Notes

[1] Jacobson v. Massachusetts, 197 U.S. 11, 22 (1905).

[2] 1 Story, Commentaries on the Constitution, Sec. 462.

[3] McCulloch v. Maryland, 4 Wheat. 316, 403 (1819); Chisholm v. Georgia, 2 Dall. 419, 470 (1793); Martin v. Hunter, Wheat. 304, 324 (1816).

[4] Downes v. Bidwell, 182 U.S. 244, 251 (1901); In re Ross, 140 U.S. 453, 464 (1891).

[5] 19 How. 393 (1857).

[6] Ibid. 404.



ARTICLE I

LEGISLATIVE DEPARTMENT

Section 1. Nature of legislative power: Page Doctrine of enumerated powers 71 Nondelegability of legislative power 73 Origin of doctrine 73 Functions which may be delegated 74 Power to supplement statutory provisions 74 Standards for administrative action 75 Rule-making power 76 Orders directed to particular persons 77 Delegation to private persons 78 Power to give effect to contingent legislation 79 Modification of tariff laws 79 Arms embargo 80 Internal affairs 80 Emergency statutes 81 Punishment of violations 82 Congressional investigations 82 Investigations in aid of legislation 82 Conduct of executive department 82 Private affairs 83 Purpose of inquiry 84 Judicial functions 85 Sanctions of the investigatory power 85 Contempt 85 Criminal prosecutions 85 Sections 2 and 3. House of Representatives and Senate: Qualifications of Members of Congress 87 Right to vote for Representatives and Congressional protection thereof 87 When the qualifications must be possessed 88 Enlargement of qualifications 88 Inability of States to enlarge 89 Census requirement 90 Section 4. Elections and meetings: Federal legislation under this clause 92 Legislature defined 93 Inequality of election districts 93 Congressional protection of the electoral process 94 Section 5. Powers and duties of the houses: Power to judge elections 95 Quorum to do business 96 Rules of procedure 96 Powers of the houses over members 97 Duty to keep a journal 98 Section 6. Compensation, immunities, and disabilities of Members: When the pay starts 99 Privilege from arrest 99 Privilege of speech or debate 99 Incompatible offices 101 Section 7. Legislative process: Revenue bills 102 Approval by the President 103 Veto power 103 Presentation of resolutions 104 Section 8. Powers of Congress: Clause 1. Taxing-spending power 105 Kinds of taxes permitted 105 Decline of forbidden subject matter test 105 Rise and fall of Collector v. Day 106 Federal taxation of State interests 106 Immunity left to the States 108 Conflicting views on the court 108 Rule of uniformity 109 Purposes of taxation 110 Regulation by taxation 110 Extermination by taxation 110 Protective tariff 112 Spending for the general welfare 112 Hamilton v. Madison 113 Triumph of Hamiltonian theory 113 Security Act Cases, The 115 Earmarked funds 116 Conditional grants-in-aid 116 "Debts of the United States" 116 Clause 2. Borrowing power 117 Clause 3. Power to regulate interstate and foreign commerce 118 Purpose of the clause 118 Definition of terms: Gibbons v. Ogden 118 "Commerce" 118 "Commerce" today 119 "Necessary and proper" clause 121 "Among the several States" 121 "Regulate" 123 Interstate versus foreign commerce 123 Instruments of commerce 125 Congressional regulation of waterways 126 Navigation 126 Hydroelectric power 130 Congress' jurisdiction over navigable streams today 131 Purposes for which power may be generated 131 Congressional regulation of land transportation 132 Early Acts: Federal provision for highways 132 Beginnings of federal railway regulation 132 Regulation of rates: Interstate Commerce Commission 133 Interstate Commerce Commission today 135 Shreveport Case 135 Act of 1920 and State railway rate regulation 136 Regulation of other agents of carriage and communication 137 Acts of Congress protective of labor engaged in interstate transportation 139 Adair Case 141 Railroad Retirement Act 142 Bills of Lading: Ferger Case 143 Congressional regulation of commerce as traffic 144 Sherman Act: Sugar Trust Case 144 Sherman Act revised 146 "Current of commerce" concept: Swift Case 147 Danbury Hatters Case 149 Stockyards and Grain Futures Acts 149 Securities and Exchange Commission 150 Congressional regulation of production and industrial relations 152 Antidepression legislation 152 National Industrial Recovery Act 152 Schechter Case 152 Agricultural Adjustment Act 153 Bituminous Coal Conservation Act 153 National Labor Relations Act 154 Fair Labor Standards Act: Darby Case 155 Agricultural Marketing Agreement Act 159 Acts of Congress prohibiting commerce 160 Foreign commerce; Jefferson's embargo 160 Foreign commerce; protective tariffs 162 Foreign commerce; banned articles 162 Interstate commerce; conflict of doctrine and opinion 163 Acts of Congress prohibitive of commerce 168 Lottery Case 169 National prohibitions and State police power 169 Hammer v. Dagenhart 170 Interstate commerce in stolen goods banned 171 Darby Case 172 Congress and the federal system 173 Commerce clause as a restraint on State power 173 Doctrinal background 173 Doctrinal background: Webster's contribution 175 Cooley v. Board of Port Wardens 175 Judicial formulas 176 Taxing power of the State and foreign commerce 177 Browne v. Maryland: Original package doctrine 177 State taxation of the subject matter of interstate commerce 178 General considerations 178 State Freight Tax Case 179 Goods in transit 180 State taxation of manufacturing and mining 181 Production for an established market 182 Rejection of original package concept in interstate commerce 182 Inspection charges 183 Local sales: Peddlers 184 Stoppage in transit 185 Drummer Cases; Robbins v. Shelby County Taxing District 186 Limitation of the Robbins Case 187 Robbins Case today 189 Depression Cases: Use taxes 189 Depression Cases: Sales taxes 190 End of the Depression Cases 191 Taxation of carriage of persons 192 State taxation of the interstate commerce privilege: Foreign Corporations 193 Doctrinal history 193 License taxes 194 Doctrine of Western Union Telegraph v. Kansas 196 Spread of the doctrine 196 Status of the doctrine today 197 State taxation of property engaged in, and of the proceeds from, interstate commerce 198 General issue 198 Development of the apportionment rule 199 Unit rule 200 Apportioned property taxes 201 Apportioned gross receipts taxes 202 Franchise taxes 202 Gross receipts taxes, classes of 203 Multiple taxation test 204 Recent cases 206 Taxes on net income 208 Miscellaneous taxes affecting interstate commerce 209 Vessels 209 Airplanes 210 Motor vehicles 211 Public utilities: Regulatory charges 213 Dominance of Congress 214 McCarran Act: Regulation of insurance 214 Police power and foreign commerce 215 Origin of police power 215 State curbs on entry of foreigners 216 State quarantine laws 217 State game protection and foreign commerce 217 Police power and interstate commerce 217 General principles 217 State regulation of agencies of interstate commerce 220 Railway rate regulation 220 Adequate service regulations 221 Safety and other regulations 221 Invalid State regulations 222 State regulation of length of trains 223 Lesson of Southern Pacific Co. v. Arizona 225 State regulation of motor vehicles: Valid regulations 226 Invalid State acts affecting motor carriers 227 Transportation agencies 228 Navigation; general doctrine 228 Bridges, dams, ferries, wharves 230 Ferries 231 Telegraphs and telephones 231 Gas and electricity 233 Foreign corporations 234 Miscellaneous 234 Banks and banking 234 Brokers 235 Commission men 235 Attachment and garnishment 235 Statutory liens 235 Police power and the subject matter of commerce 235 Scope of the police power 235 Quarantine laws 236 State inspection laws 237 State prohibition laws: The original package doctrine 238 Oleomargarine and cigarettes 239 Demise of the original package doctrine 240 Curbs on the interstate movement of persons 241 State conservation and embargo measures 242 State conservation and embargo measures: The Milk Cases 244 State conservation and embargo measures: The Shrimp Cases 245 Concurrent federal and State legislation 246 General issue 246 Hepburn Act 246 Quarantine Cases 248 Recent cases sustaining State legislation 249 Recent cases nullifying State action 250 Federal versus State labor laws 251 Commerce with Indian Tribes 252 United States v. Kagama 252 Clause 4. Naturalization and bankruptcies 254 Naturalization and citizenship 254 Categories of naturalized persons 254 Who are eligible for naturalization 255 Procedure of naturalization 256 Rights of naturalized persons 257 Congress' power exclusive 258 Right of expatriation: Loss of citizenship 258 Exclusion of aliens 259 Bankruptcy 262 Persons who may be released from debt 262 Liberalization of relief granted 262 Constitutional limitations on the bankruptcy power 263 Power not exclusive 264 Constitutional status of State insolvency laws 264 Clauses 5 and 6. Fiscal and monetary powers of Congress 265 Coinage, weights, and measures 265 Punishment of counterfeiting 266 Borrowing power versus the fiscal power 266 Clause 7. Postal power 267 "Establish" 267 Powers to protect the mails 268 Antislavery and the mails 268 Power to prevent harmful use of the postal facilities 268 Exclusion power as an adjunct to other powers 269 State regulations affecting the mails 270 Clause 8. Copyrights and Patents 271 Scope of the power 271 Patentable discoveries 271 Procedure in issuing patents 274 Nature and scope of the right secured 274 Power of Congress over patent rights 275 State power affecting patents and copyrights 276 Trade-marks and advertisements 276 Clause 9. See article III 277 Clause 10. Piracies and felonies 277 Origin of the clause 277 Definition of offenses 277 Extraterritorial reach of the power 278 Clauses 11, 12, 13, and 14. War: Military establishments 279 War power 279 Source and scope 279 An inherent power 280 A complexus of granted powers 281 Declaration of war: When required 281 Prize Cases, The, (1863) 282 Power to raise and maintain armed forces 283 Purpose of specific grants 283 Time limit on appropriations for the army 283 Establishment of the air force 284 Conscription 284 Care of the armed forces 285 Trial and punishment of offenses 285 War legislation 286 Revolutionary war legislation 286 Civil War legislation 287 World War I legislation 287 World War II legislation 288 Mobilization of industrial resources 288 Delegation of legislative power in wartime 289 Mergence of legislative and executive in wartime 290 Doctrine of Lichter v. United States 290 War powers in time of peace 291 Atomic Energy Act 292 Postwar legislation 292 Private rights in wartime 293 Enemy country 293 Theatre of military operations 294 Enemy property 294 Prizes of war 295 Police regulations: Rent control 296 Personal liberty in wartime 297 Alien enemies 297 Eminent domain 298 Clauses 15 and 16. Militia 299 Militia clauses 299 Calling out the militia 299 Regulation of the militia 299 Clause 17. Seat of government, etc. 300 Seat of government 300 Nature and extent of rights ceded to United States 301 Retrocession of Alexandria county 301 Continuance of State laws 302 Status of the district today 302 Legislative power over the district 303 Taxation in the district 303 Delegation of legislative power to municipal officers 304 Courts of the district 304 Authority over places purchased 305 "Places" 305 Duration of federal jurisdiction 305 Reservation of jurisdiction by States 306 Clause 18. "Necessary and proper" clause 307 Coefficient or elastic clause 307 Scope of incidental powers 307 Operation of coefficient clause 308 Definition and punishment of crimes 308 Chartering of banks 309 Currency regulations 309 Power to charter corporations 310 Courts and judicial proceedings 310 Special acts concerning claims 311 Maritime law 311 Section 9. Powers denied to Congress 312 General purpose of the section 312 Clause 1. Importation of slaves 312 Clause 2. Suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus 312 Habeas corpus 312 Purpose of the writ 312 Errors which may be corrected on habeas corpus 313 Habeas corpus not a substitute for appeal 314 Issuance of the writ 314 Suspension of the privilege 315 Clause 3. Attainder and ex post facto laws 315 Bills of attainder 315 Ex post facto laws 316 Definition 316 What constitutes punishment 317 Changes in place or mode of trial 317 Clause 4. Capitation and direct taxes 317 Direct taxes 317 The Hylton case 317 From the Hylton to the Pollock case 318 Restriction of the Pollock decision 319 Miscellaneous 321 Clause 5. Export duties 321 Taxes on exports 321 Stamp taxes 322 Clause 6. "No preference" clause 322 Clause 7. Appropriations and accounting of public mon 323 Appropriations 323 Payment of claims 324 Clause 8. Titles of nobility and gifts from foreign States 324 Section 10. Powers denied to the States 325 Clause 1. Not to make treaties, coin money, pass ex post facto laws, impair contracts, etc. 325 Treaties, alliances, or confederations 325 Bills of credit 326 Legal tender 326 Bills of attainder 326 Ex post facto laws 327 Scope of provision 327 Denial of future privileges to past offenders 327 Changes in punishment 328 Changes in procedure 328 Obligation of contracts 329 Definition of terms 329 "Law" 329 Status of judicial decisions 329 "Obligation" 332 "Impair" 332 "Contracts," extended to cover public contracts 332 Fletcher v. Peck 335 New Jersey v. Wilson 336 Corporate charters; Different ways of regarding 336 Dartmouth College case 338 Classes of cases under the clause 339 Public grants 339 Municipal corporations 339 Public offices 340 Revocable privileges versus "contracts": Tax exemptions 341 Vested rights 343 Reservation of the right to alter and repeal 343 Right to reserve: When limited 343 Corporations as persons subject to the law 345 Corporations and the police power 345 Strict construction of public grants 346 Charles River Bridge case 346 Application of the strict construction rule 346 Strict construction of tax exemptions 347 Strict construction and the police power 348 Doctrine of inalienable State powers 349 Eminent domain power inalienable 349 Taxing power not inalienable 350 Police power: When inalienable 351 Private contracts 352 Scope of the term 352 Source of the obligation 352 Ogden v. Saunders 353 Remedy a part of the obligation 354 Establishment of the rule 354 Qualifications of the rule 355 Municipal Bond cases 356 Private contracts and the police power 357 Emergency legislation 358 Individual rights versus public welfare 359 Evaluation of the clause today 359 Statistical data pertinent to the clause 361 Clause 2. Not to levy duties on exports and imports 362 Duties on exports and imports 362 Scope 362 Privilege taxes 363 Property taxes 364 Inspection laws 364 Clause 3. Not to lay tonnage duties, keep troops, make compacts, or engage in war 365 Tonnage duties 365 Keeping troops 366 Interstate compacts 366 Background of clause 366 Subject matter of interstate compacts 368 Consent of Congress 368 Grants of franchise to corporation by two States 369 Legal effect of interstate compacts 369

LEGISLATIVE DEPARTMENT

Article I

Section 1. All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives.

Doctrine of Enumerated Powers

Two important doctrines of Constitutional Law—that the Federal Government is one of enumerated powers and that legislative power may not be delegated—are derived in part from this section. The classical statement of the former is that by Chief Justice Marshall in McCulloch v. Maryland: "This government is acknowledged by all, to be one of enumerated powers. The principle, that it can exercise only the powers granted to it, would seem too apparent, to have required to be enforced by all those arguments, which its enlightened friends, while it was depending before the people, found it necessary to urge; that principle is now universally admitted."[1] That, however, "the executive power" is not confined to the items of it which are enumerated in article II was asserted early in the history of the Constitution by Madison and Hamilton alike and is today the doctrine of the Court;[2] and a similar latitudinarian conception of "the judicial power of the United States" was voiced in Justice Brewer's opinion for the Court in Kansas v. Colorado.[3] But even when confined to "the legislative powers herein granted," the doctrine is severely strained by Marshall's conception of some of these as set forth in his McCulloch v. Maryland opinion: This asserts that "the sword and the purse, all the external relations, and no inconsiderable portion of the industry of the nation, are intrusted to its government";[4] he characterizes "the power of making war," of "levying taxes," and of "regulating commerce" as "great, substantive and independent powers";[5] and the power conferred by the "necessary and proper" clause embraces, he declares, "all [legislative] means which are appropriate" to carry out "the legitimate ends" of the Constitution, unless forbidden by "the letter and spirit of the Constitution."[6] Nine years later, Marshall introduced what Story in his Commentaries labels the concept of "resulting powers," those which "rather be a result from the whole mass of the powers of the National Government, and from the nature of political society, than a consequence or incident of the powers specially enumerated."[7] Story's reference is to Marshall's opinion in American Insurance Company v. Canter,[8] where the latter says, that "the Constitution confers absolutely on the government of the Union, the powers of making war, and of making treaties; consequently, that government possesses the power of acquiring territory, either by conquest or by treaty."[9] And from the power to acquire territory, he continues, arises as "the inevitable consequence" the right to govern it.[10] Subsequently, powers have been repeatedly ascribed to the National Government by the Court on grounds which ill accord with the doctrine of enumerated powers: the power to legislate in effectuation of the "rights expressly given, and duties expressly enjoined" by the Constitution;[11] the power to impart to the paper currency of the Government the quality of legal tender in the payment of debts;[12] the power to acquire territory by discovery;[13] the power to legislate for the Indian tribes wherever situated in the United States;[14] the power to exclude and deport aliens;[15] and to require that those who are admitted be registered and fingerprinted;[16] and finally the complete powers of sovereignty, both those of war and peace, in the conduct of foreign relations. In the words of Justice Sutherland in United States v. Curtiss-Wright Export Corporation,[17] decided in 1936: "The broad statement that the federal government can exercise no powers except those specifically enumerated in the Constitution, and such implied powers as are necessary and proper to carry into effect the enumerated powers, is categorically true only in respect of our internal affairs. In that field, the primary purpose of the Constitution was to carve from the general mass of legislative powers then possessed by the states such portions as it was thought desirable to vest in the federal government, leaving those not included in the enumeration still in the states.... That this doctrine applies only to powers which the states had, is self evident. And since the states severally never possessed international powers, such powers could not have been carved from the mass of state powers but obviously were transmitted to the United States from some other source.... A political society cannot endure without a supreme will somewhere. Sovereignty is never held in suspense. When, therefore, the external sovereignty of Great Britain in respect of the colonies ceased, it immediately passed to the Union.... It results that the investment of the federal government with the powers of external sovereignty did not depend upon the affirmative grants of the Constitution. The powers to declare and wage war, to conclude peace, to make treaties, to maintain diplomatic relations with other sovereignties, if they had never been mentioned in the Constitution, would have vested in the federal government as necessary concomitants of nationality."[18] Yet for the most part, these holdings do not, as Justice Sutherland suggests, directly affect "the internal affairs" of the nation; they touch principally its peripheral relations, as it were. The most serious inroads on the doctrine of enumerated powers are, in fact, those which have taken place under cover of the doctrine—the vast expansion in recent years of national legislative power in the regulation of commerce among the States and in the expenditure of the national revenues; and verbally at least Marshall laid the ground for these developments in some of the phraseology above quoted from his opinion in McCulloch v. Maryland.

Nondelegability of Legislative Power

ORIGIN OF DOCTRINE

At least three distinct ideas have contributed to the development of the principle that legislative power cannot be delegated. One is the doctrine of separation of powers: Why go to the trouble of separating the three powers of government if they can straightway remerge on their own motion? The second is the concept of due process of law, which precludes the transfer of regulatory functions to private persons. Lastly, there is the maxim of agency "Delegata potestas non potest delegari," which John Locke borrowed and formulated as a dogma of political science.[19] In Hampton Jr. & Co. v. United States,[20] Chief Justice Taft offered the following explanation of the origin and limitations of this idea as a postulate of constitutional law: "The well-known maxim 'Delegata potestas non potest delegari,' applicable to the law of agency in the general and common law, is well understood and has had wider application in the construction of our Federal and State Constitutions than it has in private law. The Federal Constitution and State Constitutions of this country divide the governmental power into three branches. * * * in carrying out that constitutional division * * * it is a breach of the National fundamental law if Congress gives up its legislative power and transfers it to the President, or to the Judicial branch, or if by law it attempts to invest itself or its members with either executive power or judicial power. This is not to say that the three branches are not co-ordinate parts of one government and that each in the field of its duties may not invoke the action of the two other branches in so far as the action invoked shall not be an assumption of the constitutional field of action of another branch. In determining what it may do in seeking assistance from another branch, the extent and character of that assistance must be fixed according to common sense and the inherent necessities of the governmental co-ordination."[21]

FUNCTIONS WHICH MAY BE DELEGATED

Yielding to "common sense and the inherent necessities of governmental co-ordination" the Court has sustained numerous statutes granting in the total vast powers to administrative or executive agencies. Two different theories, both enunciated during the Chief Justiceship of John Marshall, have been utilized to justify these results. First in importance is the theory that another department may be empowered to "fill up the details" of a statute.[22] The second is that Congress may legislate contingently, leaving to others the task of ascertaining the facts which bring its declared policy into operation.[23]

POWER TO SUPPLEMENT STATUTORY PROVISIONS

The pioneer case which recognized the right of Congress to lodge in another department the power to "fill up the details" of a statute arose out of the authority given to federal courts to establish rules of practice, provided such rules were not repugnant to the laws of the United States. Chief Justice Marshall overruled the objection that this constituted an invalid delegation of legislative power, saying: "It will not be contended, that Congress can delegate to the courts, or to any other tribunals, powers which are strictly and exclusively legislative. But Congress may certainly delegate to others, powers which the legislature may rightfully exercise itself. * * * The line has not been exactly drawn which separates those important subjects, which must be entirely regulated by the legislature itself, from those of less interest, in which a general provision may be made, and power given to those who are to act under such general provisions, to fill up the details."[24]

STANDARDS FOR ADMINISTRATIVE ACTION

Before another agency can "fill up the details," Congress must enact something to be thus supplemented. In the current idiom, the lawmakers must first adopt a policy or set up an "intelligible standard" to which administrative action must conform.[25] But the Court has taken a generous view of what constitutes a policy or standard. Although it has said that "procedural safeguards cannot validate an unconstitutional delegation,"[26] the nature of the proceedings appears to be one of the elements weighed in determining whether a specific delegation is constitutional.[27] In cases where the delegated power is exercised by orders directed to particular persons after notice and hearing, with findings of fact and of law based upon the record made in the hearing, the Court has ruled that such general terms as "public interest,"[28] "public convenience, interest, or necessity,"[29] or "excessive profits,"[30] were sufficient to satisfy constitutional requirements. But in two cases arising under the National Industrial Recovery Act, a policy declaration of comparable generality was held insufficient for the promulgation of rules applicable to all persons engaged in a designated activity, without the procedural safeguards which surround the issuance of individual orders.[31] By subsequent decisions, somewhat more elaborate, but still very broad, standards have been deemed adequate for various price fixing measures.[32] In a recent case,[33] the Court sustained a statute which, without any explicit standards whatever, authorized the Federal Home Loan Bank Board to make rules and regulations for the supervision of Federal Savings and Loan Associations. That decision was influenced by the fact that the corporation was chartered by federal law as well as by the peculiar problems involved in the supervision of financial institutions. The Court was at pains to make clear that this decision would not necessarily govern the disposition of dissimilar cases.[34]

RULE-MAKING POWER

After Wayman v. Southard, nearly three quarters of a century elapsed before the Court had occasion to approve the delegation to an executive officer of power to issue regulations for the administration of a statute. In 1897 it sustained the authority granted to the Commissioner of Internal Revenue to designate the "marks, brands and stamps" to be affixed to packages of oleomargarine.[35] Soon thereafter it upheld an act which directed the Secretary of the Treasury to promulgate minimum standards of quality and purity for tea imported into the United States.[36] It has approved the delegation to executive or administrative officials of authority to make rules governing the use of forest reservations;[37] permitting reasonable variations and tolerances in the marking of food packages to disclose their contents;[38] designating tobacco markets at which grading of tobacco would be compulsory;[39] establishing priorities for the transportation of freight during a period of emergency;[40] prescribing price schedules for the distribution of milk;[41] or for all commodities[42] and for rental housing[43] in time of war; regulating wages and prices in the production and distribution of coal;[44] imposing a curfew to protect military resources in designated areas from espionage and sabotage;[45] providing for the appointment of receivers or conservators for Federal Savings and Loan Associations;[46] allotting marketing quotas for tobacco;[47] and prescribing methods of accounting for carriers in interstate commerce.[48]

ORDERS DIRECTED TO PARTICULAR PERSONS

The now familiar pattern of regulation of important segments of the economy by boards or commissions which combine in varying proportions the functions of all three departments of government was first established by the States in the field of railroad rate regulation. Discovering that direct action was impracticable, the State legislatures created commissions to deal with the problem. One of the pioneers in this development was Minnesota, whose Supreme Court justified the practice in an opinion which, with the implied[49] and later the explicit,[50] endorsement of the Supreme Court, practically settled the law on this point: "If such a power is to be exercised at all, it can only be satisfactorily done by a board or commission, constantly in session, whose time is exclusively given to the subject, and who, after investigation of the facts, can fix rates with reference to the peculiar circumstances of each road, and each particular kind of business, and who can change or modify these rates to suit the ever-varying conditions of traffic."[51] Contemporaneously Congress created the Interstate Commerce Commission to regulate the rates and practices of railroads with respect to interstate commerce. Although the Supreme Court has never had occasion to render a direct decision on the delegation of rate-making power to the Commission, it has repeatedly affirmed rate orders issued by that agency.[52] Likewise it has sustained the power of the Secretary of War to order the removal or alteration of bridges which unreasonably obstructed navigation over navigable waters;[53] the power of the Federal Reserve Board to authorize national banks to act as fiduciaries;[54] the authority of the Secretary of Labor to deport aliens of certain enumerated classes, if after hearing he found such aliens to be "undesirable residents";[55] the responsibility of the Interstate Commerce Commission to approve railroad consolidations found to be in the "public interest";[56] and the powers of the Federal Radio Commission[57] and the Federal Communications Commission[58] to license broadcasting stations as "public convenience, interest and necessity" may require. The terms, however, in which a statute delegates authority to an administrative agent are subject to judicial review; and in a recent case the Court disallowed an order of the Secretary of Agriculture proporting resting on Sec. 8 of the Agricultural Marketing Agreement Act of 1937[59] as ultra vires.[60]

DELEGATION TO PRIVATE PERSONS

Although in a few early cases the Supreme Court enforced statutes which gave legal effect to local customs of miners with respect to mining claims on public lands,[61] and to standards adopted by railroads for equipment on railroad cars,[62] it held, in Schechter Poultry Corp. v. United States,[63] and Carter v. Carter Coal Company[64] that private trade groups could not be empowered to issue binding rules concerning methods of competition or wages and hours of labor. On the other hand, statutes providing that restrictions upon the production or marketing of agricultural commodities shall become operative only upon a favorable vote by a prescribed majority of the persons affected have been upheld.[65] The position of the Court is that such a requirement does not involve any delegation of legislative authority, since Congress has merely placed a restriction upon its own regulation by withholding its operation in a given case unless it is approved upon a referendum.[66]

POWER TO GIVE EFFECT TO CONTINGENT LEGISLATION

An entirely different problem arises when, instead of directing another department of government to apply a general statute to individual cases, or to supplement it by detailed regulation, Congress commands that a previously enacted statute be revived, suspended or modified, or that a new rule be put into operation, upon the finding of certain facts by an executive or administrative officer. Since the delegated function in such cases is not that of "filling up the details" of a statute, authority for it must be sought elsewhere than in Wayman v. Southard and its progeny. It is to be found in an even earlier case—The Brig Aurora[67]—where the revival of a law upon the issuance of a Presidential proclamation was upheld in 1813. After previous restraints on British shipping had lapsed, Congress passed a new law stating that those restrictions should be renewed in the event the President found and proclaimed that France had abandoned certain practices which violated the neutral commerce of the United States. To the objection that this was an invalid delegation of legislative power, the Court answered briefly that "we can see no sufficient reason, why the legislature should not exercise its discretion in reviving the act of March 1st, 1809, either expressly or conditionally, as their judgment should direct."[68]

MODIFICATION OF TARIFF LAWS

This point was raised again in Field v. Clark,[69] where the Tariff Act of 1890 was assailed as unconstitutional because it directed the President to suspend the free importation of enumerated commodities "for such time as he shall deem just" if he found that other countries imposed upon agricultural or other products of the United States duties or other exactions which "he may deem to be reciprocally unequal and unjust." In sustaining this statute the Court relied heavily upon two factors: (1) legislative precedents which demonstrated that "in the judgment of the legislative branch of the government, it is often desirable, if not essential, * * *, to invest the President with large discretion in matters arising out of the execution of statutes relating to trade and commerce with other nations";[70] (2) that the act "did not, in any real sense, invest the President with the power of legislation. * * * Congress itself prescribed, in advance, the duties to be levied, * * *, while the suspension lasted. Nothing involving the expediency or the just operation of such legislation was left to the determination of the President. * * * He had no discretion in the premises except in respect to the duration of the suspension so ordered."[71] By similar reasoning, the Court sustained the flexible provisions of the Tariff Act of 1922 whereby duties were increased or decreased to reflect differences in cost of production at home and abroad, as such differences were ascertained and proclaimed by the President.[72]

ARMS EMBARGO

That the delegation of discretion in dealing with foreign relations stands upon a different footing than the transfer of authority to regulate domestic concerns was clearly indicated in United States v. Curtiss-Wright Export Corp.[73] There the Court upheld the Joint Resolution of Congress which made it unlawful to sell arms to certain warring countries "if the President finds that the prohibition of the sale of arms and munitions of war in the United States to those countries now engaged in armed conflict in the Chaco may contribute to the reestablishment of peace * * *, and if * * *, he makes proclamation to that effect, * * *" Said Justice Sutherland for the Court: "It is important to bear in mind that we are here dealing not alone with an authority vested in the President by an exertion of legislative power, but with such an authority plus the very delicate, plenary and exclusive power of the President as the sole organ of the Federal Government in the field of international relations—* * *, Congressional legislation which is to be made effective through negotiation and inquiry within the international field must often accord to the President a degree of discretion and freedom from statutory restriction which would not be admissible were domestic affairs alone involved."[74]

INTERNAL AFFAIRS

Panama Refining Co. v. Ryan[75] was the first case in which the President had been authorized to put into effect by proclamation, a new and independent rule pertaining to internal affairs. One section of the National Industrial Recovery Act authorized the President to forbid the shipment in interstate commerce of oil produced or withdrawn from storage in violation of State law. Apart from the purposes broadly stated in the first section—economic recovery and conservation of natural resources—the measure contained no standard or statement of policy by which the President should be guided in determining whether or when to issue the order. Nor did it require him to make any findings of fact to disclose the basis of his action. By a vote of eight-to-one the Court held the delegation invalid. The only case in which the power of an administrative official to modify a rule enacted by Congress relating to domestic affairs has been sustained is Opp Cotton Mills v. Administrator.[76] That case involved the provisions of the Fair Labor Standards Act which authorized the appointment of Industry Advisory Committees to investigate conditions in particular industries, with notice and opportunity to be heard afforded to interested parties. Upon consideration of factors enumerated in the law and upon finding that the conditions specified in the law were fulfilled, such Committees were empowered to recommend and the Administrator to adopt, higher minimum wage rates for particular industries. Emphasizing the procedure which the agency was directed to follow and the fact that it would be impossible for Congress to prescribe specific minimum wages for particular industries,[77] a unanimous court sustained the law on the ground that the sole function of the Administrator was to put into effect the definite policy adopted by the legislators.

EMERGENCY STATUTES

Occupying a midway station between legislation which deals with foreign affairs and purely domestic legislation is what may be termed "emergency statutes." These are largely the outgrowth of the two World Wars. Thus on December 16, 1950, President Truman issued a proclamation declaring "the existence of a national emergency," and by so doing "activated" more than sixty statutes or parts thereof which by their terms apply to or during "a condition of emergency" or "in time of war or national emergency," etc. Most of these specifically leave it to the President to determine the question of emergency, and the White House assumption seems to be that they all do so. Many of the provisions thus activated delegate powers of greater or less importance to the President himself or remove statutory restrictions thereon.[78]

PUNISHMENT OF VIOLATIONS

If Congress so provides, violations of valid administrative regulations may be punished as crimes.[79] But the penalties must be provided in the statute itself; additional punishment cannot be imposed by administrative action.[80] In an early case, the Court held that a section prescribing penalties for any violation of a statute did not warrant a prosecution for wilful disobedience of regulations authorized by, and lawfully issued pursuant to, the act.[81] Without disavowing this general proposition, the Court, in 1944, upheld a suspension order issued by the OPA whereby a dealer in fuel oil who had violated rationing regulations was forbidden to receive or deal on that commodity.[82] Although such an order was not explicitly authorized by statute, it was sustained as being a reasonable measure for effecting a fair allocation of fuel oil, rather than as a means of punishment for an offender. In another OPA case, the Court ruled that in a criminal prosecution, a price regulation was subject to the same rule of strict construction as a statute, and that omissions from, or indefiniteness in, such a regulation, could not be cured by the Administrator's interpretation thereof.[83]

Congressional Investigations

INVESTIGATIONS IN AID OF LEGISLATION

No provision of the Constitution expressly authorized either house of Congress to make investigations and exact testimony to the end that it may exercise its legislative function effectively and advisedly. But such a power had been frequently exercised by the British Parliament and by the Assemblies of the American Colonies prior to the adoption of the Constitution.[84] It was asserted by the House of Representatives as early as 1792 when it appointed a committee to investigate the disaster to General St. Clair and his army in the Northwest and empowered it to "call for such persons, papers, and records, as may be necessary to assist their inquiries."[85]

CONDUCT OF EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT

For many years the investigating function of Congress was limited to inquiries into the administration of the Executive Department or of instrumentalities of the Government. Until the administration of Andrew Jackson this power was not seriously challenged.[86] During the controversy over renewal of the charter of the Bank of the United States, John Quincy Adams contended that an unlimited inquiry into the operations of the bank would be beyond the power of the House.[87] Four years later the legislative power of investigation was challenged by the President. A committee appointed by the House of Representatives "with power to send for persons and papers, and with instructions to inquire into the condition of the various executive departments, the ability and integrity with which they have been conducted, * * *"[88] called upon the President and the heads of departments for lists of persons appointed without the consent of the Senate and the amounts paid to them. Resentful of this attempt "to invade the just rights of the Executive Departments" the President refused to comply and the majority of the committee acquiesced.[89] Nevertheless Congressional investigations of Executive Departments have continued to the present day. Shortly before the Civil War, contempt proceedings against a witness who refused to testify in an investigation of John Brown's raid upon the arsenal at Harper's Ferry occasioned a thorough consideration by the Senate of the basis of this power. After a protracted debate, which cut sharply across sectional and party lines, the Senate voted overwhelmingly to imprison the contumacious witness.[90] Notwithstanding this firmly established legislative practice the Supreme Court took a narrow view of the power in the case of Kilbourn v. Thompson.[91] It held that the House of Representatives had overstepped its jurisdiction when it instituted an investigation of losses suffered by the United States as a creditor of Jay Cooke and Company, whose estate was being administered in bankruptcy by a federal court. But nearly half a century later, in McGrain v. Daugherty,[92] it ratified in sweeping terms, the power of Congress to inquire into the administration of an executive department and to sift charges of malfeasance in such administration.

PRIVATE AFFAIRS

Beginning with the resolution adopted by the House of Representatives in 1827 which vested its Committee on Manufactures "with the power to send for persons and papers with a view to ascertain and report to this House such facts as may be useful to guide the judgment of this House in relation to a revision of the tariff duties on imported goods,"[93] the two Houses have asserted the right to inquire into private affairs when necessary to enlighten their judgment on proposed legislation. In Kilbourn v. Thompson,[94] the Court denied the right of Congress to pry into private affairs. Again, in Interstate Commerce Commission v. Brimson,[95] in sustaining a statute authorizing the Courts to use their process to compel witnesses to give testimony sought by the Commission for the enforcement of the act, the Court warned that, "neither branch of the legislative department, still less any merely administrative body, established by Congress, possesses, or can be invested with, a general power of making inquiry into the private affairs of the citizen."[96] Finally, however, in McGrain v. Daugherty,[97] the power of either House "to compel a private individual to appear before it or one of its committees and give testimony needed to enable it efficiently to exercise a legislative function belonging to it under the Constitution, * * *"[98] was judicially recognized and approved.

PURPOSE OF INQUIRY

In the absence of any showing that legislation was contemplated as a result of the inquiry undertaken in Kilbourn v. Thompson, the Supreme Court concluded that the purpose was an improper one—to pry into matters with which the judiciary alone was empowered to deal.[99] Subsequent cases have given the legislature the benefit of a presumption that its object is legitimate. In re Chapman[100] established the proposition that to make an investigation lawful "it was certainly not necessary that the resolutions should declare in advance what the Senate meditated doing when the investigation was concluded."[101] Similarly, in McGrain v. Daugherty, the investigation was presumed to have been undertaken in good faith to aid the Senate in legislating.[102] Going one step further in Sinclair v. United States,[103] which on its facts presented a close parallel to the Kilbourn Case, the Court affirmed the right of the Senate to carry on its investigation of fraudulent leases of government property after suit for the recovery thereof had been instituted. The president of the lessee corporation had refused to testify on the ground that the questions related to his private affairs and to matters cognizable only in the courts wherein they were pending and that the committee avowedly had departed from any inquiry in aid of legislation. The Senate prudently had directed the investigating committee to ascertain what, if any, other or additional legislation may be advisable. Conceding "that Congress is without authority to compel disclosures for the purpose of aiding the prosecution of pending suits," the Court declared that the authority "to require pertinent disclosures in aid of its own constitutional power is not abridged because the information sought to be elicited may also be of use in such suits."[104]

JUDICIAL FUNCTIONS

When either House exercises a judicial function, as in judging of elections or determining whether a member should be expelled, it is clearly entitled to compel the attendance of witnesses to disclose the facts upon which its action must be based. Thus the Court held that since a House had a right to expel a member for any offense which it deemed incompatible with his trust and duty as a member, it was entitled to investigate such conduct and to summon private individuals to give testimony concerning it.[105] The decision in Barry v. United States ex rel. Cunningham[106] sanctioned the exercise of a similar power in investigating a Senatorial election.

SANCTIONS OF THE INVESTIGATORY POWER

Contempt

Explicit judicial recognition of the right of either House of Congress to commit for contempt a witness who ignores its summons or refuses to answer its inquiries dates from McGrain v. Daugherty. But the principle there applied had its roots in an early case, Anderson v. Dunn,[107] which affirmed in broad terms the right of either branch of the legislature to attach and punish a person other than a member for contempt of its authority—in that case an attempt to bribe one of its members. The right to punish a contumacious witness was conceded in Marshall v. Gordon,[108] although the Court there held that the implied power to deal with contempt did not extend to the arrest of a person who published matter defamatory of the House. Both Anderson v. Dunn and Marshall v. Gordon emphasized that the power to punish for contempt rests upon the right of self-preservation; that is, in the words of Chief Justice White, "the right to prevent acts which in and of themselves inherently obstruct or prevent the discharge of legislative duty or the refusal to do that which there is inherent legislative power to compel in order that legislative functions may be performed."[109] Whence it was argued, in Jurney v. MacCracken[110] that the Senate had no power to punish a witness who, having been commanded to produce papers, destroyed them after service of the subpoena, because the "power to punish for contempt may never be exerted, in the case of a private citizen, solely qua punishment. * * * the power to punish ceases as soon as the obstruction has been removed, or its removal has become impossible; * * *" The Court confirmed the power to punish for a past contempt as an appropriate means for vindicating "the established and essential privilege of requiring the production of evidence."[111]

Criminal Prosecutions

Under the rule laid down by Anderson v. Dunn, imprisonment for contempt of one of the Houses of Congress could not extend beyond the adjournment of the body which ordered it.[112] This limitation seriously impaired the efficacy of such sanction. Accordingly, in 1857 Congress found it necessary to provide criminal penalties for recalcitrant witnesses, in order to make its power to compel testimony more effective. The Supreme Court held that the purpose of this statute was merely to supplement the power of contempt by providing additional punishment, and overruled all constitutional objections to it saying: "We grant that Congress could not divest itself, or either of its Houses, of the essential and inherent power to punish for contempt, in cases to which the power of either House properly extended; but, because Congress, by the act of 1857, sought to aid each of the Houses in the discharge of its constitutional functions, it does not follow that any delegation of the power in each to punish for contempt was involved; * * *."[113] In a prosecution for wilful failure of a person to produce records within her custody and control pursuant to a lawful subpoena issued by a committee of the House of Representatives, the Supreme Court ruled that the presence of a quorum of the committee at the time of the return of the subpoena was not an essential element of the offense.[114] Previously the Court had held that a prosecution could not be maintained under a general perjury statute for false testimony given before a Congressional committee unless a quorum of the committee was present when the evidence was given.[115]

Section 2. Clause 1. The House of Representatives shall be composed of Members chosen every second Year by the People of the several States, and the Electors in each State shall have the Qualifications requisite for Electors of the most numerous Branch of the State Legislature.

Clause 2. No Person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained to the Age of twenty five Years, and been seven Years a Citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of the State in which he shall be chosen.

Qualifications of Members of Congress

CONGRESSIONAL PROTECTION OF RIGHT TO VOTE FOR REPRESENTATIVES

Although the qualifications of electors of Members of Congress are defined by State law,[116] the right to vote for such Representatives is derived from the Federal Constitution.[117] Unlike the rights guaranteed by the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments, this privilege is secured against the actions of individuals as well as of the States.[118] It embraces the right to cast a ballot and to have it counted honestly.[119] Where a primary election is made by law an integral part of the procedure of choice or where the choice of a representative is in fact controlled by the primary, the Constitution safeguards the rights of qualified electors to participate therein.[120] Congress may protect this right by appropriate legislation.[121] In prosecutions instituted under section 19 of the Criminal Code,[122] the Court had held that failure to count ballots lawfully cast,[123] or dilution of their value by stuffing the ballot box with fraudulent ballots[124] constitutes a denial of the constitutional right to elect Representatives in Congress. But the bribery of voters, although within reach of Congressional power under other clauses of the Constitution, is not deemed to be an interference with the rights guaranteed by this section to other qualified voters.[125]

WHEN THE ABOVE QUALIFICATIONS MUST BE POSSESSED

The principal disputes which have arisen under these sections have related to the time as of which members-elect must fulfill the conditions of eligibility, and whether additional requirements may be imposed by federal or State law. Although on two occasions when it refused to seat persons who were ineligible when they sought to take the oath of office, the Senate indicated that eligibility must exist at the time of election, it is now established in both Houses that it is sufficient if the requirements are met when the oath is administered. Thus persons elected to either House before attaining the required age or term of citizenship have been admitted as soon as they became qualified.[126]

ENLARGEMENT OF QUALIFICATIONS

Writing in The Federalist[127] with reference to the election of Members of Congress, Hamilton expressed the opinion that "the qualifications of persons who may * * * be chosen * * * are defined and fixed in the Constitution and are unalterable by the legislature." The question remained academic until the Civil War, when Congress passed a law requiring its members to take an oath that they had never been disloyal to the Federal Government. In subsequent contests over the seating of men charged with disloyalty, the right of Congress to establish by law other qualifications for its members than those contained in the Constitution was sharply challenged. Nevertheless, both the House and Senate, relying on this act, did refuse to seat several persons.[128] At this time the principal argument against the statute was that all persons were eligible for the office of Representative unless the Constitution made them ineligible. In Burton v. United States,[129] the argument was given a new twist. A law providing that a Senator or Representative convicted of unlawfully receiving money for services rendered before a government department should be "rendered forever thereafter incapable of holding any office of honor, trust or profit under the Government of the United States," was assailed as an unconstitutional interference with the authority of each House to judge the qualifications of, or to expel, one of its own members. The Court construed the statute not to affect the offender's tenure as a Senator, and left undecided the power of Congress to impose additional qualifications (or disqualifications).[130] In exercising the power granted by section 5 to judge the qualifications of its own members, each House has asserted the power to inquire into the conduct of a member-elect prior to his election. In 1900 the House of Representatives refused to seat a person who practiced polygamy,[131] and in 1928 the Senate voted to exclude a Senator-elect on the ground that his acceptance of large campaign contributions from persons who were subject to regulation by a State Administrative Commission of which he had been Chairman were "contrary to sound public policy" and tainted his credentials with fraud and corruption.[132]

INABILITY OF THE STATES TO ENLARGE

A State may not add to the qualifications prescribed by the Constitution for members of the Senate and House of Representatives. Asserting this principle, the House in 1807 seated a member whose election was contested on the ground that he had not been twelve months a resident of the district from which elected as required by State law. No attempt was made to ascertain whether these requirements were met because the State law was deemed to be unconstitutional.[133] Both the House and Senate have seated members elected during their term of office as State judges, despite the provision of State constitutions purporting to bar the election of judges to any other office under the State or the United States during such term.[134]

Clause 3. [Representatives and direct Taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective Numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole Number of free Persons, including those bound to Service for a Term of Years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three fifths of all other Persons].[135] The actual Enumeration shall be made within three Years after the first Meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent Term of ten Years, in such Manner as they shall by Law direct. The Number of Representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty Thousand, but each State shall have at Least one Representative; and until such enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled to chuse three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five, New-York six, New Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten, North Carolina five, South Carolina five, and Georgia three.

THE CENSUS REQUIREMENT

While section 2 expressly provides for an enumeration of persons, Congress has repeatedly directed an enumeration not only of the free persons in the States, but also of those in the territories, and has required all persons over eighteen years of age to answer an ever-lengthening list of inquiries concerning their personal and economic affairs. This extended scope of the census has received the implied approval of the Supreme Court;[136] it is one of the methods whereby the national legislature exercises its inherent power to obtain the information necessary for intelligent legislative action. Although taking an enlarged view of its power in making the enumeration of persons called for by this section, Congress has not always complied with its positive mandate to reapportion representatives among the States after the census is taken. It failed to make such a reapportionment after the census of 1920, being unable to reach agreement for allotting representation without further increasing the size of the House. Ultimately, by the act of June 18, 1929,[137] it provided that the membership of the House of Representatives should henceforth be restricted to 435 members, to be distributed among the States by the so-called "method of major fractions" which had been earlier employed in the apportionment of 1911.

Clause 4. When vacancies happen in the Representation from any State, the Executive Authority thereof shall issue Writs of Election to fill such Vacancies.

Clause 5. The House of Representatives shall chuse their Speaker and other Officers; and shall have the sole Power of Impeachment.

Section 3. Clause 1. [The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Senators from each State, chosen by the Legislature thereof, for six Years; and each Senator shall have one vote].

Clause 2. Immediately after they shall be assembled in Consequence of the first Election, they shall be divided as equally as may be into three classes. The Seats of the Senators of the first Class shall be vacated at the Expiration of the second Year, of the second Class at the Expiration of the fourth Year, and of the third Class at the Expiration of the sixth Year, so that one third may be chosen every second Year; [and if Vacancies happen by Resignation, or otherwise, during the Recess of the Legislature of any State, the Executive thereof may make temporary Appointments until the next Meeting of the Legislature, which shall then fill such Vacancies].[138]

Clause 3. No Person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to the Age of thirty Years, and been nine Years a Citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that State for which he shall be chosen.

Clause 4. The Vice President of the United States shall be President of the Senate, but shall have no Vote, unless they be equally divided.

Clause 5. The Senate shall chuse their other Officers, and also a President pro tempore, in the Absence of the Vice President, or when he shall exercise the Office of President of the United States.

Clause 6. The Senate shall have the sole Power to try all Impeachments. When sitting for that Purpose, they shall be on Oath or Affirmation. When the President of the United States is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside: And no Person shall be convicted without the Concurrence of two thirds of the Members present.

Clause 7. Judgment in Cases of Impeachment shall not extend further than to removal from Office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any Office of honor, Trust or Profit under the United States; but the Party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to Indictment, Trial, Judgment and Punishment, according to Law.

Section 4. Clause 1. The Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time by Law make or alter such Regulations, except as to the Places of chusing Senators.

Federal Legislation Under This Clause

Not until 1842 did Congress undertake to exercise the power to regulate the "times, places and manner of holding elections for Senators and Representatives." In that year it passed a law requiring the election of Representatives by districts.[139] Prior to that time some of the States had sought to increase their influence by electing all of their Representatives on a general ticket. The frequent deadlocks between the two Houses of State legislatures with respect to the election of Senators prompted Congress to pass a further act in 1866, which compelled the two bodies to meet in joint session on a specified day, and to meet everyday thereafter and vote for a Senator until one was elected.[140] The first comprehensive federal statute dealing with elections was adopted in 1870. Under the Enforcement Act of 1870 and kindred measures,[141] false registration, bribery, voting without legal right, making false returns of votes cast, interference in any manner with officers of election, and the neglect by any such officer of any duty required of him by State of federal law, were made federal offenses. Provision was made for the appointment by federal judges of persons to attend at places of registration and at elections with authority to challenge any person proposing to register or vote unlawfully, to witness the counting of votes, and to identify by their signatures the registration of voters and election tally sheets. After twenty-four years experience Congress repealed those portions of the Reconstruction legislation which dealt specifically with elections, but left in effect those dealing generally with Civil Rights.[142] As seen earlier, those sections have been invoked for the prosecution of election offenses which interfere with the rights of voters guaranteed by the second section of this article. The election laws, of the Reconstruction period were held invalid in part as applied to municipal elections,[143] but were found to be a constitutional exercise of the authority conferred by this section with respect to the election of members of Congress.[144]

LEGISLATURE DEFINED

While requiring the election of Representatives by districts, Congress has left it to the States to define the areas from which members should be chosen. This has occasioned a number of disputes concerning the validity of action taken by the States. In Ohio ex rel. Davis v. Hildebrant,[145] a requirement that a redistricting law be submitted to a popular referendum was challenged and sustained. After the reapportionment made pursuant to the 1930 census, deadlocks between the Governor and legislature in several States, produced a series of cases in which the right of the Governor to veto a reapportionment bill was questioned. Contrasting this function with other duties committed to State legislatures by the Constitution, the Court decided that it was legislative in character and hence subject to gubernatorial veto to the same extent as ordinary legislation under the terms of the State constitution.[146]

PRESENT INEQUALITY OF ELECTION DISTRICTS

The Reapportionment Act of 1929[147] omitted a requirement contained in the 1911 law[148] that Congressional districts be "composed of a contiguous and compact territory, * * * containing as nearly as practicable an equal number of inhabitants." Since the earlier act was not repealed it was argued that the mandate concerning compactness, contiguity and equality of population of districts was still controlling. The Supreme Court rejected this view.[149] In Colegrove v. Green,[150] the Illinois Apportionment law, which created districts now having glaringly unequal populations, was attacked as unconstitutional on the ground that it denied to voters in the more populous districts the full right to vote and to the equal protection of the laws. The Court dismissed the complaint, three Justices asserting that the issue was not justiciable, and a fourth that the case was one in which the Court should decline to exercise jurisdiction.[151] Justice Black, dissenting in an opinion in which Justices Douglas and Murphy joined, argued: "While the Constitution contains no express provision requiring that Congressional election districts established by the States must contain approximately equal populations, the constitutionally guaranteed right to vote and the right to have one's vote counted clearly imply the policy that State election systems, no matter what their form, should be designed to give approximately equal weight of each vote case. * * * legislation which must inevitably bring about glaringly unequal representation in the Congress in favor of special classes and groups should be invalidated, 'whether accomplished ingeniously or ingenuously'."[152]

CONGRESSIONAL PROTECTION OF THE ELECTORAL PROCESS

Congress can by law protect the voter from personal violence or intimidation and the election itself from corruption and fraud.[153] To accomplish these ends it may adopt the statutes of the States and enforce them by its own sanctions.[154] It may punish a State election officer for violating his duty under a State law governing Congressional elections.[155] It may also punish federal officers and employees who solicit or receive contributions to procure the nomination of a particular candidate in a State primary election.[156] At one time the Court held that Congress had no power, at least prior to the adoption of the Seventeenth Amendment, to limit the expenditures made to procure a primary nomination to the United States Senate,[157] but this decision has been greatly weakened, and the right of the National Government to regulate primary elections conducted under State law for the nomination of Members of Congress has been squarely recognized where such primary is made by State law "an integral part of the procedure of choice, or where in fact the primary effectively controls the choice,..."[158]

Clause 2. [The Congress shall assemble at least once in every Year, and such Meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by law appoint a different Day].

Section 5. Clause 1. Each House shall be the Judge of the Elections, Returns and Qualifications of its own Members, and a Majority of each shall constitute a Quorum to do Business; but a smaller Number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the Attendance of absent Members, in such Manner, and under such Penalties as each House may provide.

Clause 2. Each House may determine the Rules of its Proceedings, punish its Members for disorderly Behaviour, and, with the Concurrence of two thirds, expel a Member.

Clause 3. Each House shall keep a Journal of its Proceedings, and from time to time publish the same, excepting such Parts as may in their Judgment require Secrecy; and the Yeas and Nays of the Members of either House on any question shall, at the Desire of one fifth of those Present, be entered on the Journal.

Clause 4. Neither House, during the Session of Congress, shall, without the Consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other Place than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting.

Powers and Duties of the Houses

POWER TO JUDGE ELECTIONS

Each House, in judging of elections under this clause acts as a judicial tribunal, with like power to compel attendance of witnesses. In the exercise of its discretion, it may issue a warrant for the arrest of a witness to procure his testimony, without previous subpoena, if there is good reason to believe that otherwise such witness would not be forthcoming.[159] It may punish perjury committed in testifying before a notary public upon a contested election.[160] The power to judge elections extends to an investigation of expenditures made to influence nominations at a primary election.[161] Refusal to permit a person presenting credentials in due form to take the oath of office does not oust the jurisdiction of the Senate to inquire into the legality of the election.[162] Nor does such refusal unlawfully deprive the State which elected such person of its equal suffrage in the Senate.[163]

"A QUORUM TO DO BUSINESS"

For many years the view prevailed in the House of Representatives that it was necessary for a majority of the members to vote on any proposition submitted to the House in order to satisfy the constitutional requirement for a quorum. It was a common practice for the opposition to break a quorum by refusing to vote. This was changed in 1890, by a ruling made by Speaker Reed, and later embodied in Rule XV of the House, that members present in the chamber but not voting would be counted in determining the presence of a quorum.[164] The Supreme Court upheld this rule in United States v. Ballin,[165] saying that the capacity of the House to transact business is "created by the mere presence of a majority," and that since the Constitution does not prescribe any method for determining the presence of such majority "it is therefore within the competency of the House to prescribe any method which shall be reasonably certain to ascertain the fact."[166] The rules of the Senate provide for the ascertainment of a quorum only by a roll call,[167] but in a few cases it has held that if a quorum is present, a proposition can be determined by the vote of a lesser number of members.[168]

RULES OF PROCEDURE

In the exercise of their constitutional power to determine their rules of proceedings the Houses of Congress may not "ignore constitutional restraints or violate fundamental rights, and there should be a reasonable relation between the mode or method of proceeding established by the rule and the result which is sought to be attained. But within these limitations all matters of method are open to the determination of the House, * * * The power to make rules is not one which once exercised is exhausted. It is a continuous power, always subject to be exercised by the House, and within the limitations suggested, absolute and beyond the challenge of any other body or tribunal."[169] Where a rule affects private rights, the construction thereof becomes a judicial question. In United States v. Smith,[170] the Court held that the Senate's attempt to reconsider its confirmation of a person nominated by the President as Chairman of the Federal Power Commission was not warranted by its rules, and did not deprive the appointee of his title to the office. In Christoffel v. United States[171] a sharply divided Court upset a conviction for perjury in the district courts of one who had denied under oath before a House Committee any affiliation with Communism. The reversal was based on the ground that inasmuch as a quorum of the Committee, while present at the outset, was not present at the time of the alleged perjury, testimony before it was not before a "competent tribunal" within the sense of the District of Columbia Code.[172] Four Justices, speaking by Justice Jackson dissented, arguing that under the rules and practices of the House, "a quorum once established is presumed to continue unless and until a point of no quorum is raised" and that the Court was, in effect, invalidating this rule, thereby invalidating at the same time the rule of self-limitation observed by courts "where such an issue is tendered."[173]

POWERS OF THE HOUSES OVER MEMBERS

Congress has authority to make it an offense against the United States for a Member, during his continuance in office, to receive compensation for services before a government department in relation to proceedings in which the United States is interested. Such a statute does not interfere with the legitimate authority of the Senate or House over its own Members.[174] In upholding the power of the Senate to investigate charges that some Senators had been speculating in sugar stocks during the consideration of a tariff bill, the Supreme Court asserted that "the right to expel extends to all cases where the offence is such as in the judgment of the Senate is inconsistent with the trust and duty of a Member."[175] It cited with apparent approval the action of the Senate in expelling William Blount in 1797 for attempting to seduce an American agent among the Indians from his duty and for negotiating for services in behalf of the British Government among the Indians—conduct which was not a "statutable offense" and which was not committed in his official character, nor during the session of Congress nor at the seat of government.

THE DUTY TO KEEP A JOURNAL

The object of the clause requiring the keeping of a Journal is "to insure publicity to the proceedings of the legislature, and a correspondent responsibility of the members to their respective constituents."[176] When the Journal of either House is put in evidence for the purpose of determining whether the yeas and nays, were ordered, and what the vote was on any particular question, the Journal must be presumed to show the truth, and a statement therein that a quorum was present, though not disclosed by the yeas and nays, is final.[177] But when an enrolled bill, which has been signed by the Speaker of the House and by the President of the Senate, in open session, receives the approval of the President and is deposited in the Department of State, its authentication as a bill that has passed Congress is complete and unimpeachable, and it is not competent to show from the Journals of either House that an act so authenticated, approved, and deposited, in fact omitted one section actually passed by both Houses of Congress.[178]

Section 6. Clause 1. The Senators and Representatives shall receive a Compensation for their Services, to be ascertained by Law, and paid out of the Treasury of the United States. They shall in all Cases, except Treason, Felony and Breach of the Peace, be privileged from Arrest during their Attendance at the Session of their respective Houses, and in going to and returning from the same; and for any Speech or Debate in either House, they shall not be questioned in any other Place.

Compensation, Immunities and Disabilities of Members

WHEN THE PAY STARTS

A Member of Congress who receives his certificate of admission, and is seated, allowed to vote, and serve on committees, is prima facie entitled to the seat and salary, even though the House subsequently declares his seat vacant. The one who contested the election and was subsequently chosen to fill the vacancy is entitled to salary only from the time the compensation of such "predecessor" has ceased.[179]

PRIVILEGE FROM ARREST

This clause is practically obsolete. It applies only to arrests in civil suits, which were still common in this country at the time the Constitution was adopted.[180] It does not apply to service of process in either civil[181] or criminal cases.[182] Nor does it apply to arrest in any criminal case. The phrase "treason, felony or breach of the peace" is interpreted to withdraw all criminal offenses from the operation of the privilege.[183]

THE PRIVILEGE OF SPEECH OR DEBATE

The protection of this clause is not limited to words spoken in debate, but is applicable to written reports, to resolutions offered, to the act of voting and to all things generally done in a session of the House by one of its members in relation to the business before it.[184] In Kilbourn v. Thompson[185] the Supreme Court quoted with approval the following excerpt from the opinion of Chief Justice Parsons in the early Massachusetts of Coffin v. Coffin,[186] giving a broad scope to the immunity of legislators: "'These privileges are thus secured, not with the intention of protecting the members against prosecutions for their own benefit, but to support the rights of the people, by enabling their representatives to execute the functions of their office without fear of prosecutions, civil or criminal. I, therefore, think that the article ought not to be construed strictly, but liberally, that the full design of it may be answered. I will not confine it to delivering an opinion, uttering a speech, or haranguing in debate, but will extend it to the giving of a vote, to the making of a written report, and to every other act resulting from the nature and in the execution of the office. And I would define the article as securing to every member exemption from prosecution for everything said or done by him as a representative, in the exercise of the functions of that office, without inquiring whether the exercise was regular, according to the rules of the House, or irregular and against their rules. I do not confine the member to his place in the House; and I am satisfied that there are cases in which he is entitled to this privilege when not within the walls of the representatives' chamber.'"[187] Accordingly the Court ruled that Members of the House of Representatives were not liable to a suit for false imprisonment by reason of their initiation and prosecution of the legislative proceedings under which plaintiff was arrested.[188] Nor does the claim of an unworthy purpose destroy the privilege. "Legislators are immune from deterrents to the uninhibited discharge of their legislative duty, not for their private indulgence but for the public good. One must not expect uncommon courage even in legislators".[189]

Clause 2. No Senator or Representative shall, during the Time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil Office under the Authority of the United States, which shall have been created, or the Emoluments whereof shall have been encreased during such time; and no Person holding any Office under the United States, shall be a Member of either House during his Continuance in Office.

INCOMPATIBLE OFFICES

According to legislative precedents, visitors to academies, regents, directors and trustees of public institutions, and members of temporary commissions who receive no compensation as such, are not officers within the constitutional inhibition of section 6.[190] Government contractors and federal officers who resign before presenting their credentials may be seated as Members of Congress.[191] In 1909, after having increased the salary of the Secretary of State,[192] Congress reduced it to the former figure so that a Member of the Senate at the time the increase was voted would be eligible for that office.[193] The first clause again became a subject of discussion in 1937, when Justice Black was appointed to the Supreme Court in face of the fact that Congress had recently improved the financial position of Justices retiring at seventy and the term for which Mr. Black had been elected to the Senate from Alabama in 1932 had still some time to run. The appointment was defended by the argument that inasmuch as Mr. Black was only fifty-one years old at the time and so would be ineligible for the "increased emolument" for nineteen years, it was not as to him an increased emolument.[194]

Section 7. Clause 1. All Bills for raising Revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with Amendments as on other Bills.

Clause 2. Every Bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it become a Law, be presented to the President of the United States; If he approve he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it, with his Objections to that House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the Objections at large on their Journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after such Reconsideration two thirds of that House shall agree to pass the Bill, it shall be sent, together with the Objections, to the other House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two thirds of that House, it shall become a Law. But in all such Cases the Votes of both Houses shall be determined by yeas and Nays, and the Names of the Persons voting for and against the Bill shall be entered on the Journal of each House respectively. If any Bill shall not be returned by the President within ten Days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the Same shall be a Law, in like Manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress by their Adjournment prevent its Return, in which Case it shall not be a Law.

THE LEGISLATIVE PROCESS

REVENUE BILLS

Only bills to levy taxes in the strict sense of the word are comprehended by the phrase "all bills for raising revenue"; bills for other purposes, which incidentally create revenue, are not included.[195] An act providing a national currency secured by a pledge of bonds of the United States, which, "in the furtherance of that object, and also to meet the expenses attending the execution of the act," imposed a tax on the circulating notes of national banks was held not to be a revenue measure which must originate in the House of Representatives.[196] Neither was a bill which provided that the District of Columbia should raise by taxation and pay to designated railroad companies a specified sum for the elimination of grade crossings and the construction of a union railway station.[197] The substitution of a corporation tax for an inheritance tax,[198] and the addition of a section imposing an excise tax upon the use of foreign built pleasure yachts,[199] have been held to be within the Senate's constitutional power to propose amendments.

APPROVAL BY THE PRESIDENT

The President is not restricted to signing a bill on a day when Congress is in session.[200] He may sign within ten days (Sundays excepted) after the bill is presented to him, even if that period extends beyond the date of the final adjournment of Congress.[201] His duty in case of approval of a measure is merely to sign it. He need not write on the bill the word "approved" nor the date. If no date appears on the face of the roll, the Court may ascertain the fact by resort to any source of information capable of furnishing a satisfactory answer.[202] A bill becomes law on the date of its approval by the President.[203] When no time is fixed by the act it is effective from the date of its approval,[204] which usually is taken to be the first moment of the day, fractions of a day being disregarded.[205]

THE VETO POWER

If Congress adjourns within ten days (Sundays excepted) of the presentation of a bill to the President, the return of the bill is prevented within the meaning of this clause. Consequently it does not become law if the President does not sign it, but succumbs to what in Congressional parlance is called a "pocket veto."[206] But a brief recess by the House in which a bill originated, while the Congress is still in session, does not prevent the return of a bill by delivery to one of the officers of the House who has implied authority to receive it.[207] The two-thirds vote of each House required to pass a bill over a veto means two-thirds of a quorum.[208] After a bill becomes law the President has no authority to repeal it. Asserting this truism, the Supreme Court held in The Confiscation Cases,[209] that the immunity proclamation issued by the President in 1868 did not require reversal of a decree condemning property which had been seized under the Confiscation Act of 1862.[210]

Clause 3. Every Order, Resolution, or Vote to which the Concurrence of the Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary (except on a question of Adjournment) shall be presented to the President of the United States; and before the Same shall take Effect, shall be approved by him, or being disapproved by him, shall be repassed by two thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, according to the Rules and Limitations prescribed in the Case of a Bill.

PRESENTATION OF RESOLUTIONS

The sweeping nature of this obviously ill-considered provision is emphasized by the single exception specified to its operation. Actually, it was impossible from the first to give it any such scope. Otherwise the intermediate stages of the legislative process would have been bogged down hopelessly, not to mention other highly undesirable results. In a report rendered by the Senate Judiciary Committee in 1897 it was shown that the word "necessary" in the clause had come in practice to refer "to the necessity occasioned by the requirement of other provisions of the Constitution, whereby every exercise of 'legislative powers' involves the concurrence of the two Houses"; or more briefly, "necessary" here means necessary if an "order, resolution, or vote" is to have the force of law. Such resolutions have come to be termed "joint resolutions" and stand on a level with "bills," which if "enacted" become Statutes. But "votes" taken in either House preliminary to the final passage of legislation need not be submitted to the President, nor resolutions passed by the Houses concurrently with a view to expressing an opinion or to devising a common program of action (e.g., the concurrent resolutions by which during the fight over Reconstruction the Southern States were excluded from representation in the House and Senate, the Joint Committee on Reconstruction containing members from both Houses was created, etc.), or to directing the expenditure of money appropriated to the use of the two Houses.[211] Within recent years the concurrent resolution has been put to a new use—the termination of powers delegated to the Chief Executive, or the disapproval of particular exercises of power by him. Most of the important legislation enacted for the prosecution of World War II provided that the powers granted to the President should come to an end upon adoption of concurrent resolutions to that effect.[212] Similarly, measures authorizing the President to reorganize executive agencies have provided that a Reorganization Plan promulgated by him should be reported by Congress and should not become effective if one[213] or both[214] Houses adopted a resolution disapproving it. Also, it was settled as early as 1789 that resolutions of Congress proposing amendments to the Constitution need not be submitted to the President, the Bill of Rights having been referred to the States without being laid before President Washington for his approval—a procedure which the Court ratified in due course.[215]

Section 8. The Congress shall have Power to lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for the common Defence and general Welfare of the United States; but all Duties, Imposts and Excises shall be uniform throughout the United States.

The Taxing-Spending Power

KINDS OF TAXES PERMITTED

By the terms of the Constitution, the power of Congress to levy taxes is subject to but one exception and two qualifications. Articles exported from any State may not be taxed at all. Direct taxes must be levied by the rule of apportionment and indirect taxes by the rule of uniformity. The Court has emphasized the sweeping character of this power by saying from time to time that it "reaches every subject,"[216] that it is "exhaustive"[217] or that it "embraces every conceivable power of taxation."[218] Despite these generalizations, the power has been at times substantially curtailed by judicial decision with respect to the subject matter of taxation, the manner in which taxes are imposed, and the objects for which they may be levied.

DECLINE OF THE FORBIDDEN SUBJECT MATTER TEST

In recent years the Supreme Court has restored to Congress the power to tax most of the subject matter which had previously been withdrawn from its reach by judicial decision. The holding of Evans v. Gore[219] and Miles v. Graham[220] that the inclusion of the salaries received by federal judges in measuring the liability for a nondiscriminatory income tax violated the constitutional mandate that the compensation of such judges should not be diminished during their continuance in office was repudiated in O'Malley v. Woodrough.[221] The specific ruling of Collector v. Day[222] that the salary of a State officer is immune to federal income taxation also has been overruled.[223] But the principle underlying that decision—that Congress may not lay a tax which would impair the sovereignty of the States—is still recognized as retaining some vitality.

THE RISE AND FALL OF COLLECTOR v. DAY

Collector v. Day was decided in 1871 while the country was still in the throes of reconstruction. As noted by Chief Justice Stone in a footnote to his opinion in Helvering v. Gerhardt,[224] the Court had not then determined how far the Civil War amendments had broadened the federal power at the expense of the States; the fact that the taxing power had recently been used with destructive effect upon notes issued by State banks[225] suggested the possibility of similar attacks upon the existence of the States themselves. Two years later the Court took the logical further step of holding that the federal income tax could not be imposed on income received by a municipal corporation from its investments.[226] A far-reaching extension of private immunity was granted in Pollock v. Farmers Loan and Trust Co.,[227] where interest received by a private investor on State or municipal bonds was held to be exempt from federal taxation. As the apprehensions of this era subsided, the doctrine of these cases was pushed into the background. It never received the same wide application as did McCulloch v. Maryland[228] in curbing the power of the States to tax operations or instrumentalities of the Federal Government. Only once since the turn of the century has the national taxing power been further narrowed in the name of Dual Federalism. In 1931 the Court held that a federal excise tax was inapplicable to the manufacture and sale to a municipal corporation of equipment for its police force.[229] Justices Stone and Brandeis dissented from this decision and it is doubtful whether it would be followed today.

FEDERAL TAXATION OF STATE INTERESTS

Within a decade after the Pollock decision the retreat from Collector v. Day began. In 1903, a succession tax upon a bequest to a municipality for public purposes was upheld on the ground that the tax was payable out of the estate before distribution to the legatee. Looking to form and not to substance, in disregard of the mandate of Brown v. Maryland,[230] a closely divided Court declined to "regard it as a tax upon the municipality, though it might operate incidentally to reduce the bequest by the amount of the tax."[231] When South Carolina embarked upon the business of dispensing alcoholic beverages, its agents were held to be subject to the national internal revenue tax, the ground of the holding being that in 1787 such a business was not regarded as one of the ordinary functions of government.[232] Another decision marking a clear departure from the logic of Collector v. Day was Flint v. Stone Tracy Company,[233] where the Court sustained an act of Congress taxing the privilege of doing business as a corporation, the tax being measured by the income. The argument that the tax imposed an unconstitutional burden on the exercise by a State of its reserved power to create corporate franchises was rejected, partly in consideration of the principle of national supremacy, and partly on the ground that the corporate franchises were private property. This case also qualified Pollock v. Farmers Loan and Trust Company to the extent of allowing interest on State bonds to be included in measuring the tax on the corporation. Subsequent cases have sustained an estate tax on the net estate of a decedent, including State bonds;[234] excise taxes on the transportation of merchandise in performance of a contract to sell and deliver it to a county;[235] on the importation of scientific apparatus by a State university;[236] on admissions to athletic contests sponsored by a State institution, the net proceeds of which were used to further its educational program;[237] and on admissions to recreational facilities operated on a nonprofit basis by a municipal corporation.[238] Income derived by independent engineering contractors from the performance of State functions;[239] the compensation of trustees appointed to manage a street railway taken over and operated by a State;[240] profits derived from the sale of State bonds;[241] or from oil produced by lessees of State lands;[242] have all been held to be subject to federal taxation despite a possible economic burden on the State.

IS ANY IMMUNITY LEFT THE STATES?

Although there have been sharp differences of opinion among members of the Supreme Court in recent cases dealing with the tax immunity of State functions and instrumentalities, it has been stated that "all agree that not all of the former immunity is gone."[243] Twice the Court has made an effort to express its new point of view in a statement of general principles by which the right to such immunity shall be determined. However, the failure to muster a majority in concurrence with any single opinion in the more recent of these cases leaves the question very much in doubt. In Helvering v. Gerhardt,[244] where, without overruling Collector v. Day, it narrowed the immunity of salaries of State officers and federal income taxation, the Court announced "* * *, two guiding principles of limitation for holding the tax immunity of State instrumentalities to its proper function. The one, dependent upon the nature of the function being performed by the State or in its behalf, excludes from the immunity activities thought not to be essential to the preservation of State governments even though the tax be collected from the State treasury. * * * The other principle, exemplified by those cases where the tax laid upon individuals affects the State only as the burden is passed on to it by the taxpayer, forbids recognition of the immunity when the burden on the State is so speculative and uncertain that if allowed it would restrict the federal taxing power without affording any corresponding tangible protection to the State government; even though the function be thought important enough to demand immunity from a tax upon the State itself, it is not necessarily protected from a tax which well may be substantially or entirely absorbed by private persons."[245]