen that surrounded us.



CHAPTER XXXV.

"Man overboard!"—Blowing hard—Three Years—Wearing out—The Cape again—Seizure of the Tuscaloosa—Towards Europe—War News—What the Alabama effected—Case of the Rockingham—The last capture—The Tycoon—Nineteen overhauled—In the Channel—At Cherbourg.

From the middle to the 28th February there was but little excitement on board the Alabama. On that day the usual routine of life on a man-of-war was broken by the cry of "Man overboard." The vessel was at once hove to, but before a boat could be lowered a gallant fellow, Michael Mars, leapt overboard, and swimming to the rescue of his shipmate, fortunately succeeded in saving the man's life.

On the third of March they saw the first Cape Pigeon and Albatross, and on the 4th Captain Semmes writes as follows:—

The gale still continues, though moderating very fast; sea not so turbulent, though the surf is thundering into it now and then, and keeping the decks flooded. 'Tis three years to-day since I parted with my family in Washington, on the day in which Washington's great republic was humiliated by the inauguration as President of a vulgar democratic politician, in whom even the great events in which, by a singular destiny, he has been called to take a part, have not been able to sink the mountebank. These three years of anxiety, vigilance, exposure, and excitement, have made me an old man, and sapped my health, rendering repose necessary, if I would prolong my life. My ship is wearing out, too, as well as her commander, and will need a general overhauling by the time I can get her into dock. If my poor services be deemed of any importance in harassing and weakening the enemy, and thus contributing to the independence of my beloved South, I shall be amply rewarded.

* * * * *

The Alabama still kept on through gales, with creaking cordage and jerking tiller ropes, until on the 11th of March the Cape was sighted, off which they were knocked about until the 20th instant; lying in the track of vessels bounding before the gale at the rate of ten or twelve knots an hour, and only able to see them when within a mile of the ship.

Arrived in Table Bay, Captain Semmes received intelligence of the seizure of the Tuscaloosa, upon which he at once wrote a despatch to Admiral Walker.[15]

[Footnote 15: For papers relating to the seizure of this vessel, see Appendix.] The Cape was left on the 25th of March, the vessel's head being laid towards Europe, and on the 29th the following entry is found in the journal:—

"I have at length had a little leisure to read the late papers received at the Cape. The Yankee Government and people, and with them a great portion of the English press and people, seem to have jumped suddenly to the conclusion that we are beaten, and that the war must soon end by our submission! Mr. Lincoln has even gone so far as to prescribe the terms on which our States may re-enter the rotten "concern"—to wit, by a reorganization of the States government by one-tenth of the people. Verily, the delusion of these men in the matter of this war is unaccountable. No power on earth can subjugate the Southern States, although some of them have been guilty of the pusillanimity of making war with the Yankees against their sisters. History will brand them as traitors and cowards. As for the tone of the English press, I am not surprised at it. England is too rich to be generous. Our war for her is a sort of prize-fight, and she is looking on in about the same spirit with which her people lately viewed the prize fight between King and Heenan. Hurrah one; well done the other."

* * * * *

From March 29th to April 22d there were no events calling for special attention, save that on the sixteenth the intelligence was learned from the master of a French ship that there were no American vessels at the Chincha Islands, though in July, 1863, there were between seventy and eighty American sail there. This speaks volumes of the terror the Alabama had excited.

The night of the 22d of April was employed in giving chase to a strange sail, which was overhauled at daybreak on the following morning; and the United States flag having been responded to by a display of the same colours, the Alabama boarded and took possession of the guano-laden ship, Rockingham, which was employed as a target, and then set fire to. The cargo being claimed as the property of neutrals, Captain Semmes examined the ship's papers and entered the following in his journal:—

CASE OF THE ROCKINGHAM.

"Ship under United States colours and register. Is from Callao, bound to Cork for orders, and loaded with guano. This guano purports to be shipped by the Guano Consignment Company to Great Britain. One Joseph A. Danino, who signs for Danino and Moscosa, certifies that the guano belongs to the Peruvian Government; and Her Britannic Majesty's Acting Consul at Lima certifies that the said Joseph A. Danino appeared before him and 'voluntarily declared' 'that the foregoing signature is of his own handwriting, and also that the cargo above mentioned is truly and verily the property of the Peruvian Government.'

"As this is the only certificate of the neutrality of the cargo among the papers, and as nobody swears to anything in this certificate, there is no testimony at all. The ship being enemy's property, and the cargo being presumed to be enemy's property also, from being found on board the ship, it was incumbent on the neutral parties, if there are any such in the case, to have documented their property by sworn certificates; and this rule of law is so well known, that the absence of an oath would seem to be conclusive as to the fraudulent attempt to cover. Ship and cargo condemned."

* * * * *

This capture was followed by that of the Tycoon, on the 27th of the same month; and as no claim of neutrality of cargo was made, the ship was burned. This, as it afterwards turned out, was the last of the Alabama's prizes. Nineteen other vessels were overhauled before she reached Cherbourg, but not one of them sailed under the Stars and Stripes. When it is remembered that no less than sixty-five American ships had been taken by the gallant cruiser, it is not much to be wondered at that the Yankee flag was a rara avis on the high seas.

From the 25th of May to the 10th of June the Alabama was making her way north, and on the last-named date she was abreast of the Lizard, and was boarded by a Channel pilot. "I felt," writes Captain Semmes, "great relief to have him on board, as I was quite knocked up with cold and fever, and was too ill-qualified physically for exposure to the weather and watching through the night. And thus, thanks to an all-wise Providence, we have brought the cruise of the Alabama to a successful termination."

Little could Captain Semmes have imagined, when he penned these lines, that the cruising days of his vessel were so soon to end. The vessel entered Cherbourg on the morning of the 11th. Two days after news was received that the Kearsarge would shortly arrive there, intelligence which was confirmed next day by the appearance of that vessel.



CHAPTER XXXVI.

The Kearsarge—Preparations—The iron-clad—State of the Alabama—Out of the harbour—The Deerhound—The Captain's address—Armaments of the combatants—Plan of action—The engagement—Rapid fire—Badly wounded—Sinking—The end of the Alabama—In the water—Gallant conduct—Surgeon Llewellyn—The Deerhound to the rescue—The enemy's boats—Not a wrack—The informing spirit.

It was written that the Alabama was never to behold the ports of her country!

The latest entries in the diary of Captain Semmes are of an interest too great to permit us to exclude them, prior to the narration of the memorable duel which closes the history of a vessel whose renown, short as her career has been, may challenge that of any ship that has spread a sail upon the waters, and casts a lustre even upon the heroic history of the Confederate States.

On Tuesday, June 14th, Captain Semmes writes:—

"Great excitement on board, the Kearsarge having made her appearance off the eastern entrance of the breakwater, at about 11 A.M. Sent an order on shore immediately for coal (one hundred tons), and sent down the yards on the mizen-mast, and the topgallant yards, and otherwise preparing the ship for action.

"Wednesday, June 15th.—The Admiral sent off his aide to say that he considered my application for repairs withdrawn upon my making application for coal, to which I assented. We commenced coaling this afternoon. The Kearsarge is still in the offing; she has not been permitted to receive on board the prisoners landed by me, to which I had objected in a letter to the Admiral. Mailed a note yesterday afternoon for Flagofficer Barrow, informing him of my intention to go out to engage the enemy as soon as I could make my preparations, and sent a written notice to the U.S. consul, through Mr. Bonfils, to the same effect. My crew seems to be in the right spirit, a quiet spirit of determination pervading both officers and men. The combat will no doubt be contested and obstinate; but the two ships are so equally matched, I do not feel at liberty to decline it. God defend the right, and have mercy upon the souls of those who fall, as many of us must!"

* * * * *

It has been denied that the captain of the Kearsarge sent a challenge to the Alabama. Captain Semmes, indeed, says nothing of it himself. What the Kearsarge did—and with a particular object, there cannot be a doubt—was, as recorded, to enter the breakwater at the east end, and "at about 11 A.M., on Tuesday, she passed through the west end without anchoring." These are the words of a French naval captain, who speaks of what he saw. Few will deny that among brave men this would be considered something equivalent to a challenge. It was more than a challenge—it was a defiance. The officer we have quoted adds, that "anyone could then see her outside protection." It is easy to see everything after the event. The Kearsarge looked bulky in her middle section to an inspecting eye; but she was very low in the water, and that she was armed to resist shot and shell it was impossible to discern. It is distinctly averred by the officers of the Alabama that from their vessel the armour of the Kearsarge could not be distinguished. There were many reports abroad that she was protected on her sides in some peculiar way; but all were various and indistinct, and to a practical judgment untrustworthy. Moreover, a year previous to this meeting, the Kearsarge had lain at anchor close under the critical eye of Captain Semmes. He had on that occasion seen that his enemy was not artificially defended. He believes now that the reports of her plating and armour were so much harbour-gossip, of which during his cruises he had experienced enough.

Now the Kearsarge was an old enemy, constantly in pursuit, and her appearance produced, as Captain Semmes has written, great excitement on board the Alabama. And let us here call attention to what the officers and men of the illustrious Confederate ship had been enduring for the space of two years. During all this time they had been homeless, and without a prospect of reaching home. They had been constantly crowded with prisoners, who devoured their provender—of which they never had any but a precarious supply. Their stay in any neutral harbour was necessarily short as the perching of a hawk on a bough. Like the hawk's in upper air, the Alabama's safety as well as her business was on the high seas. Miserably fed, hunted, eluding, preying, destroying—is this a life that brave men would willingly have to be continuous? They were fortified by the assurance of a mighty service done to their country. They knew that they inflicted tremendous damage upon their giant foe. They were, perhaps, supported by the sense that their captain's unrivalled audacity had done more harm to the United States than the operations of many thousand men. But their days were wretched; their task was sickening; it demands an imagination that can fix its eye upon stern, barren duty as a planet never darkened, always visible, for such a life as this to be carried on uncomplainingly and without a passionate longing for the bare exercise of hard blows. In addition, they read of the reproaches heaped upon them by comfortable shore-men. They were called pirates, and other gloomy titles. The execrations of certain of the French and English, and of all the United States press, sounded in their ears across the ocean; but from their own country they heard little. The South was a sealed land in comparison with the rest of the world. Opinion spoke loudest in Europe, and though they knew that they were faithfully, gallantly, and marvellously serving their country in her sore need, the absence of any immediate comfort, either physical or moral, helped to make them keenly sensitive to virulent criticism, even to that of avowed and clamorous enemies.

It was this state of mind through the whole crew which caused the excitement on board the Alabama when the Kearsarge steamed in and out of the breakwater. Now, and at last, our day of action has come! was the thought of every man on board. The chivalrous give and take of battle was glorious to men who had alternately hunted and fled for so dreary a term. They trusted for victory; but defeat itself was to be a vindication of their whole career, and they welcomed the chances gladly.

The application for coal at a neutral port was in itself a renunciation of any further hospitality from the harbour, as Captain Semmes was aware. The Port-admiral contented himself with pointing it out to him. A duel is not an unpopular thing in France. The prospective combat of two apparently equally-matched ships of war would have been sufficient to have melted any scruples entertained by Frenchmen in authority; they were only too happy to assist towards an engagement between Federals and Confederates, the latter being as popular in France as in England, to say nothing for the sympathy excited for the Alabama. French officers agreed with Captain Semmes in thinking that there was marked offence and defiance in the manoeuvres of the Kearsarge, and that he could hardly do less than go out and meet her. We have done our best to show that the Captain, whether in his heart he felt the mere chances to be equal or not, was anxious to persuade himself that they were so. He knew his opponent to be the heavier in ship, battery, and crew, but "I did not know that she was also iron-clad," he says. Personally he desired the battle; the instigations of an enthusiastic crew, unanimous for action, as also of friendly foreign officers, are to be taken into account. Those who venture, now that we are enabled to measure by results, to cast blame upon him, should first, in justice, throw themselves into his position. President Davis may deplore the loss of a vessel that did a mighty service, but we doubt not that he will endorse the honourable words of Mr. Mason in his justification of Captain Semmes, and rejoice that the man who was the ship, is saved for further service to the Confederacy.

On Sunday, in the morning, being the 19th June, the Alabama steamed out of Cherbourg harbour by the opening to the west, and steered straight to meet the Kearsarge, accompanied by the French iron-clad La Couronne. The late foul weather had given way to a gentle breeze, and the subsiding swell of the Atlantic wave under a clear sky made the day eminently favourable for the work in hand. All Cherbourg was on the heights above the town and along the bastions and the mole. Never did knightly tournament boast a more eager multitude of spectators. It chanced fortunately that an English steam-yacht, the Deerhound, with its owner, Mr. John Lancaster, and his family, on board, was in harbour at the time. The Deerhound followed the Alabama at a respectful distance, and was the closest witness of the fight. Some French pilot-boats hung as near as they considered prudent. At the limit of neutral waters the Alabama parted company with her, escort, and the Couronne returned to within a league of the shore.

Left to herself at last, the Alabama made her final preparations for the coming struggle. Mustering all his ship's company upon the deck, Captain Semmes addressed them as follows;—

"OFFICERS AND SEAMEN OF THE ALABAMA:"

"You have, at length, another opportunity of meeting the enemy—the first that has been presented to you since you sunk the Hatteras! In the meantime, you have been all over the world, and it is not too much to say that you have destroyed, and driven for protection under neutral flags, one-half of the enemy's commerce, which, at the beginning of the war, covered every sea. This is an achievement of which you may well be proud; and a grateful country will not be unmindful of it. The name of your ship has become a household word wherever civilization extends. Shall that name be tarnished by defeat? The thing is impossible! Remember that you are in the English Channel, the theatre of so much of the naval glory of our race, and that the eyes of all Europe are at this moment upon you. The flag that floats over you is that of a young republic, which bids defiance to her enemy's, whenever and wherever found. Show the world that you know how to uphold it. Go to your quarters."[16]

[Footnote 16: The above is a correct report of Captain Semmes' address on this occasion. Various statements have appeared as to the way in which it was continued: received. Captain Semmes states, "The only replies that were made were shouts from the seamen of 'Never! never!' when I spoke of the name of their ship being tarnished by defeat."]

It took three-quarters of an hour for the Alabama to come within range of the Kearsarge. At the distance of one mile, the Alabama opened fire with solid shot. The Kearsarge took time to reply. After ten minutes the firing was sharp on both sides.

According to the statement of the Captain of the Kearsarge, her battery consisted of seven guns—to wit, two 11-inch Dahlgrens—very powerful pieces of ordnance; four 32 pounders, one light rifle 28 pounder. She went into action with a crew of 162 officers and men.

The armament of the Alabama consisted of one 7-inch Blakeley rifled gun, one 8-inch smooth-bore pivot gun, six 32 pounders, smooth-bore, in broadside. The Alabama's crew numbered not more than 120. On this head Captain Winslow speaks erroneously. He sets down the Alabama's crew at 150 officers and men. The Alabama had a formidable piece in the Blakeley rifled gun, but she was destitute of steel shot.

It will thus be seen that there was inequality between the antagonists. Captain Winslow speaks of the Alabama having "one gun more" than the Kearsarge. His two great Dahlgrens gave the balance altogether in his favour. But in an estimate of the rival capabilities of the two vessels, the deteriorated speed of the Alabama should be considered as her principal weakness. Cherbourg had done little to repair the copper of her bottom, which spread out in broad fans and seriously impeded her cutting of the water; and it had been found impossible to do more than to patch up the boilers for the day's business. They were not in a state to inspire the engineers with confidence. The Kearsarge, on the other hand, was in first rate condition and well in hand. She speedily showed that she could overhaul the Alabama. In fact, the Alabama entered the lists when she should have been lying in dock. She fought with an exhausted frame. She had the heroism to decide upon the conflict, without the strength to choose the form of it. After some little manoeuvring this became painfully evident to Captain Semmes. The Kearsarge selected her distance at a range of five hundred yards, and being well protected she deliberately took time and fired with sure effect.

Captain Semmes had great confidence in the power of his Blakeley rifled gun, and we believe it is a confidence not shaken by its failure to win the day for him. He wished to get within easy range of his enemy, that he might try this weapon effectively; but any attempt on his part to come to closer quarters was construed by the Kearsarge as a design to bring the engagement between the ships to a hand-to-hand conflict between the men. Having the speed, she chose her distance, and made all thought of boarding hopeless.

It was part of the plan of Captain Semmes to board, if possible, at some period of the day, supposing that he could not quickly decide the battle with artillery. It was evidently Captain Winslow's determination to avoid the old-fashioned form of a naval encounter, and to fight altogether in the new style; his superior steam power gave him the option. When the Alabama took her death-wound she was helpless. We must interpret the respectful distance maintained by the Kearsarge up to the very last, and the persistent plying of her guns while the side of the sinking ship was visible, as a settled resolution on Captain Winslow's part to trust to guns alone, and throughout, so that a dangerous proximity might be shunned. That much homage was paid by him to the hostile crew, and that his manoeuvre was creditably discreet, few will deny.

The crew of the Alabama, seamen and officers, were in high spirits throughout the engagement, though very early the slaughter set in and the decks were covered with blood. Their fire was rapid and admirable. It has been said in the House of Lords by no less a person than the Duke of Somerset, that her firing was positively bad; and that she hit the Kearsarge only three times during the action. By Captain Winslow's own admission the Kearsarge was hit twenty-eight times by shot and shell—or once to every fifth discharge. No seaman knowing anything of an actual engagement on the deep will object to the accuracy of such an aim. Had the Kearsarge shown the same blank sides as the Alabama, another tale might have been told. Captain Semmes, however, perceived that his shell rebounded after striking her, and exploded harmlessly. This led him to rely upon solid shot. The Alabama, not being thus or in any way shielded, was pierced with shell, and soon showed vast rents in her after-part. Her pivot-gun was a distinct mark for the enemy, and a single shell exploding near it killed and wounded half the number of men by whom it was worked. Each ship fought her starboard broadside, and steamed in a circle to keep that side to the enemy. So, for an hour, this, to a distant spectator, monotonous manoeuvre continued, without perceptibly narrowing the range. Captain Semmes was standing on the quarter-deck when the chief engineer sent word to say that the ship was endangered by leakage. The first lieutenant, Mr. Kell, was sent below to inspect the damage. He returned with word that the ship was sinking. Captain Semmes at once ordered the ship to be put about and steered towards shore. But the water was rising in her: the fires were speedily extinguished. The Alabama's shot from slackening had now ceased. It was evident to all on board that she was doomed. To have continued firing would have been to indulge a stupid rancour, and to act in such a manner is not in the nature of a seaman like Captain Semmes. On the contrary, his thoughts were directed towards saving the lives of his crew. He gave command for the Confederate flag to be hauled down.

Many wild stories are being told of something like a mutiny of the crew at this desecration of the Southern banner; of how they implored the Captain to spare them the disgrace of it; and of a certain quartermaster drawing his cutlass, daring any hand on board to haul down the flag, and being dramatically threatened with a loaded pistol by Mr. Kell, the First Lieutenant, and so brought to his senses. The fact is, that the flag came down quietly and decorously. All on board perceived that there was no help for it, and that it would be a shocking breach of humanity to imperil the lives of the wounded men.

The general detestation of the Yankee was yet more strongly instanced when the men were struggling for life in the water. The head of every man was pointed away, as if instinctively, from the vessel that stood nearest to rescue him. One who was hailed from the Kearsarge with the offer of a rescue, declined it civilly, and made his way for the neutral flag. The men swam as if they had still an enemy behind them, and not one that was ready to save. Tardy as were the boats of the Kearsarge in descending to perform this office, they found many of the poor fellows still painfully supporting themselves above the surface. Of these, both men and officers, when, after being hauled into the boats, they had dashed the blinding salt water from their eyes and discovered among whom they were, many sprang overboard again, preferring any risk to the shelter of the Federalists. Hatred to the flag of the old Union and love of their Captain appear to have been their chief active passions. When taken on board the Deerhound, the question as to the safety of Captain Semmes was foremost in every mouth.

Captain Semmes asserts that shots were fired at the Alabama after the signal of surrender. We will not attempt to substantiate a charge like this: but French officers maintain it to be an undeniable fact that, after the Confederate flag had been lowered, the Kearsarge fired no less than five shots into her. We believe that Captain Winslow does not deny the charge; but asserts that he was unaware of the act of surrender. In his letter to the Daily News, he declares the accusation that he had been guilty of this act to be "twaddle" (we quote his own phrase).

The master's mate of the Alabama, Mr. Fullam, was despatched in the dingey to the Kearsarge with a request that assistance might immediately be given in rescuing the lives of the wounded men. It was promised, but the fulfilment of the promise, owing, as we trust it may be proved, to circumstances incidental to the fight, was, as we have said, tardy. Captain Winslow expressed himself in kindly terms with regard to his old shipmate in the days when the Union was not a mockery of its name; Captain Semmes having served with him in the same vessel many years back. During Mr. Fullam's absence the Alabama had gone down stern foremost. All the wounded had been stretched in the whale-boat for transmission to the Kearsarge. The surgeon of the Alabama, an Englishman, Mr. David Herbert Llewellyn, son of an incumbent of a Wiltshire parsonage, and godson of the late Lord Herbert of Lea, was offered a place in this boat. He refused it, saying that he would not peril the wounded men, and he sank with the Alabama. The rest of the crew, with their captain, were already in the waves. Mr. Lancaster meantime had steamed up to the Kearsarge, requesting permission to assist in saving life, and he was soon among them, throwing lines from the yacht, and picking up many exhausted men in his boats. The loss of men by drowning was nineteen, including an officer (Mr. Llewellyn), carpenter, and assistant-engineer. The loss in killed and wounded was twenty-eight, of whom seven were killed. Not a wrack of the Alabama was secured by the victors in this memorable sea-fight. The captain and his officers dropped their swords into the deep; the men drove their oars into the bottoms of the boats. One spirit—the spirit of the unconquerable Confederation of the Southern States—animated all. Not a man who was able to support himself in the water, swam towards the Kearsarge.

So sank the Alabama. It would have been glorious for her to have won, but it was not disgraceful that the day went against her. She fought against odds such as brave commanders are not in the habit of declining; she fought to the water's edge. An end like this, and the splendid antecedents she points to, have made her name and that of her captain household words. Her flag has been indeed a "meteor flag," and that it shall "yet terrific burn" we may reckon to be probable, when it is remembered that the informing spirit, of which the good vessel was but the gross body, is alive, and prepared once more to offer himself to the land of his choice for service upon the seas.



APPENDIX.

* * * * *

No. I.

CAPTURES OF THE SUMTER.

Ably Bradford—Of New York, from New York to Puerto Caballo. Captured 25th July, 1861, N.E. of Laguayra, Venezuela.

Sent to New Orleans. Recaptured by enemy.

Albert Adams—Of Massachusetts. Captured 5th July, 1861, four leagues off Cienfuegos.

Sent to Cienfuegos. Released by Captain-General of Cuba.

Arcade—Of Maine, from Portland, Maine, to Guadaloupe. Captured 26th November, 1861, in lat. 20 deg. 27' N., long. 57 deg. 15' W.

Burned.

Ben Dunning—Of Maine. Captured 5th July, 1861, four leagues off Cienfuegos.

Sent to Cienfuegos. Released by Captain-General of Cuba.

Cuba—Of Maine, from Trinidad to English ports. Captured 4th July, 1861, in lat. 21 deg. 29' N., long. 84 deg. 06' W.

Sent to Cienfuegos. Retaken by enemy.

Daniel Trowbridge—Of Connecticut, from New York to Demerara. Captured 27th October, 1861, in lat. 17 deg. 54' N., long. 56 deg. 30' W.

Burned.

Ebenezer Dodge—Of Massachusetts, from New Bedford to South Pacific (whaling). Captured 8th December, 1861, in lat. 30 deg. 57' N., long. 51 deg. 49' W.

Burned.

Golden Rocket—Of Bangor, Maine. Captured 3d July, 1861, in lat. 21 deg. 29' N., long. 84 deg. 06' W. Valued at $35,000.

Burned.

Investigator—Of Maine, from Spain to Newport, Wales. Captured 18th January, 1862, in Straits of Gibraltar. Valued at $15,000,

Released on ransom bond.

Joseph Maxwell—Of Pennsylvania. Captured 27th July, 1861, seven miles from Puerto Caballo.

Sent to Cienfuegos. Released by Governor-General of Cuba.

Joseph Parkes—Of Massachusetts, from Pernambuco to Boston. Captured 25th September, 1861, in lat. 6 deg. 20' N., long. 42 deg. 24'W.

Burned.

Louisa Kilham—Of Massachusetts. Captured 6th July, 1861, five miles from Cienfuegos.

Sent to Cienfuegos. Released by Captain-General of Cuba.

Machias—Of Maine, from Trinidad to an English port. Captured 4th July, 1861, in lat. 21 deg. 29' N., long. 84 deg. 06' W.

Sent to Cienfuegos. Released by Captain-General of Cuba.

Montmorency—Of Maine, from Newport, Wales, to St. Thomas. Captured 25th November, 1861, in lat. 18 deg. 30' N., long. 58 deg. 40' W. Valued at $20,000.

Released under ransom bond.

Naiad—Of New York. Captured 6th July, 1861, five miles from Cienfuegos.

Sent to Cienfuegos. Released by Captain-General of Cuba.

Neapolitan—Of Massachusetts, from Messina to Boston. Captured 18th January, 1862, in Straits of Gibraltar.

Burned.

Vigilans—Of Maine, from New York to Island of Sombrero. Captured 3d December, 1861, in lat. 29 deg. 10' N., long. 57 deg. 22' W. Valued at $40,000.

Burned.

West Wind—Of Rhode Island. Captured 6th July, 1861, five miles off Cienfuegos.

Sent to Cienfuegos. Released by Captain-General of Cuba.

* * * * *

CAPTURES OF THE ALABAMA.

Alert—Of New London, from New London to the Indian Ocean (whaling). Captured 9th September, 1862, off Flores. Valued at $20,000.

Burned.

Altamaha—Of New Bedford, from New Bedford (whaling). Captured 13th September, 1862, in lat. 40 deg. 34' N., 25 deg. 24' W. Valued at $3,000.

Burned.

Amanda—Of United States, from Manilla to Queenstown. Captured 6th November, 1863, in lat. 7 deg. 00' S., long. 103 deg. 19' E. Valued at $104,442.

Burned.

Amazonian—Of New York, from New York to Monte Video. Captured 2d June, 1863, in lat. 15 deg. 09', long. 55 deg. 04'. Valued at $97,665.

Burned.

Anna F. Schmidt—Of Maine, from Boston (via St. Thomas) to San Francisco. Captured 2d July, 1863, in lat. 26 deg. 14', long. 37 deg. 51'. Valued at $350,000.

Burned.

Ariel—Of New York, from New York to Aspinwall. Captured 7th Dec., 1862, off Cape Maize. Valued at $261,000.

Released on bond.

Baron de Castine—Of Castine, from Bangor to Cardenas. Captured 29th October, 1862, in lat. about 39 deg. 18' N., long. about 69 deg. 12' W. Valued at $6,000.,

Released on bond.

Benjamin Tucker—Of New Bedford, from New Bedford (whaling). Captured 14th September, 1862, off Flores. Valued. at $18,000.

Burned.

Bethia Thayer—Of Maine. Captured 1st March, 1863, in lat. 29 deg. 50' N., long. 38 deg. 31' W. Valued at $40,000.

Released on bond.

Brilliant—Of New York, from New York to Liverpool. Captured 3d October, 1862, in lat. 39 deg. 58' N., long. 50 deg. 00' W. Valued at $164,000.

Burned.

Charles Hill—Of Boston, from Liverpool to Monte Video. Captured 25th March, 1863, in lat. 1 deg. 22', long. 26 deg. 08'. Valued at $28,450.

Burned.

Chastelaine—Of Boston, from Martinique to Cienfuegos. Captured 27th January, 1863, in lat. 17 deg. 19' N., long. 72 deg. 21' W. Valued at $10,000. Burned.

Contest—Of the United States, from Yokohama, Japan, to New York. Captured 11th November, 1863, in lat. 4 deg. 48' S., long. 106 deg. 49' E. Valued at $122,815.

Burned.

Courser—Of Province Town, from Province Town (whaling). Captured 16th September, 1862, off Flores. Valued at $7,000.

Burned.

Crenshaw—Of New York, from New York to Glasgow. Captured 26th October, 1862, in lat. 40 deg. 11' N., long. 64 deg. 32' W. Valued at $33,869.

Burned.

Dorcas Prince—Of New York, from New York to Shanghai. Captured 26th April, 1862, in lat. 7 deg. 36', long. 31 deg. 57'. Valued at $44,108.

Burned.

Dunkirk—Of New York, from New York to Lisbon. Captured 7th October, 1862, in lat. about 41 deg. 00' N., long. 53 deg.. Valued at $25,000.

Burned.

Elisha Dunbar—Of New Bedford, from New Bedford (whaling). Captured 18th September, 1862, in lat. 39 deg. 50' N., long. 35 deg. 25' W. Valued at $25,000.

Burned.

Emily Farnum—Of New York, from New York to Liverpool. Captured 3d October, 1862, in lat. 39 deg. 58' N., long. 50 deg. 00' W.

Neutral cargo, Released and made a Cartel.

Emma Jane—Of Maine, from Bombay to Amherst (in ballast). Captured 14th January, 1864, in lat. 7 deg. 57' S., long. 76 deg. 09' W. Valued at $40,000.

Burned.

Express—Of Callao, from Callao to Antwerp. Captured 6th July, 1863, in lat. 28 deg. 28', long. 30 deg. 20. Valued at $121,300.

Burned.

Gildersliene—Of London, from Sunderland to Calcutta. Captured 25th May, 1863, in lat. 12 deg. 04', long. 35 deg. 10'. Valued at $62,783.

Burned.

Golden Eagle—Of United States, from San Francisco (via Howland's Island) to Cork. Captured 21st February, 1863, in lat. 29 deg. 28' N., long. 44 deg. 58' W. Valued at $61,000.

Burned.

Golden Rule—Of New York, from New York to Aspinwall. Captured 26th January, 1863, off Jamaica. Valued at $112,000.

Burned.

Hatteras—Of United States Navy, gunboat. Sunk 11th January, 1863, off Galveston. Valued at $160,000.

Sunk.

Highlander—Of the United States, from Singapore to Aycaab (in ballast). Captured 26th December, 1863. Valued at $75,965.

Burned.

Jabez Snow—Of Cardiff, from Cardiff to Monte Video. Captured 29th May, 1863, in lat. 12 deg. 54', long. 35 deg. 18'. Valued at $72,881.

Burned.

John A. Parks—Of Maine, from New York to Monte Video. Captured 2d March, 1863, in lat. 29 deg. 25' N., long. 37 deg. 47' W. Valued at $66,157.

Burned.

Justina—Of the United States. Captured 25th May, 1863, in lat. 12 deg. 04', long. 35 deg. 10'. Valued at $7,000.

Ransomed.

Kate Cory—Of Westport (whaler). Captured 15th April, 1863, in lat. 4 deg. 08', long. 32 deg. 01'. Valued at $10,568.

Burned.

Kingfisher—Of Massachusetts, from Fair Haven (on whaling expedition). Captured 23d March, 1863, in lat. 2 deg. 08' N., long. 26 deg. 08' W. Valued at $2,400.

Burned.

Lafayette (1)—Of New York, from New York to Belfast. Captured 23d October, 1862, in lat. 39 deg. 34' N., long. 63 deg. 26' W. Valued at $110,337.

Burned.

Lafayette (2)—Of New Bedford (whaler). Captured 15th April, 1863, in lat. 4 deg. 08', long. 32 deg. 01. Valued at $20,908.

Burned.

Lamplighter—Of Boston, from New York to Gibraltar. Captured 15th October, 1862, in lat. 41 deg. 32' N., long. 54 deg. 17' W. Valued at $117,600.

Burned.

Lauretta—Of Boston, from New York to Madeira and Mediterranean. Captured 28th. October. 1862, in lat. 39 deg. 18' N., long. 67 deg. 35' W. Valued at $32,880.

Burned.

Levi Starbuck—Of New Bedford, from New Bedford to the Pacific (whaling). Captured 2d November, 1862, in lat. 36 deg. 13' N., long. 66 deg. 01' W. Valued at $25,000.

Burned.

Louisa Hatch—Of Rockland, from Cardiff to Point de Galle. Captured 4th April, 1863, in lat. 3 deg. 12', long. 26 deg. 9'. Valued at $38,315.

Burned.

Manchester—Of New York, from New York to Liverpool. Captured 11th October, 1862, in lat. 41 deg. 08' N., long. 55 deg. 26' W. Valued at $164,000.

Burned.

Morning Star—Of Boston, from Calcutta to London. Captured 23d March, 1863, in lat. 2 deg. 08' N., long. 26 deg. 08' W. Valued at $61,750.

Released on bond.

Nora—Of Boston, from Boston to Calcutta. Captured 25th March, 1863, in lat. 1 deg. 22', long. 26 deg. 08'. Valued at $76,-636.

Burned.

Nye—Of New Bedford, from New Bedford (whaling barque). Captured 24th April, 1863, in lat. 5 deg. 45', long. 31 deg. 53'. Valued at $31,127.

Burned.

Ocean Rover—Of Massachusetts, from Massachusetts (out whaling). Captured 8th September, 1862, off Flores. Valued at $70,000.

Burned.

Ocmulgee—Of Edgartown. Captured 5th September, 1862, in about lat. 37 deg. 20' N., long. 28 deg. 08' W. Valued at $50,000.

Burned.

Olive Jane—Of the United States, from Bordeaux to New York. Captured 21st February, 1863, in lat., 29 deg. 28' N., long. 44 deg. 58' W. Valued at $43,208.

Burned.

Palmetto—Of New York, from New York to St. John's, Porto Rico. Captured 3d February, 1863, in lat. 27 deg. 18' N., long. 6 deg. 16' W. Valued at $18,430.

Burned.

Parker Cook—Of Boston, from Boston to Aux Cayes. Captured 30th November, 1862, in lat. 18 deg. 59' N., long. 68 deg. 45' W. Valued at $10,000.

Burned.

Punjaub—Of Boston, from Calcutta to London. Captured 15th March, 1863, in lat. 8 deg. 36' N., long. 31 deg. 43' W. Valued at $55,000.

Released on bond.

Rockingham—Of the United States, from Callao to Cork. Captured 23d April, 1864, in lat. 15 deg. 52' S., long. 31 deg. 44' W. Valued at $97,878.

Burned.

Sea Lark—Of New York, from New York to San Francisco. Captured 3d May, 1863, in lat. 9 deg. 39' S., long. 32 deg. 44' W. Valued at $550,000.

Burned.

Sonora—Of the United States, from Singapore to Aycaab (in ballast). Captured 26th December, 1863, off Malacca. Valued at $46,545.

Burned.

Starlight—Of Boston, from Fayal to Boston. Captured 7th September, 1862, off Flores. Valued at $4,000.

Burned.

Talisman—Of New York, from New York to Shanghai. Captured 5th June, 1863, in lat. 14 deg. 35', long. 36 deg. 26'. Valued at $139,195.

Burned.

Texan Star—Of the United States, from Maulmein to Singapore. Captured 24th December, 1863, off Malacca. Valued at $97,628.

Burned.

Tonawanda—Of Philadelphia, from Philadelphia to Liverpool. Captured 9th October, 1862, in lat. 40 deg. 03' N., long. 54 deg. 38' W. Valued at $80,000.

Released on ransom bond.

Tycoon—Of the United States, from New York to San Francisco. Captured 27th April, 1864. in lat. 11 deg. 16', long. 32 deg. 6'.

Burned.

Union—Of Baltimore, from Baltimore to Jamaica. Captured 5th December, 1862, off Cape Maise. Valued at $15,000.

Released on bond.

Union Jack—Of Boston, from Boston to Shanghai. Captured 3d May, 1863, in lat. 9 deg. 39', long. 32 deg. 44'. Valued at $77,000.

Burned.

Virginia—Of New Bedford, from New Bedford (whaling). Captured 17th September, 1862, in lat. 40 deg. 03' N., long. 32 deg. 46' W. Valued at $25,000.

Burned.

T.B. Wales—Of Boston, from Calcutta to Boston. Captured 8th November, 1862, in lat. 29 deg. 15' N., long. 57 deg. 57' W. Valued at $245,625.

Burned.

Washington—Of New York, from Chincha Islands to Antwerp. Captured 27th February, 1863, in lat. 30 deg. 19' N., long. 40 deg. 01' W. Valued at $50,000.

Released on bond.

Wave Crest—Of New York, from New York to Cardiff. Captured 7th October, 1862, in lat. about 41 deg. 00' N., long. 53 deg.. Valued at $44,000.

Burned.

Weather Gauge—Of Province Town, from Province Town (whaling). Captured 9th September, 1862, off Flores. Valued at $10,000.

Burned.

Winged Racer—Of the United States, from Manilla to New York. Captured 10th November, 1863, in Strait of Sunda. Valued at $150,000.

Burned.



No. II.

COURSE OF THE SUMTER.

FROM NEW ORLEANS, 30TH JUNE, 1861, TO GIBRALTAR, 18TH JANUARY, 1862.

1861. July 1 Lat. 26.18 N. Long. 87.23 W. 2 23.04 86.13 3 21.29 84.06 4 No observation. 5 Off the Jardinelles. 6 At Cienfuegos, Cuba. 7 do do 8 Off the Caymans. 9 Off Jamaica. 10 to 15 No observation. 16 to 24 At St. Anne's, Curacao. 25 to 27 At and off Puerto Caballo. 28 Off Tortuga. 29 to Aug. 5 At Port of Spain. 6 9.14 59.10 7 8.31 56.12 8 7.19 53.34 9 6.10 50.48 10 4.29 48.25 Aug. 11 Lat. 2.38 N. Long. 47.48 W. 12 4.10 49.37 13 4.56 50.55 14 4.49 51.19 15 16 At Cayenne. 17 5.56 18 Off the mouth of the Surinam. 19 to 31 At Paramaribo. Sept. 1 No observation. 2 4.50 50.20 3 3.05 48.44 4 00.44 47.12 5 1.03 44.48 6 to 15 At Maranham. 16 00.17 S. 42.59 17 2.19 N. 41.29 18 3.38 40.57 19 4.33 40.41 20 4.46 41.00 21 5.12 41.59 22 5.37 42.12 23 5.25 42.19 24 5.35 41.27 25 6.20 42.27 27 6.24 43.10 28 6.10 44.20 29 6.55 45.08 30 7.33 45.28 Oct. 1 7.39 45.55 2 8.19 46.23 3 8.30 46.21 4 8.55 46.58 5 9.13 47.21 6 8.31 47.08 7 8.13 47.13 8 8.52 46.44 9 7.21 46.30 10 6.22 45.48 Oct. 11 Lat. 6.38 N. Long. 45.13 W. 12 6.56 44.41 13 7.04 44.47 14 8.31 45.46 15 9.36 48.11 16 10.22 50.05 17 11.37 51.49 18 13.01 53.12 19 13.33 53.46 20 13.46 54.06 21 14.00 54.07 22 14.21 54.16 23 14.36 54.37 24 15.20 54.51 25 16.54 55.30 26 18.13 56.04 27 17.54 56.30 28 17.03 57.07 29 16.54 57.33 30 16.40 58.16 31 16.54 57.59 Nov. 1 16.52 57.25 2 16.32 56.55 3 16.35 57.38 4 16.43 57.45 5 17.10 59.06 6 16.39 59.54 7 16.00 60.46 8 9 15.08 61.54 10 to 23 At Martinique. 24 16.12 25 18.11 58.48 26 20.07 57.12 27 22.22 56.27 28 24.22 57.12 29 25.51 57.36 30 27.16 58.29 Dec. 1 27.38 58.20 2 28.12 58.09 3 29.10 57.22 Dec. 4 Lat. 30.03 N. Long. 55.09 W. 5 30.19 53.02 6 29.35 52.02 7 29.27 51.35 8 30.57 51.49 9 31.35 51.14 10 32.39 49.47 11 32.48 49.32 12 13/ 33.28 47.03 14 33.49 44.47 15 34.00 42.05 16 33.24 40.43 17 33.24 40.00 18 33.53 38.43 19 34.30 36.40 20 34.17 35.31 21 35.17 33.05 22 No observation. 23 36.29 32.32 24 27.31 31.30 25 36.08 28.42 26 35.09 25.56 27 35.00 22.49 28 35.17 20.53 29 35.43 18.59 30 35.39 17.33 31 35.22 16.27 1862. Jan. 1 35.53 13.14 2 35.52 9.36 3 35.49 7.00

On the 4th of January the Sumter reached Cadiz, and on the 17th left for Gibraltar. She entered that port on the following day, where she was finally put out of commission.

* * * * *

COURSE OF THE ALABAMA.

1862. Aug. 25 Lat. 39.15 N. Long. 26.30 W. 26 39.39 26.07 27 39.59 24.34 Aug. 28 Lat. 39.58 N. Long. 21.30 W. 29 38.56 19.23 30 37.23 19.06 31 Lat. by acc. 36.23 21.54 Sept. 1 Lat. 35.33 22.17 2 35.29 24.22 3 36.16 25.56 4 37.22 28.08 5 No observation. 6 to Off Flores. 11/ 12 40.17 34.05 13 40.34 35.24 14 40.12 33.02 15 40.03 32.46 16 Off Flores. 17 40.03 32.46 18 39.50 35.25 19 38.32 35.03 20 37.20 36.26 21 36.35 36.58 22 35.21 37.26 23 34.43 38.38 24 34.52 48.28 25 34.59 41.10 26 35.35 41.36 27 37.12 43.13 28 37.40 42.00 29 37.09 43.13 30 38.87 45.03 Oct. 1 40.27 46.31 2 40 to 40.30 48 to 48.20 3 39.58 50.00 4 39.52 50.41 5 40.19 51.14 6 41.02 53.50 7 No observation. 8 Lat. (D.R.) 41.00 Long. (D.R.) 55.43 Long. Chro. 54.37 9 Lat. 40.03 Long. 54.38 10 41.13 53.45 11 41.08 55.26 Oct. 12 Lat. 41.42 N. Long. 56.48 W. 13 Assumed 40.30 59.28 14 41.21 59.31 15 41.32 59.17 16 (D.R.)42.16 59.18 17 (D.R.)42.06 59.46 18 Supposed 41.25 59.10 19 40.21 62.08 20 40.28 62.40 21 40.18 62.40 22 By acct. 40.16 64.17 23 39.34 63.26 24 40.04 62.05 25 39.57 63.18 26 40.11 64.32 27 39.47 68.06 28 39.18 67.35 29 No observation. 30 39.18 69.12 31 37.51 67.34 Nov. 1 36.15 65.55 2 36.13 66.01 3 35.17 67.11 4 34.27 63.30 5 31.34 61.27 6 29.05 61.22 7 29.03 59.22 8 29.15 57.57 9 27.51 58.24 10 25.40 57.50 11 24.05 57.36 12 22.58 57.37 13 22.08 57.43 14 21.11 57.49 15 20.40 58.24 16 18.00 59.27 17 15.51 60.20 18 13.15 63.01 21 12.10 64.35 22 to At Island of Blanquilla. 25/ 26 13.12 65.30 Nov. 28 Lat. 16.19 N. Long. 66.06 W. 29 17.45 67.15 30 18.59 68.45 Dec. 1 19.40 69.49 2 20.04 71.50 3 20.12 72.58 4 to Off Cape Maise, Jamaica, and Cuba. 12 / 13 18.47 78.28 14 18.16 80.43 15 18.39 83.06 16 19.16 84.10 17 19.18 84.25 18 19.47 85.46 19 20.00 85.31 20 21.20 86.32 21 22.06 88.40 22 21.26 91.15 23 20.18 91.50 24 to At the Arcas. 31 / 1863. n. 1 to At the Arcas. 5 / 6 21.11 93.13 7 22.35 94.26 8 24.36 94.45 9 26.19 94.11 10 27.45 94.42 11 28.51 94.55 12 28.03 93.08 13 27.05 90.37 14 25.58 88.58 15 26.16 88.35 16 23.43 87.35 17 21.45 85.34 18 19.50 82.51 19 18.30 80.34 20 to At Port Royal. 25 / Jan.26 Lat. 17.50 N. Long. 74.52 W 27 17.19 72.21 28 17.56 70.28 29 At San Domingo. 30 19.31 67.38 31 21.45 68.06 Feb. 1 24.08 68.18 2 26.17 68.06 3 27.18 66.10 4 28.00 64.11 5 27.10 61.30 6 25.44 60.32 7 26.36 60.15 8 25.41 58.48 9 24.51 57.55 10 24.32 56.53 11 24.52 56.34 12 25.15 56.36 13 26.08 55.32 14 27.09 53.17 15 28.29 50.07 16 28.45 46.57 17 28.11 45.01 18 28.15 44.37 19 28.04 44.29 20 28.32 45.05 21 29.28 44.58 22 29.33 44.57 23 30.21 43.55 24 30.32 42.50 25 30.22 41.03 26 30.23 40.42 27 30.19 40.01 28 30.07 39.38 March 1 29.50 38.31 2 29.25 37.47 3 28.42 36.59 4 27.02 35.44 5 26.04 35.23 6 24.09 32.20 7 24.30 35.12 8 22.36 34.32 9 20.22 33.53 Mar. 10 Lat. 18.26 N. Long. 33.17 W. 11 16.18 32.36 12 13.57 31.47 13 11.31 31.25 14 9.24 31.48 15 8.36 31.43 16 7.46 30.21 17 7.53 30.34 18 7.14 29.26 19 5.59 28.01 20 4.32 27.00 21 2.47 26.23 22 2.11 26.24 23 2.08 26.08 24 1.41 26.13 25 1.22 26.08 26 1.12 26.32 27 No observation. 28 00.46 26.19 29 00.18 26.10 30 00.34 S. 25.35 31 00.39 25.19 April 1 1.00 25.20 2 2.10 26.02 3 2.52 25.58 4 3.12 26.09 5 3.25 27.04 6 3.46 28.00 7 3.57 30.07 8 4.01 Long. (D.R.) 31.17 9 4.08 32.01 10 to At Fernando de Noronha. 22 / 23 4.42 31.49 24 5.45 31.53 25 6.22 31.44 26 7.36 31.57 27 8.16 32.18 28 8.19 31.40 29 8.22 31.07 30 9.02 31.39 May 1 9.17 32.17 May 2 Lat. 9.37 S Long. 32.34 W 3 9.39 32.44 4 8.48 32.34 5 10.06 32.45 6 10.24 32.30 7 12.08 33.07 8 12.30 33.52 9 12.55 34.49 10 13.29 36.07 11 to At Bahia. 21 / 22 13.04 37.36 23 12.33 36.39 24 11.34 34.54 25 12.04 35.10 26 11.39 34.47 27 12.15 35.05 28 12.54 35.18 29 13.31 35.38 30 14.19 35.36 31 June 1 14.44 35.15 2 15.01 34.56 3 15.09 35.04 4 14.46 34.57 5 14.35 36.26 6 15.17 35.26 7 16.07 35.37 8 15.55 35.28 9 16.55 35.36 10 16.17 34.35 11 15.32 33.46 12 17.25 34.24 13 19.21 35.37 14 19.54 35.18 15 22.38 35.11 16 23.41 35.36 17 23.54 35.53 18 24.16 37.15 19 24.57 39.01 20 25.48 40.18 21 25.46 40.16 June 22 Lat. 25.55 S. Long. 40.21 W. 23 25.24 38.40 24 25.19 36.36 25 25.56 33.44 26 Lat.(D.R.) 26.40 30.16 27 26.01 28.29 28 25.57 30.31 29 26.35 32.59 30 25.56 35.12 July 1 25.38 36.38 2 26.14 37.51 3 26.31 37.33 4 27.27 34.37 5 27.58 31.43 6 28.28 30.20 7 29.45 27.36 8 30.00 24.20 9 29.57 21.16 10 29.29 17.47 11 28.00 15.12 12 26.44 13.32 13 28.13 13.27 14 29.21 11.31 15 30.07 8.06 16 Lat.(D.R.)30.39 4.05 17 30.16 00.20 18 29.54 3.04 E. 19 at.(D.R.)29.47 5.32 20 29.57 7.23 21 30.43 10.19 22 31.33 12.37 23 31.59 14.12 24 33.24 14.51 25 33.56 15.34 26 33.26 16.37 27 33.46 17.17 28 33.46 17.31 29 to At Saldanha Bay, and the Cape. Aug. 16 / 17 34.03 17.11 18 33.24 16.56 19 32.52 17.09 Aug. 20 Lat. 32.45 S. Long. 16.55 E. 21 33.14 15.41 22 32.13 16.08 23 31.43 15.30 24 31.24 14.34 25 31.18 13.37 26 27.57 14.12 27 No observation. 28 to At Angra Pequena. 30 / 31 26.51 14.40 Sept. 1 No observation. 2 28.37 10.13 3 29.43 8.59 4 30.04 8.46 5 30.24 9.28 6 30.35 11.16 7 31.17 11.07 8 31.41 11.16 9 32.30 12.49 10 33.16 15.20 11 33.10 16.37 12 33.43 16.03 13 33.51 17.34 14 34.28 17.43 15 34.26 17.30 16 to At Simon's Town. 24 /

25 35.26 18.15 26 37.28 17.58 27 37.52 19.03 28 39.02 23.07 29 39.02 27.20 30 39.12 31.59 Oct. 1 39.15 35.46 2 38.27 39.02 3 38.46 42.49 4 38.43 46.56 5 38.47 49.20 6 38.44 53.33 7 37.51 57.30 Oct. 8 Lat. 38.04 S. Long. 60.23 E. 9 38.16 64.15 10 38.26 68.57 11 38.28 72.40 12 38.46 77.12 13 38.15 80.29 14 37.47 83.42 15 35.23 89.55 16 35.23 89.55 17 32.59 93.28 18 30.59 96.17 19 28.26 98.43 20 25.33 99.42 21 22.41 100.12 22 21.13 100.10 23 18.52 100.10 24 15.45 101.25 25 Lat. (D.R.) 12.26 Long. (D.R.) 102.00 26 10.27 102.13 27 9.55 Long. 101.50 28 9.38 101.51 29 9.20 101.53 30 9.09 102.14 31 8.53 102.50 1 8.55 103.51 2 9.30 103.28 3 9.17 103.31 4 8.31 103.06 5 7.22 103.15 6 7.00 103.19 7 6.59 103.27 8 to Off Flat Point. 10 / 11 4.48 106.49 12 4.19 108.00 13 3.59 107.25 14 3.44 109.05 15 3.03 109.27 16 2.44 109.16 17 to Off the Malays. 23 / Nov. 24 Lat. 3.40 N Long. 109.45 E. 25 Supposed Lat. 3.50 Supposed Long. 110.30 26 4.36 111.42 27 4.51 111.54 28 4.51 111.54 29 5.01 111.47 30 6.14 110.31 Dec. 1 7.30 108.42 2 8.30 107.15 3 to At Cindore. 14 / 15 8.24 106.48 16 7.18 107.27 17 (D.R.) 6.11 106.12 18 4.48 105.10 19 and At Island of Aor. 20 / 21 to At and off Singapore. 26 / 27 4.08 100.11 28 Supposed 4.46 99.40 29 Supposed 5.29 98.16 30 5.39 96.40 31 Off N. end of Sumatra. 1864. Jan. 1 6.23 93.35 2 5.39 93.08 3 5.29 92.33 4 6.05 Long. (D.R.) 91.40 5 6.29 90.37 6 6.07 88.40 7 5.39 87.22 8 5.22 84.53 9 5.05 82.09 10 5.14 79.50 11 5.49 78.25 12 7.26 76.02 13 7.33 76.01 14 7.57 76.09 15 8.25 76.08 Jan. 16 At Quilon. 17 Lat. 8.40 N. Long. 76.32 E. 18 8.31 76.30 19 8.05 75.05 20 7.29 74.28 21 No observation. 22 7.52 70.22 23 7.04 67.17 24 7.03 64.28 25 6.27 61.49 26 5.33 59.19 27 5.01 56.36 28 4.02 53.46 29 2.43 51.00 30 00.50 48.42 31 1.31 S. 47.20 Feb. 1 3.15 46.13 2 4.48 45.40 3 6.47 44.44 4 8.24 44.26 5 10.18 43.47 6 10.42 44.00 7 10.44 43.50 8 10.45 43.42 9 to At Islands of Johanna and Mohilla. 16 / 17 13.41 43.04 18 14.15 42.45 19 15.03 42.24 20 16.00 41.45 21 17.02 41.31 22 18.43 41.20 23 19.49 41.23 24 20.29 41.19 25 21.18 41.44 26 23.36 41.15 27 25.31 40.00 28 27.11 37.51 29 29.16 36.17 March 1 31.32 34.37 2 33.20 32.22 3 35.05 29.49 March 4 Lat. 35.11 S. Long. 23.28 E. 5 35.51 26.43 6 39.09 24.58 7 35.10 24.03 8 35.49 21.39 9 35.46 20.29 10 35.42 20.13 11 35.08 18.21 12 33.57 17.06 13 33.35 16.10 14 34. 3 15.20 15 33.48 15.23 16 32.50 16.31 17 33.10 16.22 18 No observation. 19 32.57 15.55 20 33.51 17.31 21 to At the Cape. 24 / 25 34.02 18.10 26 33.41 15.52 27 31.50 12.39 28 31.36 10.09 29 30.25 8.25 30 28.53 6.55 31 28.00 4.50 April 1 26.13 2.40 2 24.17 0.24 3 22.35 1.29 W. 4 21.01 3.13 5 19.37 4.44 6 18.41 4.22 7 17.15 3.44 8 17.42 5.50 9 18.00 8.53 10 18.12 11.47 11 18.25 14.42 12 18.47 17.13 13 18.55 19.43 14 18.58 22.33 15 19. 9 25. 16 19.17 26.42 April 17 Lat. 19.12 S. Long. 27.33 W. 18 19.22 28.57 19 19.13 29.36 20 18.49 30.01 21 18.18 30.26 22 17.23 30.56 23 15.52 31.44 24 15.19 32. 6 25 13.59 32. 4 26 13. 5 32.22 27 11.16 32. 6 28 10. 5 31.46 29 8. 9 31.29 30 5.26 30.12 May 1 2.25 30.38 2 00.13 30.41 3 1.43 N. 31.28 4 3.30 32.38 5 5. 6 34.19 6 7.15 36. 7 7 9.40 37.36 8 11.54 38.43 9 14.13 39.43 10 16.43 40.33 11 18.37 41.09 12 20.10 41.25 13 20.33 41.19 14 20.53 41.09 15 21.12 40.55 16 22.05 41.16 17 22.57 41.50 18 24.33 41.57 19 26.32 41.50 20 28.04 41.33 21 29.24 40.42 22 30.25 39.54 23 31.39 38.39 24 33.13 36.49 25 35.51 35.41 26 37.43 33.53 27 38.42 32.50 28 39.23 32.31 29 39.51 (D.R.) 32.25 May 30 Lat. 40.25 N. Long. 30.22 W. 31 40.54 27.15 June 1 41.35 24.15 2 42.07 22.15 3 42.18 20.30 4 42.10 18.04 5 41.58 16.31 6 42.31 15.42 7 43.47 14.12 8 45.45 (D.R.) 12.06 9 47.34 9.07 10 49.18 6.03 11 On this day the Alabama entered Cherbourg harbour.



No. III.

Mr. LAIRD'S SPEECH ON THE ALABAMA.

The following is a full report of Mr. Laird's speech in the House of Commons on Friday night:—After the discussion that has taken place about the Alabama, I shall not trouble the house with many remarks. I can only say, from all I know and all I have heard, that from the day the vessel was laid down to her completion everything was open and above-board in this country. (Cheers.) I also further say that the officers of the Government had every facility afforded them for inspecting the ship during the progress of building. When the officers came to the builders they were shown the ship, and day after day the customs officers were on board, as they were when she finally left, and they declared there was nothing wrong. ("Hear," from Mr. Bright.) They only left her when the tug left, and they were obliged to declare that she left Liverpool a perfectly legitimate transaction. (Hear, hear.) One point has been overlooked in this discussion. If a ship without guns and without arms is a dangerous article, surely rifled guns and ammunition of all sorts are equally—(cheers)—and even more dangerous. (Cheers.) I have referred to the bills of entry in the custom houses of London and Liverpool, and I find there have been vast shipments of implements of war to the Northern States through the celebrated houses of Baring and Co.—(loud cheers and laughter)—Brown, Shipley and Co., of Liverpool, and a variety of other names, which I need not more particularly mention, but whose Northern tendencies are well known to this house. (Hear, hear.) If the member for Rochdale, or the honourable member for Bradford, wishes to ascertain the extent to which the Northern States of America have had supplies of arms from this country, they have only to go to a gentleman who, I am sure, will be ready to afford them every information, and much more readily than he would to me or to any one else calling upon him—the American consul in Liverpool. Before that gentleman the manifest of every ship is laid, he has to give an American pass to each vessel; he is consequently able to tell the exact number of rifles which have been shipped from this country for the United States—information, I doubt not, which would be very generally desired by this house. (Loud cries of "Hear.") I have obtained from the official custom house returns some details of the sundries exported from the United Kingdom to the Northern States of America from the 1st of May, 1861, to the 31st of December, 1862. There were—muskets, 41,500 (hear, hear); rifles, 341,000 (cheers); gun flints, 26,500; percussion caps, 49,982,000 (cheers and laughter); and swords, 2,250. The best information I could obtain leads me to believe that from one-third to a half may be added to these numbers for items which have been shipped to the Northern States as hardware. (Hear, hear.) I have very good reason for saying that a vessel of 2,000 tons was chartered six weeks ago for the express purpose of taking out a cargo of "hardware" to the United States. (Cheers.) The exportation has not ceased yet. From the 1st of January to the 17th March, 1863, the custom bills of entry show that 23,870 gun-barrels, 30,802 rifles, and 3,105,800 percussion caps were shipped to the United States. (Hear, hear). So that if the Southern States have got two ships, unarmed, unfit for any purpose of warfare—for they procured their armaments somewhere else—the Northern States have been well supplied from this country through the agency of some most influential persons. (Hear, hear.) Now, it has been stated—and by way of comparison treated as matter of complaint—that during the Crimean war the Americans behaved so well that the honourable member for Bradford and the member for Birmingham both lauded their action as compared with that of our own Government. Now, I have heard that a vessel sailed from the United States to Petropaulovski. (Cries of "Name.") If honourable members will allow me I will go on, and first I propose to read an extract from the Times, written by their correspondent at San Francisco, dated the 29th of January, 1863:—

"Now, this case of the Alabama illustrates the saying that a certain class should have a good memory. During the Crimean war, a man-of-war (called the America, if I remember) was built in America for the Russian Government, and brought out to the Pacific, filled with arms and munitions, by an officer in the United States navy. This gentleman took her to Petropaulovski, where she did service against the allied squadron, and she is still in the Russian navy. (Cries of 'No,' and 'Hear, hear.') We made no such childish fuss about this act of 'hostility' by a friendly Power, which we could not prevent, as our friends are now making about the Alabama, whose departure from England our Government could not stop."

The America was commanded by a Lieutenant Hudson, who—if my information be correct, and I have no doubt that it is—was then, or had been just previously, a lieutenant in the American navy; he was the son of a most distinguished officer in the same service, Captain Hudson. I am further informed that some doubts having arisen about the character of this ship, the American men-of-war in the different ports she called at protected her; and, on her arrival in Russia, the captain who took her out was, I know, very handsomely rewarded for his services. (Hear, hear.) Now, I will go a step further about the Northern States. In 1861, just after the war broke out, a friend of mine, whom I have known for many years, was over here, and came to me with a view of getting vessels built in this country for the American Government—the Northern Government. (Hear, hear.) Its agents in this country made inquiries; plans and estimates were given to my friend, and transmitted to the Secretary of the American Navy. I will read an abstract from this gentleman's letter, dated the 30th of July, 1861. It is written from Washington, and states—

"Since my arrival here I have had frequent interviews with our 'Department of Naval Affairs,' and am happy to say that the Minister of the Navy is inclined to have an iron-plated ship built out of the country. (Hear, hear.) This ship is designed for a specific purpose, to accomplish a definite object. I send you herewith a memorandum handed me last evening from the department, with the request that I would send it to you by steamer's mail of to-morrow, and to ask your immediate reply, stating if you will agree to build such a ship as desired, how soon, and for how much, with such plans and specifications as you may deem it best to send me."