Whilst going down the Saint Nicholas Chanel, in Cuban waters, the vessel was deliberately stopped about midnight, June 16, and left to roll in the trough of the sea until the morning of the 17th, in consequence of which we were put 20 hours behind the fleet and without escort, almost in sight of the Cuban shores.

Men were indignant at having been placed in such a helpless position, and would have thrown the captain of the ship, whom they accused of being a Spanish sympathizer and otherwise disloyal, overboard without ceremony, but for the strong arm of military discipline. We were picked up by the U.S. Cruiser Bancroft, late in the afternoon, she having been sent in quest of the Jonah of the fleet. Upon approach of the ship there were prolonged cheers from all of Uncle Sam's defenders. The only explanation that I have ever heard for this unpardonable blunder on the part of the ship's crew was that they mistook a signal of a leading vessel.

June 20. Land was sighted.

June 21. Dispatch boats active; transports circling; Morro Castle pointed out; three days' rations issued to each man; no extra impedimenta to be taken ashore; crew preparing for landing.

June 22. As we neared Daiquiri, the designated place for disembarking, flames could be seen reaching almost to the heavens, the town having been fired by the fleeing Spaniards upon the approach of war vessels of Sampson's fleet, who were assembling to bombard the shore and cover our landing. After a fierce fire from these ships, the landing was effected with loss of two men of our regiment, who were doubtless crushed to death between the lighters. They were buried near the place of recovery the next morning.

The few half-clothed and hungry-looking natives on shore seemed pleased to see us. Daiquiri, a shipping point of the Spanish-American Iron Company, was mostly deserted. The board houses seemed to have been spared, while the sun-burned huts thatched with palm were still smoking, also the roundhouse in which there were two railroad locomotives, warped and twisted from the heat. The Spanish evidently fired everything they could before evacuating.

June 23. At 6.00 p.m. Troops A, B, E and I, left with four Troops of the First U.S. Cavalry and Rough Riders (First U.S. Volunteer Cavalry) as advance guard of the Army of Invasion on the main road to Santiago de Cuba; about 800 men all told, three Hotchkiss guns, manned by ten cavalrymen, accompanied also by the Brigadier Commander, General S.M.B. Young and staff.

NOTE.—These troops marched about 13 miles through a drenching rain from 7 to 10 p.m.; bivouacked one hour later. Oh the 24th, after breakfast, took the trail about 5.15 a.m. The vapor from wet clothing rose with the sun, so that you could scarcely recognize a man ten feet away. About three and one-half miles above Siboney the command was halted; the first U.S. Volunteer Cavalry (Rough Riders) sent to the left; proceeding farther about one mile, the main column was split, First U.S. Cavalry going to the right, the Tenth Cavalry remaining in the center. General Wheeler joined at this point, accompanied by his orderly, Private Queene, Troop A, Tenth Cavalry. Disposition of the troops was explained by General Young, who had located his headquarters with the Tenth U.S. Cavalry; General Wheeler made his the same. Hotchkiss guns were ordered closed up; magazines filled. The column had proceeded but a short way when the engagement opened in all its fury; troops were deployed and advanced in the direction from which the bullets were coming the thickest, as rapidly as the formation of the ground would permit, the left of the line touching the right of the Rough Riders.

June 24. Headquarters, band and the remainder of the First and Tenth U.S. Cavalry were off at 6 A.M. The road was alive with troops (C, D, F, G,) colonels and privates alike lugging their rations and bedding beneath that ever watchful tropical sun, feeling as though they would wilt at every step, the undergrowth being so thick and tall that scarcely any breeze could get to you.

On emerging from this thicket, through which we had been marching for several hours, the Sampson fleet could be heard firing on the Spanish batteries on shore. Marines and other troops could be seen crossing the mountains above Altares; this revived the men very much. As we approached Verni Jarabo (Altares?), we were met by General Lawton, who informed our Colonel that the advance guard was engaged with the Spanish at La Guasima, and that it was hard pressed. Our pace was quickened; the news appeared to lighten our heavy packs as we toiled to the front to assist our comrades. The roar of the artillery became plainer; wounded men along the road as well as those played-out from the intense heat. Women and children were fleeing to places of safety. Our forces were repairing a railroad engine and track; also tearing up a piece leading to a Spanish blockhouse. In fact, everything seemed to have on an exceedingly warlike tint, but our advance continued as swifty as our weary feet would allow, which soon brought us to a number of our own comrades conveyed on litters from La Guasima, where our advance guard was tussling hard with the Dons for the honors of the day.

Upon arrival of reinforcements, victory had been wrested from the Dons fairly by the advance guard without assistance. Every one greeted each other, as though it had been a year instead of a few hours since parting. The First U.S. Cavalry and Rough Riders were unstinted in extolling the fighting qualities of their brothers in arms, the Tenth U.S. Cavalry.

The enemy was struck early June 24, entrenched on the heights of La Guasima, near Sevilla, on the main road from Daiquiri to the city of Santiago de Cuba. The advance guard was soon hotly engaged with them; after a very desperate fight of over one hour, the enemy was driven in confusion from their intrenchments. Our men were too exhausted to follow them. The Tenth Cavalry lost 13 killed and wounded. For a while it was a terrific fight, as the enemy was strongly intrenched on the heights and our men had to climb them subjected to their fire, which was very accurate, and much of it doubtless from machine guns in hands of experienced men. Our men had also to contend with the thickest underbrush, wire fences (the famous military trochas) and Spanish daggers jabbing them in side at every step. For a while the situation was serious. The decisive blow of the attack seems to have been struck at an opportune moment, and the enemy withdrew in confusion.

It has been estimated that about 4,000 Spanish were engaged. Everything indicated that they lost heavily; a Santiago paper put it at 240. The writer and the Sergeant-Major of the First U.S. Cavalry superintended the digging of one large grave where all the dead of the two regiments were interred according to the Episcopal service. The Rough Riders, being farther to our left, buried their own. If advantage of position goes for anything, the Spanish should have annihilated the Americans as they approached the stronghold.

The command remained on the battlefield until June 26, when it proceeded to Sevilla, an old coffee and sugar plantation, to await the assembling of the army and placing of the artillery.

Our camp at Sevilla was an interesting one in many ways. It was pitched between the main road and a stream of excellent water. From the hill beyond, the Spanish works could be viewed. From the roadside many acquaintances were seen, also generals, foreign military attaches, troops, artillery and pack trains. Wheeled transportation seemed entirely out of its place in Cuba; one piece of artillery was noticed with 24 horses tugging away at it.

The Cuban Army, cavalry and infantry, passed us at this point, which seemed to consist of every male capable of swelling the crowd. Those unable to carry or secure guns had an old knife or machete strapped to them.

On June 30, about 4 P.M., shortly after our daily shower, which was a little more severe and much longer than usual, the regiment was put in motion for the front. We had marched about 1600 yards when the war balloon was seen ascending some distance to our right. As the balloon question was new, every one almost was stumbling on the man's heels in front, trying to get a peep at this wonderful war machine.

After much vexatious delay, narrow road crowded with troops, a pack train came along and added its mite to the congestion, as some of the mules turned their heels on the advancing column when pushed too much.

We finally merged into a beautiful lawn, site of the Division Hospital, where all were as busy as beavers in placing this indispensable adjunct in order. Here the work of July 1 was clearly suggested. Proceeding, wading and rewading streams, we bivouacked beyond the artillery on the heights of El Poso, an old sugar plantation, about four miles off, in plain view of the city of Santiago. The lights of the city showed so brightly, the enemy offering no resistance to our advance, I could not help feeling apprehensive of being in a trap. I thought so seriously over the matter that I did not unroll my pack, so as to be ready at an instant. Simply released my slicker, put it on, and lay down where I halted.

Early July 1 all the brigade was up, getting breakfast and making as much noise as if on a practice march. The Tenth Cavalry did not make any fire until orders were received to that effect. I remarked to my bunky that we were not going to fight evidently, as the smoke would surely disclose our presence and enable the enemy's artillery to get our range. The whole of Santiago seemed to be decorated with hospital flags.

At 6.30 a shell from Capron's battery, U.S. Artillery, directed at a blockhouse in El Caney, announced that the battle was on. Then the musketry became general. All stood and watched the doomed village quite a while as the battle progressed. Soon Grices' battery of the U.S. Artillery, which was in support, belched forth destruction at the Spanish works of the city, using black powder. The fire was almost immediately returned by the enemy's batteries, who had smokeless. They were shortly located when a fierce duel took place. The Dons were silenced, but not until we had suffered loss. During this fire an aide—Lieut. Wm. E. Shipp, Tenth Cavalry, Brigade Quartermaster—brought orders for us to take position on the left of the First U.S. Cavalry. The line extended nearly north and south on a ridge some three or four miles from the city, where the regiment was exposed to much of the return fire from the enemy's batteries. The men exhibited no special concern and watched the flight of the death messenger as eagerly as if at a horse race. Adjutant Barnum here divided the band and turned it over to the surgeons to assist in caring for the wounded, and directed Saddler Sergeant Smith and myself to accompany the Colonel in advance. When Lieut. Shipp delivered his orders, some of the officers remarked, "You are having a good time riding around here." He replied that it was no picnic riding among bullets, and that he would prefer being with his troops.

After the artillery had ceased firing, the regiment moved to the right, passed El Poso, where there were additional signs of the enemy's havoc among our troops, proceeded down the road leading to Santiago. The movement of the regiment was delayed as it approached the San Juan River, by an infantry brigade which had halted.

The regiment came within range of musket fire about three-quarters or one-half mile from the crossing. Upon reaching the ford the Colonel (Baldwin) rode nearly across the stream (closely followed by his regiment) when we were greeted by the Dons with a terrific volley of musketry, soon followed by artillery, which caused us to realize more fully than ever, that "things were coming our way." Orders were given to throw off packs and get cover. In removing his, Sergeant Smith, on, my immediate left, was assisted by a Spanish bullet, and an infantry soldier fell as my pack was thrown off to the right. In seeking cover men simply dropped to the right and left of the road in a prone position.

The regiment was here subjected to a terrific converging fire from the blockhouse and intrenchments in front and the works further to the left and nearer the city. The atmosphere seemed perfectly alive with flying missiles from bursting shells over head, and rifle bullets which seemed to have an explosive effect. Much fire was probably drawn by the war balloon, which preceded the regiment to a point on the edge of the river, near the ford, where it was held. This balloon undoubtedly rendered excellent service in locating positions of the Spanish works and developing an ambush which had been laid for us, but the poor, ill-fated balloon certainly received many uncomplimentary remarks during our stay in its vicinity.

It seemed as though the Spanish regarded the balloon as an evil agent of some kind, and as though every gun, both great and small, was playing on it. I made several trips under it following the Colonel, who repeatedly rode up and down the stream, and I would have been fully satisfied to have allowed my mind even to wander back to the gaily lighted ball rooms and festivals left behind only a few months before.

While on the last trip under the balloon a large naval shell exploded, knocking the Colonel's hat off, crippling his horse, and injuring the rider slightly in the arm and side, all of course, in addition to a good sand bath. I then joined the regiment, some rods beyond, then under cover. In crouching down behind a clump of brush, heard some one groan; on looking around, saw Private Marshall struggling in the river wounded. Immediately rushing to his assistance another of those troublesome shells passed so close as to cause me to feel the heat. It did not stop the effort, however, and the wounded man was placed in safety.

The regiment remained in the road only a few moments when it was ordered to take position behind the river bank some yards above the balloon for protection; while moving to that position, and while there, suffered much loss. Why we did not lose heavier may be attributed to the fact that the enemy's musket fire was a trifle high, and their shells timed from one-half to one second too long, caused them to explode beyond, instead of in front, where the shells would have certainly secured the Dons' maximum results, as, after the balloon was cut down, you could scarcely hold your hand up without getting it hit. During the battle, one trooper fell upon a good-sized snake and crushed it to death, and another trooper allowed one of these poisonous reptiles to crawl over him while dodging a volley from the Spanish Mausers.

The shrapnel and canister shells, with their exceedingly mournful and groaning sound, seemed to have a more terrifying effect than the swift Mauser bullet, which always rendered the same salutation, "Bi-Yi." The midern shrapnel shell is better known as the man-killing projectile, and may be regarded as the most dangerous of all projectiles designed for taking human life. It is a shell filled with 200 or 300 bullets, and having a bursting charge, which is ignited by a time fuse, only sufficient to break the base and release the bullets, which then move forward with the velocity it had the time of bursting. Each piece is capable of dealing death to any living thing in its path. In practice firing, it is known where, by one shot, 152 hits were made by a single shrapnel. In another, 215 hits are recorded. Imagine then, the havoc of a well-directed shrapnel upon a group of men such as is here represented. Capron's battery at El Caney cut down 16 cavalrymen with one shell.

After a delay of about 30 minutes, during part of the time, the writer, assisted by Sergeant Smith and Mr. T.A. Baldwin, cut all the wire fences possible. Mr. Baldwin was dangerously wounded while so engaged just before the general advance.

The regiment merged into open space in plain view of and under the fire of the enemy; and formed line of battle facing toward the blockhouses and strong intrenchments to the north, occupied by the Spanish, and advanced rapidly in this formation, under a galling, converging fire from the enemy's artillery and infantry, on the blockhouses and heavy intrenchments to the right front. Many losses occurred before reaching the top of the hill, Lieut. W.H. Smith being killed while gallantly conducting his troop as it arrived on the crest. Lieut. W.E. Shipp was killed about the same instant, shortly after leaving Lieutenant Smith, further to the left and near the pond on the sunken road leading to Santiago. Lieutenant Smith was struck in the head and perished with a single groan. Lieutenant Shipp was hit near the heart; death must have been almost instantaneous, though it appears he made an effort to make use of his first aid package. Thus the careers of two gallant and efficient officers whose lives had been so closely associated were ended.

Private Slaughter, who was left in charge of Lieutenant Smith's body, was picked off by the Spanish sharpshooters, and Private Jackson, Lieutenant Shipp's orderly, was left as deaf as a post from a bursting shell.

The enemy having been driven back, northwest, to the second and third blockhouses, new lines were formed and a rapid advance made upon them to the new positions. The regiment assisted in capturing these works from the enemy, and planted two sets of colors on them, then took up a position to the north of the second blockhouse. With some changes in position of troops, this line, one of the most advanced, about three hundred yards of the enemy, was held and intrenchments dug under a very heavy and continuous fire from the Spanish intrenchments in front, July 2 and 3.

In their retreat from the ridge, the enemy stood not on the order of their going, but fled in disorder like so many sheep from the scene, abandoning a quantity of ammunition, which was fired at them subsequently from our rapid-fire guns. Our men were too exhausted to pursue them, footwear and clothing being soaked by wading rivers, they had become drenched with rain, and when they reached the crest they were about played-out; having fought about 12 hours, most of which was under that ever-relentless tropical sun.

Throughout the night, work on the intrenchments was pushed, details buried the dead, improvised litters, and conveyed the wounded to hospitals, all of which was prosecuted with that vim for which the regular soldier is characterized, notwithstanding their water-logged condition.

The regiment acted with extraordinary coolness and bravery. It held its position at the ford and moved forward unflinchingly after deployment, through the dense underbrush, crossed and recrossed by barbed wire, under heavy and almost plunging fire from the Spanish works, while attacking with small arms an enemy strongly posted in intrenchments and blockhouses, supported by artillery, and who stubbornly contested every inch of ground gained by the American troops.

Officers were exceedingly active and tireless in their efforts to inspire and encourage the men. You could hear them call out, "Move right along; the Spaniards can't shoot; they are using blanks." One officer deliberately stopped and lit his pipe amid a shower of bullets, and then moved on as unconcerned as if on target practice.

The rifle pits occupied by the enemy were intrenchments in reality, dug almost shoulder deep, and faced with stone, being constructed without approaches, leaving the only avenue for escape over the parapet, which was equivalent to committing suicide, in face of the unerring marksmanship of the United States troops.

We were afterward told by a Spanish soldier how they were held in these trenches by an officer stationed at each end with a club; also how they depended on their officers for everything. This may account for the large percentage of our officers picked off by the Dons. I observed during the battle that when spotted by the enemy, delivering orders or busying about such duties as usually indicated some one in authority, the Spanish would fire whole volleys at an individual, this evidently with a view to demoralizing the rank and file by knocking off the officers.

The Spanish also tried an old Indian trick to draw our fire, or induce the men to expose themselves, by raising their hats on sticks or rifles, or placing them upon parapets, so when we went to fire they would aim to catch us as we rose with a terrific volley. The Dons were, however, soon convinced of their folly in this respect, as we always had a volley for the hats and a much stouter one for the enemy as he raised to reply to the volley at the hats. The Tenth Cavalry had fought Indians too long in the West to be foiled in that manner.

We were annoyed much by the Spanish sharpshooters stationed in tops of the beautiful palms and other trees of dense foliage. A number of these guerillas were found provided with seats, water and other necessaries, and I am told some of them had evidently robbed our dead to secure themselves an American uniform, that they might still carry on their nefarious work undetected.

Many of the disabled received their second and some their mortal wound, while being conveyed from the field by litter-bearers.

Though it was the tendency for a time to give the sharpshooter story little or no credence, but to lay the matter to "spent bullets"; it seemed almost out of the question that "spent bullets" should annoy our Division Hospital, some four or five miles from the Spanish works. It would also seem equally as absurd that a bullet could be trained to turn angles, as several of our men were hit while assembled for transfer to general hospital and receiving temporary treatment at the dressing station located in an elbow of the San Juan River.

The Division Hospital was so harassed that it was necessary to order four Troops of the 9th U.S. Cavalry there for guard. While en route to the hospital on the morning of July 2 with wounded, I saw a squad of the 2nd U.S. Cavalry after one of these annoying angels, not 20 feet from the road. On arrival at the hospital I was told by a comrade that several had been knocked from their stage of action. On July 1, our Color-Sergeant was shot from a tree after our line had passed beneath the tree where he was located. July 3, three more fell in response to a volley through tree tops, and on July 14, while waiting the hand to reach the hour for the bombardment of the city, one of the scoundrels deliberately ascended a tree in plain view of, and within two hundred yards of, our line. It was a good thing that the white flag for surrender appeared before the hour to commence firing, otherwise Spain would have had at least one less to haggle with on account of back pay.

To locate a sharpshooter using smokeless powder among the dense tropical growth may be compared with "looking for a needle in a haystack."

The killed and wounded in battle present a scene well calculated to move the most callous. Men shot and lacerated in every conceivable manner; some are expressionless; some just as they appeared in life; while others are pinched and drawn and otherwise distorted, portraying agony in her most distressful state. Of the wounded, in their anguish, some are perfectly quiet; others are heard praying; some are calling for their mothers, while others are giving out patriotic utterances, urging their comrades on to victory, or bidding them farewell as they pass on to the front. July 1, in passing a wounded comrade, he told me that he could whip the cowardly Spaniard who shot him, in a fair fist fight.

During the first day's battle many interesting sights were witnessed. The new calibre 30 Gatling guns were in action. These cruel machines were peppering away several hundred shots each per minute and sweeping their front from right to left, cutting down shrubbery and Spaniards like grain before the reaper. I observed the excellent service of the Hotchkiss Mountain gun; they certainly do their work to perfection and well did the Dons know it. Many shots fired into the "blind ditches and blockhouses" of the enemy caused them to scatter like rats. These guns use a percussion shell nearly two inches, and can be packed on mules. They were designed for light service with cavalry on the frontier. Four of these little beauties were manned by men of the Tenth Cavalry. The Spanish made it so hot for the boys that they would have to roll the gun under cover to load, and then steal it back to fire.

I saw one of our light batteries of artillery go in position under fire at the foot of San Juan Hill. The movement was swiftly and skillfully executed. A most interesting feature of this was to see the Caissons, drawn by six magnificent horses, off for ammunition. Three drivers to each outfit, one to each pair of horses; all plying the whip at every jump, would remind you of a Roman chariot race coming around on their last heat.

Wheeled vehicles of war suffer more than other troops, on account of their stationary positions. It is here that the dreaded sharpshooter comes in for glory, by picking off the gunners and other individuals.

Pack trains were seen dashing along the line with that always absolutely essential—ammunition—thereby gladdening the hearts of the boys who were doing their utmost to expend every round in their belts to gain another foot of Spanish territory.

During all these stirring events the stomachs of the real heroes were not neglected, and most certainly not along our part of the line. Pack mules were brought right up to the line under a hot fire, loaded with sugar, coffee, bacon and hardtack, all of which was in plenty. Some of the mules were killed and wounded, but this did not retard the advance of the train. When near the firing line some one called, "Whose rations?" A prompt reply, "Hungry soldiers."

The daring horseman was all that was needed to make the situation complete. Without participation of cavalry, the ideal warrior disappears from the scene, and the battle and-picture of war is robbed of its most attractive feature.

Late in the afternoon, July 1, I was directed to take Saddler Sergeant Smith and bring to the firing line all the men I could find of the regiment. Going to the dressing station, collected those who had brought or assisted wounded there, thence across a portion of the field passed over a few hours previous. Men were found almost exhausted, soaking wet, or a solid mass of mud, resting as comfortably as if in the finest of beds; many of them had been on picket duty all night before, to which was added the hard day's work not then completed. After locating all I could, we went to the crest of the San Juan Hill, to the left of the sunken road, where the First U.S. Cavalry was reforming, and there picked up a few more who had joined that regiment.

The Tenth Cavalry having in the meantime taken another position, I set out to find it, going in front, telling Smith to bring up the rear. We were detained a short time near Sunken Roads by shells from Cervera's fleet, which were falling in it at a lively rate. Barbed wire prevented us from "running the gauntlet." Shortly after crossing the road an officer passed us, his horse pushed to his utmost, telling us to take all the ammunition that we possibly could on the firing line. About that instant, the pack train came thundering by, which we relieved of a few thousand rounds in short order. I was much amused at one of the men who innocently asked, "Where are we to get axes to burst these strong boxes?" The job was speedily accomplished before the boxes were on the ground good, and most certainly in less time than it would have taken to explain matters to the inexperienced. We were soon off again, tramping all over the country, through darkness, running into wire entanglements, outposts and pickets, and within fifty yards of the enemy (subsequently ascertained).

About 11.00 P.M. found Colonel Roosevelt a few hundred yards from the Spanish lines with some of my regiment, the First Cavalry, and Rough Riders, at work on trenches, where we reported. All seemed glad to have my little reinforcement, about 65 men, and ammunition. I never felt so relieved at anything as I did to get that herculean task off my hands, a job as hard as working a problem in the third book of Euclid. The men were so tired that they would lie down at every stop to find the right road or the way out of the wire entanglements constantly encountered. I have never seen in a book anything to equal the Spanish wire entanglements. Barbed wire was stretched in every nook and corner, through streams, grass, and from two inches to six feet in height, and from a corkscrew to a cable in design. It takes the nerve of a circus man to get men along when they are so exhausted that every place feels alike to them, and that they would gladly give away Mr. Jim Hill's fortune if they possessed it, for a few hours' sleep.

On arrival at the front, lunch was about over or just ready. Lieutenant E.D. Anderson (10th Cavalry) gave me two and one-half hardtacks from his supply, which he carried in his bosom. I was soon down for a little rest; all desultory firing had ceased; the pick and the shovel were the only things to disturb the quietude of that anxious night. Had been down but a short time when aroused by one of the Rough Riders, who had some rice and meat in an ammunition box which he brought from the captured blockhouse. The meat was undoubtedly mule, as the longer I chewed it the larger and more spongy it got, and were it not for the fact that I had had some experience in the same line many years before in Mexico while in pursuit of hostile Indians, I would certainly have accused our best friends (Rough Riders) of feeding us rubber. I made another effort for a little sleep, and was again aroused by some one passing around hardtack, raw bacon, etc., with instructions as to where to go to cook it. I thanked him and carefully laid it aside to resume my nap. At 2.40 A.M. the pickets were having such a lively set to, that I thought the general engagement was on. It was at this time I discovered that I was shivering cold, and that my teeth were rattling equal to a telegraph sounder; so under the circumstances, I concluded not to try for any more sleep. The dew was falling thick and heavy; no coat, no blanket, top shirt torn in strips from the brush, and undershirt wet and in my pack, thrown off on coming into battle.

Early July 22nd the artillery took position on our left. Pickets kept up firing from 2.40 A.M. until 5.25, when the engagement became general. Shortly after 6.00 A.M. our artillery opened on the Spanish works, who promptly returned the compliment. During the firing the Dons exploded a shell in the muzzle of one of our pieces. Adjutant Barnum fell at 6.30 A.M.; his wound was promptly dressed, when I started to the Division Hospital with him. Though seriously hurt, I have never seen a better natured man. While en route, we laid him down to eat a can of salmon found in the road. In response to his query, "What's up, Sergeant?" the salmon was passed him; he helped himself, no further questions were asked, and the journey was resumed. On arrival at the hospital he was quickly examined and placed on a comfortable cot. Many of the attendants were completely played-out from overwork.

A visit to a field hospital will have a lasting place in your memory. Every way you turn, amid the cries and groans, you get a beck or call to ease this, or hand me that, and one feels badly because of his inability to extend them material aid in their sufferings.

On returning to the front, I found the regiment as hotly engaged as when I left it some hours before. As the fighting was from trenches, many of our men were wounded by shells. Sharpshooters were on hand as usual. I was sent to the Captain of Troop E, under the crest of the hill, with orders to dig an approach to one of the enemy's trenches, evacuated the day before; also to bury some of their dead. While delivering the order, it being necessary to get very close on account of the noise, one of those ever vigilant sharpshooters put a bullet between our faces. The Captain asked me to cut the wire fence so his troops could get through more rapidly; while telling me, another bullet passed so close as to disturb the Captain's mustache. He took it good-naturedly, only remarking as he smiled, "Pretty close, Sergeant-Major!"

Firing ceased about 8 P.M. After all had had supper we changed position further to the right, where work on trenches was resumed. About 10.30 P.M. the Spaniards made an attack upon our lines, and I have never before or since seen such terrific firing; the whole American line, which almost encircled the city, was a solid flame of fire. The enemy's artillery replied, also their much-praised "Mausers," but to no avail; they had opened the ball, but Uncle Sam's boys did not feel like yielding one inch of the territory so dearly bought.

About midnight all hands were aroused by the dynamite cruiser Vesuvius "coughing" for the Dons. The roar was so great that it seemed to shake the whole island. To the uninitiated it would appear that some one had taken a few mountains several miles up in a balloon and thrown them down.

July 3. Firing by pickets commenced very early, and quite heavy, at 5.40 A.M. Terrific cannonading to the seaward was heard between 9 and 10 A.M. As there was some talk of the enemy making a sortie, all eyes were open. Dirt began falling in the pits from the jar, bells could be heard tolling in the city, and steam whistles in the harbor. There was much speculation as to what was in progress. I'll say that there were many glad hearts when the news reached us that Sampson's fleet was King of the Seas. At 12 M. all firing was ordered off, for flag of truce to enter the Spanish lines. When the order for cease firing was given, one of the troopers laid his gun upon the parapet and remarked that he "would not take $2000 for his experience, but did not want a cent's worth more." Work on bomb-proofs and breast works was continued incessantly until news of the surrender reached us.

July 4. Flag of truce all day; national and regimental colors placed on parapets. At noon the regiment paraded, and all hearts cheered by the patriotic telegram of the Commander-in-Chief—His Excellency, President McKinley. Refugees, in droves, could be seen leaving for several days, notice of bombardment having been served on the city.

July 5. There was much excitement when Lieutenant Hobson and party crossed our lines.

During truce, the monotony was broken occasionally by the presence of Spanish soldiers in quest of something to eat or desiring to surrender.

Truce was off July 10 at 4 P.M. Bombardment of the city commenced by the army and navy combined, which continued until 2 P.M. 11th. Gatling, dynamite, rapid-firing and Hotchkiss guns were so well trained that the Dons scarcely dared to raise their heads, and their firing was soon silenced. During the attack our part of the line suffered no loss. While occupying these works, it was discovered that the gun of the enemy that annoyed us most was quite near a large building covered with Red Cross flags.

During the truce all of our dead were located and buried. It was sad, indeed, to see the vultures swarming like flies, when we knew so well their prey.

Though prepared to, several times, no shots were exchanged after July 11, and all was quiet until date of capitulation. The hardest rain ever witnessed, accompanied by terrific thunder and lightning, was on the last day of the engagement. Trenches were flooded and everything appeared as a sea.

July 17, at 9 A.M., the regiment, with the remainder of the army, was assembled over the trenches to witness the formal surrender of General Toral, with the Spanish forces. Owing to the dense tropical growth, and its similarity in color to their clothing, little or nothing could be seen, beyond the straw hats of the Dons, as they marched through the jungles. At 12 M., we were again placed in the same position, to salute "Old Glory" as she ascended over the Governor's palace in the city, which was told by Capron's battery U.S. Artillery. At the first shot, every individual tested his lungs to their fullest capacity, bands of music playing national airs.

Spanish soldiers were soon over our lines, trading off swords, wine, cigarettes and trinkets for hard tack and bacon. This soon ended, as there were positive orders against our fraternizing. The Spaniards were a fine looking lot of young men; though generally small in stature, and were very neat and clean, considering. The officers were an intelligent and dignified looking set. The Dons were away ahead on ammunition, and away behind on eatables. A few musty, hard tack, thrown in our trenches, were devoured like so much fresh beef, by so many hungry wolves.

Campaigning in the tropics entails many hardships, though unavoidable and only to be expected, in war. War is horrible in any aspect in which it may be viewed. Even those features of it intended to be merciful, are full of harshness and rigor; and after all, fighting is the easiest part.

As the capitulation was complete, and Santiago was our's, we were ordered to change camp to a more healthful locality, with a view to allowing the men to recuperate. While en route many refugees were met returning to the city, men and women, with the scantiest clothing imaginable; large children even worse—in a nude state—all were making signs for something to eat.

In passing through El Caney, filth of all descriptions was piled up in the streets; stock was seen standing inside dwellings with occupants; young and old were emaciated—walking skeletons; children with stomachs bloated to thrice their natural size—due to the unsanitary condition of the huts, so I was informed.

The bare facts are, that "half has never been told" regarding the true condition of the Cubans, and it is truly a Godsend that "Uncle Sam" was not delayed another day in letting the Don's breathe a little of nature's sweetest fragrance of the nineteenth century—Civilization.

The portion of the island I saw appears to be a beautiful park deserted and laid waste by the lavish application of the torch for many years. Magnificent mansions, or dwellings, in ruins; habitation scant, except near towns.

There were no domestic animals, except a few for saddle purposes, nor were there crops to be seen. No use whatever appears to be made of the luxuriant pasturage and rich fields. Sugar houses and sheds on plantations are in a state of decay, and the huge kettles for boiling deeply coated with rust.

The climate of Cuba offers all the essentials, heat, moisture and organic matter, for the development of germ life in its most active form.

The great heat and moisture, so excellent for the development of infected wounds, and for the rapid decomposing of the heavy undergrowth cannot, I believe, be exceeded anywhere.

The frequent tropical showers, invariably followed by a hot steam, along with which germs seem to float; the consequent exposure of the men to that glaring heat and moisture, lowered the general tone of the system so that they were especially liable to attacks of miasmatic diseases (malarial and typhoid fevers and dysentery.)

Owing to the dense humidity, clothing does not dry so long as it remains on the person, but must be removed, a condition that was absolutely impossible for many days on the field before Santiago. To this alone, much of our sickness may be attributed.

Our new camp, pitched on the eminence of El Caney, about one and one-half miles from the village, overlooking the city and bay of Santiago, with its excellent water, shade, grass, and increased comforts, which were daily shipped from our transports, presented a scene far more conciliatory than had been witnessed about the Tenth Horse for many days.

MEDALS OF HONOR AND CERTIFICATES OF MERIT GRANTED TO COLORED SOLDIERS FOR DISTINGUISHED SERVICES IN THE CUBAN CAMPAIGN.

OFFICIAL.

MEDALS OF HONOR. - Name. Rank Regiment. Troop or Co. Remarks. - Bell, Dennis Pvt. 10th Cav. Troop H. For gallantry Lee, Fitz Pvt. 10th Cav. Troop M. in action at Tompkins, Wm. H. Pvt. 10th Cav. Troop M. Tayabacoa, Cuba, Wanton, Geo. H. Pvt. 10th Cav. Troop M. June 30, 1898. - CERTIFICATES OF MERIT. - Name. Rank. Regiment. Troop or Co. Remarks. - Bates, James Pvt. 9th Cav. Troop H. Crosby, Scott Pvt. 24th Inf. Comp. A. Davis, Edward Pvt. 9th Cav. Troop H. Elliott, J. Sergt. 10th Cav. Troop D. Fasit, Benjamin Sergt. 10th Cav. Troop E. Gaither, O. Q.M.Sergt 10th Cav. Troop B. Goff, G.W. Sergt. 9th Cav. Troop B. Graham, J. Sergt. 10th Cav. Troop E. Hagen, Abram Corp. 24th Inf. Comp. G. Herbert, H.T. Corp. 10th Cav. Troop E. Houston, Adam 1st Sergt. 10th Cav. Troop C. Jackson, J. 1st Sergt. 9th Cav. Troop C. Jackson, Elisha Sergt. 9th Cav. Troop H. Jackson, Peter Corp. 24th Inf. Comp. G. Jefferson, C.W. 1st Sergt. 9th Cav. Troop B. McCoun, P. 1st Sergt. 10th Cav. Troop E. Moore, Loney Pvt. 24th Inf. Comp. A. Oden, Oscar Musician 10th Cav. ........ Payne, William Sergt. 10th Cav. Troop E. Pumphrey, Geo. W Corp. 9th Cav. Troop H. Satchell, James Sergt. 24th Inf. Comp. A. Smith, L. Pvt. 10th Cav. Troop D. Thornton, William Corp. 24th Inf. Comp. G. Walker, J. Corp. 10th Cav. Troop D. Williams, John T. Sergt. 24th Inf. Comp. G. Williams, R. Corp. 24th Inf. Comp. B. -

Besides the Certificates of Merit and Medals of Honor, mentioned above, and the promotions to commissions in the volunteer services, there were some instances of promotion to non-commissioned officers' positions of men in the ranks or junior grade for conspicuous gallantry. Notably among such were Benjamin F. Sayre, of the Twenty-fourth, promoted to Sergeant-Major for gallantry at San Juan, and Private James W. Peniston, of the Tenth Cavalry, promoted to Squadron Sergeant-Major for conspicuous bravery at Las Guasimas. Others there may be whose names are not available at this time.

FOOTNOTES:

[22] "The Ninth and Tenth Cavalry regiments fought one on either side of mine at Santiago, and I wish no better men beside me in battle than these colored troops showed themselves to be. Later on, when I come to write of the campaign, I shall have much to say about them."—T. Roosevelt.

[23] The major commanding the squadron in which Sergeant Givens' troops served, writes to the sergeant the following letter:

Sergeant William H. Givens, Troop D, 10th Cavalry, Fort Clark, Texas.

Sergeant:—When making my report as commander of the Second Squadron, 10th U. S. Cavalry, for action of July 1, 1898, at San Juan Hills, I did not mention any enlisted men by name, as I was absent from the regiment at the time of making the report and without access to records, so that I could not positively identify and name certain men who were conspicuous during the fight; but I recollect finding a detachment of Troop D under your command on the firing line during the afternoon of July 1st. Your service and that of your men at that time was most creditable, and you deserve special credit for having brought your detachment promptly to the firing line when left without a commissioned officer.

THEO. J. WINT, Lieutenant-Colonel, 6th U.S. Cavalry. Second Lieutenant, 10th Cavalry.

True copy:

[24] Extract from The Statesman, Denver, after the departure of the 25th Infantry, and the arrival of the 34th:

Two policemen killed, the murderer at large and his comrades of the 34th Regiment busy boasting of their sympathy for him, and extolling his deed to the skies, yet not a single petition has been prepared to have the regiment removed. The 25th Infantry, with its honor undimmed by any such wanton crime, with a record unexcelled by any regiment in the service, was the target for all sorts of criticism and persecution as soon as it arrived. The one is a white regiment, composed of the scum of the earth, the other a black regiment composed of men who have yet to do one thing of which they should be ashamed. Yet Denver welcomes the one with open arms and salutes with marked favor, while she barely suffered the other to remain.

Had it been a negro soldier who committed the dastardly deed of Saturday night the War Department would have been deluged with complaints and requests for removal, but not a word has been said against the 34th. Prejudice and hatred blacker than the wings of night has so envenomed the breasts of the people that fairness is out of the question. Be he black, no matter how noble and good, a man must be despised. Be he white, he may commit the foulest of crimes and yet have his crimes condoned.



CHAPTER XI.

The Colored Volunteers.

The Ninth Ohio Battalion—Eighth Illinois—Twenty-third Kansas-Third North Carolina—Sixth Virginia—Third Alabama—The Immunes.

The return of the army and the repatriation of the Spanish army from Cuba, brought before the country for immediate solution the problem of garrisoning that island; and in a very short time the question of similar nature regarding Porto Rico. Ten regiments of immunes had been organized in the volunteer service partly in anticipation of such a situation. Four of these regiments were composed of colored enlisted men. The regiments were classed as United States Volunteer Infantry, and were numbered from one to ten, the Seventh, Eighth, Ninth and Tenth being colored.

Of these four colored regiments the officers above first lieutenants were white men, except the chaplains, and in some cases the surgeons. Very little care had been taken in enlisting the men, as it was important to get the regiments in the field as soon as possible; yet of them as a whole General Breckinridge, Inspector-General, speaks as follows: "The colored regiments of immunes, so called, raised for this war, have turned out, so far as can be judged from their camp life (as none of them have been in any actual campaign), very satisfactory. The regular colored regiments won golden opinions in battle. The experiment of having so many colored officers has not yet shown its full results. Certainly we should have the best obtainable officers for our volunteers, and therefore some such men as Colonel Young, who is a graduate of the Military Academy at West Point, whether white or black, must be sought for."

Besides these four colored regiments of immunes, so-called, there were other State organizations composed entirely of colored men, mustered into the United States service, as for example the Ninth Battalion of the Ohio National Guard. This organization was composed of four companies, with colored captains and lieutenants, the staff officers also being colored, the commanding officer of the battalion being Major Young, who was a first lieutenant in the Regular Army, a graduate from the Military Academy, and an officer of experience. He is the person referred to as Colonel Young by General Breckinridge, cited just above. This battalion, although not permitted to do any active campaigning, maintained itself well in that most trying of all duties for raw troops—camp duty—winning a good record in the South as well as in the North, having been stationed in Virginia, Pennsylvania and lastly in South Carolina; from which latter place it was mustered out, and the men proceeded to their homes in an orderly manner, reflecting credit upon themselves and the officers under whom they had served. This organization is mentioned first, because it was the only one of its kind commanded by a Regular Army officer, and a man who had received scientific military training.[25]

Two of these volunteer regiments, the Eighth Illinois and the Twenty-third Kansas, reached Cuba and made history there, in garrison service, coming in direct contact with the Ninth Immunes, and in no sense suffering in comparison thereto. The Eighth Illinois being the first to go to the front, in a sense deserves to be noticed here first. This remarkable regiment was developed out of the Ninth Battalion, Illinois National Guard, and owes its origin to the persistent efforts of Messrs. John R. Marshall, Robert R. Jackson, Franklin Dennison, E.H. Wright, Rev. R.C. Ransom, Rev. J.W. Thomas, S.B. Turner and doubtless many others whose names do not appear. These gentlemen named called upon the Governor of their State the next day after the President had issued his call for 175,000 volunteers, and received from that official the assurance that if another call should be made they should have the opportunity to recruit their battalion to a regiment, and that he would "call that regiment first into the service," and "that every officer in that regiment will be a colored man."

After receiving this encouragement, the leaders began at once the work of organizing and recruiting, and when the second call came, May 25th, the regiment was well under way, and soon ready to go into camp to prepare for service. On June 30th it assembled in Springfield from the following places: Seven hundred men from Chicago; one hundred and twenty from Cairo; a full company from Quincy, and smaller numbers from Mound City, Metropolis and Litchfield, and nearly a company from Springfield. The regiment was sworn in during the latter half of July, the muster roll showing 1,195 men and 46 officers, every one of whom was of African descent except one private in a Chicago company.

Of these forty-six officers, ten had received college education, six were lawyers, and the others were educated in the public schools, or had served in the Regular Army as non-commissioned officers. Many of them were directly from Illinois, that is in the sense of having been born and reared in the State, and were fully accustomed to the full exercise of their rights as men and citizens. In character and intelligence the official element of the Eighth was about up to the standard of the volunteer army, as events subsequently proved.

Going into camp with the Ninth, white, this latter regiment, early in August, received an order to move to a Southern camp en route for Cuba, leaving the Eighth behind, greatly to the chagrin of both officers and men. Governor Tanner was evidently disturbed by this move, and expressed himself in the following language: "Even from the very doors of the White House have I received letters asking and advising me not to officer this regiment with colored men, but I promised to do so, and I have done it. I shall never rest until I see this regiment—my regiment—on the soil of Cuba, battling for the right and for its kinsmen."

Later the misfortunes of the First Illinois proved the opportunity of the Eighth. This regiment was in Cuba, suffering terribly with the fever, the men going down under its effects so rapidly that the Colonel in command implored Governor Tanner "to use all influence at Washington to secure the immediate recall of the First Illinois." When the Governor received this message he sent for Colonel Marshall, of the Eighth, and asked him to ascertain the sentiments of the officers and men of his regiment in regard to being sent to relieve the First. On the 4th day of August Colonel Marshall was able to send to Washington the following dispatch:

"H. C. Corbin, Adjutant-General:—

"I called the officers of the Eighth Illinois, colored, in conference and they are unanimously and enthusiastically in favor of being sent to relieve the First Illinois at Santiago."

To this hearty dispatch came the following reply:

"The Secretary of War appreciates very much the offer of the Eighth Illinois Volunteer Infantry for duty in Santiago, and has directed that the regiment be sent there by steamer Yale, leaving New York next Tuesday. The main trouble with our troops now in Cuba is that they are suffering from exhaustion and exposure incident to one of the most trying campaigns to which soldiers have ever been subjected."

"H.C. Corbin, "Adjutant-General."

This action on the part of the regiment is said to have so pleased the President that on hearing it he declared it was the proudest moment of his life.

On the 9th of August the regiment left Springfield, and in passing through Illinois and Ohio was greeted with the most generous enthusiasm, the people supplying the men with free lunches at every station. This was the period when the sympathy of the whole country was turned toward the colored soldier in consequence of the reports of valor and heroism that had been circulated concerning the black regulars. On the afternoon of the 11th the Yale cast off her lines, and with the first American Negro regiment that the world has ever seen, steamed out of New York harbor amid the ringing of bells and shrieks of steam whistles, and four days later, August 15, landed in Cuba. The regiment remained in Cuba until March 10, performing garrison duty so well that General Breckenridge said it was "as fine a volunteer regiment as was ever mustered into the service," and that it was "a shame to muster out of service such an excellent regiment."

The Twenty-third Kansas, made up in that State and officered as was the Eighth Illinois, by men of the same race, with the enlisted men, arrived in Cuba August 30, and in company with the Eighth Illinois Regiment, was stationed in the country about San Luis, with headquarters at that place, Colonel Marshall, of the Illinois Regiment, serving as commander of the post, and also as Governor of the Province of San Luis. A detachment of the Illinois Regiment, under command of Major Jackson, was sent to Palma Soriana, and did excellent work there in the preservation of order between the Cubans and Spaniards, who were living together in that place in outward peace but in secret resentful hostility. Major Jackson managed affairs so well that both parties came to admire him, and when he was called away expressed their regret. Captain Roots, who commanded the post after the departure of Major Jackson, was equally fortunate, especially with the Cubans, and when it was thought his command was to be removed, the citizens generally united in a petition to the General commanding, asking that both the Captain and his command might remain in the city. The fact is also noted by the chroniclers of the regiment that several marriages took place in Palma Soriana between soldiers of the Eighth Illinois and Cuban maidens.

The Eighth Regiment was finally settled in San Luis, occupying the old Spanish barracks and arsenal, and under Colonel Marshall's supervision the city was put in fine sanitary condition, streets and yards being carefully policed; meanwhile under the reign of order and peace which the Colonel's just methods established, confidence prevailed, business revived and the stagnation which had so long hung like a fog over the little city, departed, and in its stead came an era of bustling activity.

All was peaceful and prosperous, both with the citizens and the garrison, until the Ninth United States Volunteers came in the vicinity. Then a difficulty sprang up in which both regiments became involved, although it was in no sense serious, but it afforded a pretext for the removal of the Eighth Illinois from the city. The event turned out all the better for the Eighth, as it enabled them to establish Camp Marshall, about three miles from the city, in a healthy neighborhood, where they remained until ordered home to be mustered out. The regiment came back to Chicago in fine condition and was tendered an enthusiastic welcome by that great city. Thus two entire regiments represented the country abroad in this, its first, foreign war with a European power.

It should also be recorded that although the Ninth United States Volunteers was composed of persons who were classed as immune, and had come chiefly from Louisiana, and notwithstanding that the officers of the regiment above lieutenants were white men, and the colonel an officer of the Regular Army of long experience, and was specially praised by so good a sanitarian as General Wood for having been, constant and untiring in his efforts to look after the welfare of his men, and that the surgeons of the regiment were white men, that deaths among the colored men numbered one officer and seventy-three enlisted men. In striking contrast with this record of the immune regiment is that of the Eighth Illinois, which was made up entirely of residents of that State and officered throughout by colored men. Its medical officers were men of high character, and its losses by death were just twenty, or but little over one-fourth the number that occurred in the immune regiment. An efficient auxiliary society to this regiment was formed of colored ladies of Chicago who forwarded to the sick in Cuba more than six hundred dollars worth of well chosen supplies, which did much for the comfort of those in the hospital; but this would not account for the great difference in the death rate of the two regiments. Though not immune, the Eighth Illinois fared very much better than the so-called immune regiment, although the latter had the benefit of white officers. The experience of the Twenty-third Kansas did not differ in any important respect from that of the Eighth Illinois. Both regiments returned to their homes in March, 1899, and were mustered out of the service, leaving behind them good records for efficiency.

The Sixth Virginia Regiment consisted of eight companies and was under command of Lieutenant-Colonel Richard C. Croxton, of the Regular Army, white, with Majors J.B. Johnson and W.H. Johnson, colored. It was mustered into service during the latter part of the summer and went into camp near Knoxville, Tennessee. Here an order came from Corps Headquarters, at Lexington, Kentucky, directing that nine of the officers, including one major, should appear before a board of examiners in order to give evidence of their fitness to command. The officers named, regarding this as uncalled for, immediately tendered their resignations. The vacancies thus created were filled by the Governor of the State, the appointees being white men. These white officers on arriving at the camp and finding themselves unwelcome, immediately followed in the wake of their colored predecessors, and tendered their resignations.

The difficulties arising from this friction were somehow adjusted, but in what manner the reports available at this time do not show. Moving to Macon, Georgia, the regiment remained in the service until some time in the winter, when it was mustered out. Much was said by the local papers to the detriment of the men composing this regiment, but viewing their action from the standpoint of the civilian and citizen, it does not appear reprehensible. They had volunteered with the understanding that their own officers, officers with whom they were well acquainted, and in whose friendship they held a place, should command them, and when they saw these officers displaced and white strangers put in their stead, they felt a pardonable indignation, and took their own way of expressing it. As soldiers, their conduct in resisting authority, cannot be commended.

The Third North Carolina Volunteer Infantry was organized as were the regiments of Illinois and Kansas, above described. The officers of the North Carolina Regiment were all colored men of that State and were men of character and note. Its commanding officer, Colonel Young, had held responsible positions under both State and National Governments, had been editor of a paper and member of the State Legislature and Major in the State militia. In character, he was above reproach, being a strict teetotaler and not even using tobacco. The regiment made a good record, but did not see any active service.

A peculiar regiment was organized in Alabama, known as the Third Alabama Volunteer Infantry, in which the enlisted men were all colored and the officers all white. The regiment saw no service and attracted no attention outside of its immediate locality.

Two companies of colored men with colored captains were also mustered into the United States service from Indiana, and finally attached to Colonel Huggins' command, although not becoming a part of his regiment, the Eighth Immunes. They were stationed at Fort Thomas, Ky., and at Chickamauga, and were mustered out early. Their officers were men of intelligence who had acquired experience by several years' service in the militia, and the companies were exceptionally well drilled. They were designated Companies A and B and were commanded by Captains Porter and Buckner, with Lieutenant Thomas as Quartermaster.

The organization of the four immune regiments, already mentioned, gave opportunity for ninety-six colored men to obtain commissions as lieutenants. A few of these positions were seized upon by influential young white men, who held them, but with no intention of ever serving in the regiments, as they found staff positions much more congenial to their tastes. The colored men who were appointed lieutenants in these regiments were generally either young men of ability and influence who had assisted in getting up their companies, and who in many cases had received some elementary military instruction as cadets, in school, or men who had distinguished themselves by efficiency or gallantry in the Regular Army. Some exceptions there were, of course, and a few received commissions in consequence of personal friendship and political considerations. Before these regiments were mustered out of the service about one-half of the lieutenants were men from the Regular Army.

I am sure the reader will be pleased to learn that Sergeants Foster, Buck and Givens, whose deeds in Cuba have already been related, were rewarded with commissions, and that the gallant Thomas C. Butler, who rushed forward from his company's line and seized the Spanish standard at El Caney, was afterward permitted to serve in Cuba with the rank of a commissioned officer. Besides those named above, there were others also of marked ability and very respectable attainments who received commissions on general merit, as well as for gallantry. Chief among the class promoted for efficiency was First Lieutenant James R. Gillespie, formerly Post Quartermaster-Sergeant. Gillespie had served several years in the Tenth Cavalry and had proved himself an excellent soldier. Both in horsemanship and as marksman he was up to the standard, while his character and business qualifications were such as to secure for him a staff position of responsibility. As Quartermaster-Sergeant he held positions of important posts and filled them with great satisfaction. Because of his efficiency as a soldier he was given a commission as First Lieutenant and executed the duties of his office with the same ability that had marked his career as an enlisted man. From the Tenth Cavalry also came First Lieutenant Baker, whose commission was a tribute to his fidelity and efficiency. A soldier of high type he bore his commission and its honors as worthily as any son of our Republic. In the same category must be placed First Lieutenant Wm. McBryer, formerly Sergeant in the Twenty-fifth Infantry. McBryer had served in the Tenth Cavalry and had won a Medal of Honor in conflict with the Indians. He was a soldier distinguished by strength of character, prompt executiveness, quick decision and courage. He was also possessed of considerable literary skill, was a good speaker and attractive writer, and a man of fine parts. He was a valuable acquisition to the volunteer service and would have made a fine captain.

Of the colored sergeants from the Regular Army who were given commissions in the volunteer service it would not be extravagant to say that all were men of worth, well-tried in the service, and there was scarcely one of them but could have successfully commanded a company. Lieutenant A.J. Smith, formerly First Sergeant in the Twenty-fifth Infantry, was so well informed in the paper work of the army and in company administration particularly that he was regarded as an authority, and he was so well experienced in the whole life of a soldier, in camp, field, garrison and in battle, that it would have been difficult to find his superior in the army. To the credit of all of the enlisted men of the Regular Army referred to, who received commissions in the volunteer service, all served honorably and were mustered out without bringing any scandal of any sort upon the service.

The colored volunteers in the service acquitted themselves as well as the average volunteer, and when mustered out proceeded to their homes about as others did. The treatment accorded them in some of the Southern cities, especially in Nashville, Tennessee, did not speak well for the loyalty of that section, nor was it such as might reasonably be expected from a people who had fared so well in the offices and honors of the short war. From the best sources available, it seems incumbent to say that the many charges alleged against the colored volunteers for excessive rioting and disorder were without proper foundation, and the assaults made upon them unjustifiable and cruel. The spirit of the assailants is best seen from a description of the attack made upon the unarmed discharged soldiers of the Eighth Immuners in Nashville, already alluded to. This description was made by the sheriff who participated in the brutality. An officer who was on the train, and who was asleep at the time, when aroused went into the car where the men were and found that they had been beaten and robbed, and in some instances their discharges taken from them and torn up, and their weapons and money taken from them by citizens. It was about one o'clock A.M. and the men were generally asleep when attacked. The sheriff gloats over it in language which ought not be allowed to disappear:

"It was the best piece of work I ever witnessed. The police went to the depot, not armed with the regulation 'billy,' but carrying stout hickory clubs about two and one-half feet long.

Their idea was that a mahogany or lignum vitae billy was too costly a weapon to be broken over a Negro's head. The police were on board the train before it stopped even, and the way they went for the Negroes was inspiring. The police tolerated no impudence, much less rowdyism, from the Negroes, and if a darky even looked mad, it was enough for some policeman to bend his club double over his head. In fact after the police finished with them they were the meekest, mildest, most polite set of colored men I ever saw." This language is respectfully dedicated to the memory of the proud city of Nashville, and presents to the readers the portrait of her police.

Despite this vile treatment, the colored soldier went on to his home, ready again to respond to his country's call, and to rally to the defence of his country's flag, and, incidentally, to the preservation of the lives and homes of the misguided, heartless beings who can delight in his sufferings. The hickory club belongs to one sort of warrior; the rifle to quite another. The club and rifle represent different grades of civilization. The Negro has left the club; the language from Nashville does honor to the club. Billy and bully are the theme of this officer of the law, and for a "darkey even to look mad" is ample justification for "some policeman to bend his club double over his head." Were these policemen rioters? Or were they conservaters of the peace? Judge ye!

OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE NINTH (SEPARATE) BATTALION, OHIO VOLUNTEER INFANTRY.

By the Battalion Adjutant, Lieutenant Wilson Ballard.

The Ninth Battalion, Ohio Volunteer Infantry, the only colored organization from Ohio in the Volunteer Army during the war with Spain, was, previous to the date of its muster into the United States service, known as the Ninth Battalion, Ohio National Guard. April 25th, 1898, the battalion, consisting of three companies, A from Springfield, under Captain R.R. Rudd; B from Columbus, under Captain James Hopkins, and C from Xenia, under Captain Harry H. Robinson, was ordered into camp at Columbus, Ohio. The battalion was under the command of Major Charles Fillmore.

May 14, 1898, the battalion was mustered into the volunteer service by Captain Rockefeller, U.S.A. Lieutenant Charles Young, U.S.A., then on duty at Wilberforce University, Wilberforce, Ohio, as professor of military science and tactics, was commissioned by Governor Bushnell as Major commanding the Ninth Battalion, O.V.I., relieving Major Fillmore. In order to enable Lieutenant Young to accept his volunteer commission, he was granted an indefinite leave of absence by the War Department.

May 19, 1898, the command having been ordered to join the Second Army Corps at Camp Russell A. Alger, near Falls Church, Va., left Camp Bushnell and arrived at Camp Alger May 21, 1898.

When Major-General Graham assumed command of the Second Army Corps and organized it into divisions, the battalion was placed in the provisional division. In June (exact date not remembered) the battalion was placed in the Second Brigade, Second Division, being brigaded with the Twelfth Pennsylvania and Seventh Illinois Regiments. The battalion was relieved from the Second Brigade, Second Division and placed in the Second Brigade, First Division, being brigaded with the Eighth Ohio and Sixth Massachusetts.

A New Jersey regiment was relieved from duty as corps headquarters' guard late in June and the Ninth Battalion assigned to that duty. The battalion performed this duty until it was ordered South from Camp Meade, Penn., when it became separated from corps headquarters. Important outposts, such as the entrance to Falls Church and the guarding of the citizens' gardens and property, were under the charge of the command.

When General Garretson's brigade (Second Brigade, First Division, consisting of the Eighth Ohio, Ninth Battalion and Sixth Massachusetts) was ordered to Cuba, General Graham, thinking that his entire Army Corps would soon be ordered to active service, requested the War Department, as the battalion was his headquarters guard, to let the battalion remain with him. (See telegrams Gen. Graham's report to the Secretary of War.) General Graham's request being honored by the department, the battalion was deprived of this chance of seeing active service in foreign fields. The battalion was then attached to the Second Brigade, Second Division, under Brigadier-General Plummer, being brigaded with the First New Jersey, Sixty-fifth New York and Seventh Ohio.

In July the battalion was relieved from this brigade and attached directly to corps headquarters. When the Second Army Corps was ordered to Camp Meade, Penna., the battalion was one of the first to break camp, going with corps headquarters. The battalion left Camp R.A. Alger August 15, 1898, and arrived in camp at Camp George G. Meade, near Middletown, Penna., August 16, 1898. In camp the battalion occupied a position with the signal and engineer corps and hospital, near corps headquarters.

When the Peace Jubilee was held in Philadelphia, the battalion was one of the representative commands from the Second Army Corps, being given the place of honor in the corps in the parade, following immediately General Graham and staff. When the corps was ordered South the battalion was assigned to the Second Brigade under Brigadier-General Ames. The battalion left Camp Meade November 17. Up to this time it had done the guard duty of corps headquarters and was complimented for its efficient work by the commanding general. The battalion arrived in Summerville, S.C., November 21, 1898. It was brigaded with the Fourteenth Pennsylvania and Third Connecticut.

When the battalion arrived in the South the white citizens were not at all favorably disposed toward colored soldiers, and it must be said that the reception was not cordial. But by their orderly conduct and soldierly behavior the men soon won the respect of all, and the battalion was well treated before it left. November 28-29 Major Philip Reade, Inspector General First Division, Second Army Corps, inspected the Ninth Battalion, beginning his duties in that brigade with this inspection. He complimented the battalion for its work both from a practical and theoretical standpoint. Coming to the Fourteenth Pennsylvania he required them to go through certain movements in the extended order drill which not being done entirely to his satisfaction, he sent his orderly to the commanding officer of the Ninth Battalion, requesting him to have his command on the drill ground at once. The battalion fell in and marched to the ground and when presented to the Inspector orders were given for it to go through with certain movements in the extended order drill in the presence of the Pennsylvania regiment. This done, the Inspector dismissed the battalion, highly complimenting Major Young on the efficiency of his command. Just after the visit of the Inspector General, General S.B.M. Young, commanding the Second Army Corps, visited Camp Marion. Orders were sent to Major Young one morning to have his battalion fall in at once, as the General desired to have them drill. By his command the battalion went through the setting-up exercises and battalion drill in close and extended order. The General was so well pleased with the drill that the battalion was exempted from all work during the remainder of the day.

The battalion was ordered to be mustered out January 29, 1899. Lieutenant Geo. W. Van Deusen, First Artillery, who was detailed to muster out the command, hardly spent fifteen minutes in the camp. Major Young had been detailed Assistant Commissary of Musters and signed all discharges for the Ninth Battalion, except for the field and staff, which were signed by Lieutenant Van Deusen. The companies left for their respective cities the same night they were paid. Major Bullis was the paymaster.

FOOTNOTES:

[25] See "Outline History of the Ninth (Separate) Battalion Ohio Volunteer Infantry," by the Battalion Adjutant, Lieutenant Nelson Ballard, following the close of this chapter.



CHAPTER XII.

COLORED OFFICERS.

By Captain Frank R. Steward, A.B., LL.B., Harvard, Forty-ninth U.S. Volunteer Infantry—Appendix.

Of all the avenues open to American citizenship the commissioned ranks of the army and navy have been the stubbornest to yield to the newly enfranchised. Colored men have filled almost every kind of public office or trust save the Chief Magistracy. They have been members of both Houses of Congress, and are employed in all the executive branches of the Government, but no Negro has as yet succeeded in invading the commissioned force of the navy, and his advance in the army has been exceedingly slight. Since the war, as has been related, but three Negroes have been graduated from the National Military Academy at West Point; of these one was speedily crowded out of the service; another reached the grade of First Lieutenant and died untimely; the third, First Lieutenant Charles Young, late Major of the 9th Ohio Battalion, U.S. Volunteers, together with four colored Chaplains, constitute the sole colored commissioned force of our Regular Army.

Although Negroes fought in large numbers in both the Revolution and the War of 1812, there is no instance of any Negro attaining or exercising the rank of commissioned officer. It is a curious bit of history, however, that in the Civil War those who were fighting to keep colored men enslaved were the first to commission colored officers. In Louisiana but a few days after the outbreak of the war, the free colored population of New Orleans organized a military organization, called the "Native Guard," which was accepted into the service of the State and its officers were duly commissioned by the Governor.[26]

These Negro soldiers were the first to welcome General Butler when he entered New Orleans, and the fact of the organization of the "Native Guard" by the Confederates was used by General Butler as the basis for the organization of three colored regiments of "Native Guards," all the line officers of which were colored men. Governor Pinchback, who was a captain in one of these regiments, tells the fate of these early colored officers.

"There were," he writes, "in New Orleans some colored soldiers known as 'Native Guards' before the arrival of the Federal soldiers, but I do not know much about them. It was a knowledge of this fact that induced General Butler, then in command of the Department of the Gulf, to organize three regiments of colored soldiers, viz: The First, Second and Third Regiments of Native Guards.

"The First Regiment of Louisiana Native Guards, Colonel Stafford commanding, with all the field officers white, and a full complement of line officers (30) colored, was mustered into service at New Orleans September 27, 1862, for three years. Soon after General Banks took command of the department and changed the designation of the regiment to First Infantry, Corps d'Afrique. April 4th, 1864, it was changed again to Seventy-third United States Colored Infantry.

[Transcriber's Note: This footnote appeared in the text without a footnote anchor:

"On the 23d of November, 1861, there was a grand review of the Confederate troops stationed at New Orleans. An Associated Press despatch announced that the line was seven miles long. The feature of the review, however, was one regiment of fourteen hundred free colored men. Another grand review followed the next spring, and on the appearance of rebel negroes a local paper made the following comment:

"'We must also pay a deserved compliment to the companies of free colored men, all very well drilled and comfortably uniformed. Most of these companies, quite unaided by the administration, have supplied themselves with arms without regard to cost or trouble. On the same day one of these negro companies was presented with a flag, and every evidence of public approbation was manifest.'"

(Williams's Negro Troops in the Rebellion, pp. 83-4)]

"The Second Louisiana Native Guards, with Colonel N.W. Daniels and Lieutenant-Colonel Hall, white, and Major Francis E. Dumas, colored, and all the line officers colored except one Second Lieutenant, was mustered into service for three years, October 12, 1862. General Banks changed its designation to Second Infantry Corps d'Afrique, June 6, 1863, and April 6, 1864, it was changed to Second United States Colored Troops. Finally it was consolidated with the Ninety-first as the Seventy-fourth Colored Infantry, and mustered out October 11, 1865.

"The Third Regiment of Louisiana Native Guards, with Colonel Nelson and all field officers white, and all line officers (30) colored, was mustered into service at New Orleans for three years, November 24, 1862. Its designation went through the same changes as the others at the same dates, and it was mustered out November 25, 1865, as the Seventy-fifth Colored Infantry.

"Soon after the organization of the Third Regiment, trouble for the colored officers began, and the department began a systematic effort to get rid of them. A board of examiners was appointed and all COLORED officers of the Third Regiment were ordered before it. They refused to obey the order and tendered their resignations in a body. The resignations were accepted and that was the beginning of the end. Like action with the same results followed in the First and Second Regiments, and colored officers were soon seen no more. All were driven out of the service except three or four who were never ordered to appear before the examining board. Among these was your humble servant. I was then Captain of Company A, Second Regiment, but I soon tired of my isolation and resigned."

Later on in the war, with the general enlistment of colored soldiers, a number of colored chaplains and some surgeons were commissioned. Towards the close of the war several colored line officers and a field officer or two were appointed. The State of Massachusetts was foremost in according this recognition to colored soldiers. But these later appointments came, in most cases, after the fighting was all over, and gave few opportunities to command. At the close of the war, with the muster out of troops the colored officers disappeared and upon the reorganization of the army, despite the brilliant record of the colored soldiers, no Negro was given a commission of any sort.

The outbreak of the Spanish War brought the question of colored officers prominently to the front. The colored people began at once to demand that officers of their own race be commissioned to command colored volunteers. They were not to be deluded by any extravagant praise of their past heroic services, which veiled a determination to ignore their just claims. So firmly did they adhere to their demands that but one volunteer regiment of colored troops, the Third Alabama, could be induced to enter the service with none of its officers colored. But the concessions obtained were always at the expense of continuous and persistent effort, and in the teeth of a very active and at times extremely violent opposition. We know already the kind of opposition the Eighth Illinois, the Twenty-third Kansas, and the Third North Carolina Regiments, officered entirely by colored men, encountered. It was this opposition, as we have seen, which confined colored officers to positions below the grade of captain in the four immune regiments. From a like cause, we know also, distinguished non-commissioned officers of the four regular regiments of colored troops were allowed promotion only to Lieutenantcies in the immune regiments, and upon the muster out of those organizations, were compelled, if they desired to continue soldiering, to resume their places as enlisted men.

There is some explanation for this opposition in the nature of the distinction which military rank confers. Military rank and naval rank constitute the only real distinction among us. Our officers of the army and navy, and of the army more than of the navy, because the former officers are more constantly within the country, make up the sole separate class of our population. We have no established nobility. Wealth confers no privilege which men are bound to observe. The respect paid to men who attain eminence in science and learning goes only as far as they are known. The titles of the professions are matters of courtesy and customs only. Our judges and legislators, our governors and mayors, are still our "fellow citizens," and the dignity they enjoy is but an honorary one. The highest office within our gift offers no exception. At the close of his term, even an ex-President, "that melancholy product of our system," must resume his place among his fellow citizens, to sink, not infrequently, into obscurity. But fifty thousand soldiers must stand attention to the merest second lieutenant! His rank is a fact. The life tenure, the necessities of military discipline and administration, weld army officers into a distinct class and make our military system the sole but necessary relic of personal government. Any class with special privileges is necessarily conservative.

The intimate association of "officer" and "gentleman," a legacy of feudal days, is not without significance. An officer must also be a gentleman, and "conduct unbecoming an officer and a gentleman" is erected into an offence punishable by dismissal from the service. The word "gentleman" has got far away from the strict significance of its French parent. De Tocqueville has made us see the process of this development. Passing over to England, with the changing conditions, "gentleman" was used to describe persons lower and lower in the social scale, until, when it crossed to this country, its significance became lost in an indiscriminate application to all citizens[27]. A flavor of its caste significance still remains in the traditional "high sense of honor" characteristic of our military service. It was a distant step for a slave and freedman to become an officer and gentleman.

While the above reflections may be some explanations in fact for the opposition to the commissioning of Negroes, there was no one with hardihood enough to bring them forward. Such notions might form the groundwork of a prejudice, but they could not become the reason of a policy. It is an instinctive tribute to the good sense of the American people that the opponents of colored officers were compelled to find reasons of another kind for their antagonism.

The one formula heard always in the campaign against colored officers was: Negroes cannot command. This formula was sent forth with every kind of variation, from the fierce fulminations of the hostile Southern press, to the more apologetic and philosophical discussions of our Northern secular and religious journals. To be sure, every now and then, there were exhibitions of impatience against the doctrine. Not a few newspapers had little tolerance for the nonsense. Some former commanders of Negro soldiers in the Civil War, notably, General T.J. Morgan, spoke out in their behalf. The brilliant career of the black regulars in Cuba broke the spell for a time, but the re-action speedily set in. In short it became fastened pretty completely in the popular mind as a bit of demonstrated truth that Negroes could not make officers; that colored soldiers would neither follow nor obey officers of their own race.

This formula had of course to ignore an entire epoch of history. It could take no account of that lurid program wrought in the Antilles a century ago—a rising mob of rebel slaves, transformed into an invincible army of tumultuous blacks, under the guidance of the immortal Toussaint, overcoming the trained armies of three Continental powers, Spain, England and France, and audaciously projecting a black republic into the family of nations, a program at once a marvel and a terror to the civilized world.

Not alone in Hayti, but throughout the States of Central and South America have Negroes exercised military command, both in the struggles of these states for independence, and in their national armies established after independence. At least one soldier of Negro blood, General Dumas, father of the great novelist, arose to the rank of General of Division in the French Army and served under Napoleon. In our day we have seen General Dodds, another soldier of Negro blood, returning from a successful campaign in Africa, acclaimed throughout France, his immense popularity threatening Paris with a renewal of the hysterical days of Boulanger. Finally, we need not be told that at the very head and front of the Cuban Rebellion were Negroes of every hue, exercising every kind of command up to the very highest. We need but recall the lamented Maceo, the Negro chieftain, whose tragic end brought sorrow and dismay to all of Cuba. With an army thronging with blacks and mulattoes, these Cuban chieftains, black, mulatto and white, prolonged such an harassing warfare as to compel the intervention of the United States. At the end of this recital, which could well have been extended with greater particularity, if it were thought needful, we are bound to conclude that the arbitrary formula relied upon by the opponents of colored officers was never constructed to fit such an obstinate set of facts.

The prolonged struggle which culminated in permitting the Negro's general enlistment in our Civil War had only to be repeated to secure for him the full pay of a soldier, the right to be treated as a prisoner of war, and to relieve him of the monopoly of fatigue and garrison duty. He was too overjoyed with the boon of fighting for the liberation of his race to make much contention about who was to lead him. With meagre exception, his exclusive business in that war was to carry a gun. Yet repeatedly Negro soldiers evinced high capacity for command. Colonel Thomas Wentworth Higginson draws a glowing portrait of Sergeant Prince Rivers, Color-Sergeant of the First South Carolina Volunteers, a regiment of slaves, organized late in 1862. The Color-Sergeant was provost-Sergeant also, and had entire charge of the prisoners and of the daily policing of the camp.

"He is a man of distinguished appearance and in old times was the crack coachman of Beaufort. * * * They tell me that he was once allowed to present a petition to the Governor of South Carolina in behalf of slaves, for the redress of certain grievances, and that a placard, offering two thousand dollars for his re-capture is still to be seen by the wayside between here and Charleston. He was a sergeant in the old 'Hunter Regiment,' and was taken by General Hunter to New York last spring, where the chevrons on his arm brought a mob upon him in Broadway, whom he kept off till the police interfered. There is not a white officer in this regiment who has more administrative ability, or more absolute authority over the men; they do not love him, but his mere presence has controlling power over them. He writes well enough to prepare for me a daily report of his duties in the camp; if his education reached a higher point I see no reason why he should not command the Army of the Potomac. He is jet-black, or rather, I should say, wine-black, his complexion, like that of others of my darkest men, having a sort of rich, clear depth, without a trace of sootiness, and to my eye very handsome. His features are tolerably regular, and full of command, and his figure superior to that of any of our white officers, being six feet high, perfectly proportioned, and of apparently inexhaustable strength and activity. His gait is like a panther's; I never saw such a tread. No anti-slavery novel has described a man of such marked ability. He makes Toussaint perfectly intelligible, and if there should ever be a black monarchy in South Carolina he will be its king."[28]

Excepting the Louisiana Native Guards, the First South Carolina Volunteers was the first regiment of colored troops to be mustered into the service in the Civil War. The regiment was made up entirely of slaves, with scarcely a mulatto among them. The first day of freedom for these men was passed in uniform and with a gun. Among these Negroes, just wrested from slavery, their scholarly commander, Colonel Higginson, could find many whom he judged well fitted by nature to command.

"Afterwards I had excellent battalion drills," he writes, "without a single white officer, by way of experiment, putting each company under a sergeant, and going through the most difficult movements, such as division columns and oblique squares. And as to actual discipline, it is doing no injustice to the line-officers of the regiment to say that none of them received from the men more implicit obedience than Color-Sergeant Rivers. * * * It always seemed to me an insult to those brave men to have novices put over their heads, on the ground of color alone, and the men felt it the more keenly as they remained longer in the service. There were more than seven hundred enlisted men in the regiment, when mustered out after more than three years' service. The ranks had been kept full by enlistment, but there were only fourteen line-officers instead of the full thirty. The men who should have filled these vacancies were doing duty as sergeants in the ranks."[29]

Numerous expeditions were constantly on foot in the Department of the South, having for their object the liberation of slaves still held to service in neighborhoods remote from the Union camps, or to capture supplies and munitions of war. Frequently these expeditions came in conflict with armed bodies of rebels and hot engagements would ensue, resulting in considerable loss of life. Colored soldiers were particularly serviceable for this work because of their intimate knowledge of the country and their zeal for the rescue of their enslaved brethren.

One of these expeditions, composed of thirty colored soldiers and scouts, commanded by Sergeant-Major Henry James, Third United States Colored Troops, left Jacksonville, Florida, early in March, 1865, to penetrate into the interior through Marion county. They destroyed considerable property in the use of the rebel government, burned the bridge across the Oclawaha River, and started on their return with ninety-one Negroes whom they had rescued from slavery, four white prisoners, some wagons and a large number of horses and mules. They were attacked by a rebel band of more than fifty cavalry. The colored soldiers commanded by one of their own number, defeated and drove off the rebels, inflicting upon them the heavy loss of thirty men. After a long and rapid march they arrived at St. Augustine, Florida, with a loss of but two killed and four wounded, the expedition covering in all five days. These colored soldiers and their colored commander were thanked in orders by Major-General Q.A. Gilmore, commanding the department, who was moved to declare that "this expedition, planned and executed by colored men, under the command of a colored non-commissioned officer, reflects credit upon the brave participants and their leader," and "he holds up their conduct to their comrades in arms as an example worthy of emulation."[30]