* * * * *

Note.—"While we talked, and the soldiers filled their canteens and drank deep and long, like camels who, after days of travel through the land of 'thirst and emptiness,' have reached the green oasis and the desert spring, a black corporal of the 24th Infantry walked wearily up to the 'water hole.' He was muddy and bedraggled. He carried no cup or canteen, and stretched himself out over the stepping-stones in the stream, sipping up the water and the mud together out of the shallow pool. A white cavalryman ran toward him shouting, 'Hold on, bunkie; here's my cup!' The negro looked dazed a moment, and not a few of the spectators showed amazement, for such a thing had rarely if ever happened in the army before. 'Thank you,' said the black corporal. 'Well, we are all fighting under the same flag now.' And so he drank out of the white man's cup. I was glad to see that I was not the only man who had come to recognize the justice of certain Constitutional amendments, in the light of the gallant behaviour of the colored troops throughout the battle, and, indeed, the campaign. The fortune of war had, of course, something to do with it in presenting to the colored troops the opportunities for distinguished service, of which they invariably availed themselves to the fullest extent; but the confidence of the general officers in their superb gallantry, which the event proved to be not misplaced, added still more, and it is a fact that the services of no four white regiments can be compared with those rendered by the four colored regiments—the 9th and 10th Cavalry, and the 24th and 25th Infantry. They were to the front at La Guasima, at Caney, and at San Juan, and what was the severest test of all, that came later, in the yellow-fever hospitals."—Bonsal.

FOOTNOTES:

[19] Official Report of General Sumner.



CHAPTER VIII.

SAN JUAN (Continued).

Kent's Division: The Twenty-fourth Infantry; Forming Under Fire—A Gallant Charge.

Turning now to the centre and left of the American line we follow the advance of that division of infantry commanded by General Kent, and which met the brunt of Spanish resistance at San Juan. This division, known as the First Division, Fifth Army Corps, consisted of three brigades, composed as follows:

First Brigade, Brigadier-General Hawkins commanding, made up of the Sixth Infantry, the Sixteenth Infantry, and the Seventy-first New York Volunteers.

The Second Brigade, Colonel Pearson commanding, made up of the Second Infantry, the Tenth Infantry and the Twenty-first Infantry.

The Third Brigade, commanded by Colonel Wikoff, in which were the Ninth Infantry, the Thirteenth Infantry and the Twenty-fourth Infantry; in all 262 officers and 5,095 men. Thus, in the whole division there were eight regiments of regular infantry and one volunteer regiment, the Seventy-first New York.

Although our present purpose is to bring into view the special work of the Twenty-fourth Infantry, it will be necessary to embrace in our scope the work of the entire division, in order to lay before the reader the field upon which that particular regiment won such lasting credit. General Kent, who commanded the division, a most accomplished soldier, gives a lucid account of the whole assault as seen from his position, and of the work performed by his division, in his report, dated July 8, 1898.

When General Kent's division arrived in the neighborhood of the San Juan ford and found itself under fire and the trail so blocked by troops of the cavalry division, which had not yet deployed to the right, that direct progress toward the front was next to impossible, the welcome information was given by the balloon managers that a trail branched off to the left from the main trail, only a short distance back from the ford. This trail led to a ford some distance lower down the stream and nearly facing the works on the enemy's right. General Kent on learning of this outlet immediately hastened back to the forks and meeting the Seventy-first New York Regiment, the rear regiment of the First Brigade, he directed that regiment into this trail toward the ford. The regiment was to lead the way through this new trail and would consequently arrive at the front first on the left; but meeting the fire of the enemy, the First Battalion of the regiment apparently became panic stricken and recoiled upon the rest of the regiment; the regiment then lay down on the sides of the trail and in the bushes, thoroughly demoralized.

Wikoff's brigade was now coming up and it was directed upon the same trail. This brigade consisted of the Ninth, Thirteenth and Twenty-fourth. Colonel Wikoff was directed by General Kent to move his brigade across the creek by the trail (the left fork) and when reaching the opposite side, of the creek to put the brigade in line on the left of the trail and begin the attack at once. In executing this order the entire brigade stumbled through and over hundreds of men of the Seventy-first New York Regiment. When a volunteer regiment broke through the lines of the Ninth Cavalry from the rear, that regiment was in its place on the field in line of battle, with its morale perfect. It was under discipline and delivering its fire with regularity. It had an absolute right to its place. The Seventy-first was in no such attitude, and General Kent directed the advance through it in these words: "Tell the brigade to pay no attention to this sort of thing; it is highly irregular." The Ninth Cavalry's position was exactly regular; the position of the Seventh-first was to the eyes of General Kent "highly irregular."

The three regiments of this brigade were to take their positions on the left of the ford after crossing the stream, in the following order: On the extreme left the Twenty-fourth, next to it in the centre of the brigade, the Ninth, and on the right of the brigade the Thirteenth. In approaching the ford the Ninth and Twenty-fourth became mixed and crossed in the following order: First one battalion of the Ninth; then a battalion of the Twenty-fourth; then the second battalion of the Ninth, followed by the second battalion of the Twenty-fourth. The line was formed under fire, and while superintending its formation the brigade commander, Colonel Wikoff, came under observation and was killed; Lieutenant-Colonel Worth, who succeeded him, was seriously wounded within five minutes after having taking command, and Lieutenant-Colonel Liscum, who next assumed charge of the brigade, had hardly learned that he was in command before he, too, was disabled by a Spanish shot By this time, however, the formation was about complete and the brigade ready to begin the advance.

Leaving Wikoff's brigade in line ready to begin the advance we must now return in our narrative to the main ford, where the major portions of Hawkins' and Pearson's brigades are massed and follow the various regiments as they come to their places in the battle line preparing for the onslaught. After crossing the ford with the Sixth Infantry, pursuant to the orders given by Lieutenant Miley in the name of General Shafter, General Hawkins attempted to flank the enemy by a movement to the left, the Sixth Infantry leading and the Sixteenth intending to pass beyond it in its rear and join to its left. The Sixth in passing to its intended position passed to the left of the Sixth Cavalry, which held the left of the line of the cavalry division, which had crossed the ford and deployed to the right, reaching beyond the Spanish lines in that direction, or at least it was able to reach the extreme right of the enemy. The Sixth Infantry continued this line southward and it was to be farther extended by the Sixteenth. Before this disposition could be effected the fire of the enemy became so severe that an advance movement was started and the Sixth lined up facing the fort on the hill, with only one company and a half of the Sixteenth on its left.

While Hawkins' and Wikoff's brigades were preparing for the advance upon the enemy's works, Pearson's brigade was approaching the ford, hurrying to the support. The Twenty-first Regiment of this brigade was detached from the brigade and sent directly forward on the main trail with orders to re-enforce the firing line. This regiment crossed the San Juan River to the left of the main ford and rushed forward to support Hawkins' left. In the meantime the two other regiments of the brigade, the Second and Tenth, which had preceded the Twenty-first in their march from El Poso, had been deflected to the left by order of the division commander and were passing to the front over the trail previously taken by Wikoff's brigade, crossing the San Juan at the lower ford. The Tenth crossed in advance and formed in close order on the opposite side of the stream, its line facing northwest. It was soon after, however, put in battle formation and moved to the right until it connected with the Twenty-first. The Second Regiment crossed the ford in the rear of the Tenth, having been delayed considerably by the Seventh-first New York Volunteers, who still blocked the way between the forks and the lower ford. After crossing the ford the Second put itself in line on the left of the Tenth, the whole brigade being now in position to support the First and Third Brigades in their charge.

This movement of Colonel Pearson's brigade had not been made without hardship and loss. All of the regiments came under the enemy's fire before reaching the San Juan River and many men were killed or wounded while the regiments were gaining their positions. The movement was so well executed as to call forth from the division commander the following enconium: "I observed this movement from the Fort San Juan Hill. Colonel E.P. Pearson, Tenth Infantry, commanding the Second Brigade, and the officers and troops under his command deserve great credit for the soldierly manner in which this movement was executed."

Although we left Wikoff's brigade standing in line on the left of the lower ford, we must not imagine that it remained in that position until the above movement on the part of the Second Brigade had been accomplished. There was no standing still in the fierce fire to which the men of that brigade were at that time subjected—a fire which had already cut down in rapid succession three brigade commanders. The formation was no sooner completed than the rapid advance began. The Thirteenth Infantry holding the right of the brigade moved to the right and front, while the Ninth and Twenty-fourth moved almost directly to the front at first, thus partially gaining the flank of the enemy's position. The whole line moved with great rapidity across the open field and up the hill, so that when the Second and Tenth Infantry came to their position as support, the heroic Third Brigade was well up the heights. To the right of the Third Brigade the First Brigade, containing the gallant Sixth, under Colonel Egbert, and the Sixteenth, was advancing also, and the two brigades arrived at the fort almost simultaneously; so that the division commander in speaking of the capture says: "Credit is almost equally due the Sixth, Ninth, Thirteenth, Sixteenth and Twenty-fourth Regiments of Infantry." To the Third Brigade he gives the credit of turning the enemy's right.

Let us now examine more closely that sweep of the Third Brigade from the left of the lower ford to San Juan Hill, in order to trace more distinctly the pathway of honor made for itself by the Twenty-fourth. This regiment formed left front into line under fire and advanced over the flat in good order, and then reformed under shelter of the hill preparatory to the final charge upon the enemy's intrenchments. The experience of the companies in crossing the flat is told by the company commanders. One company under the orders of its captain formed line of skirmishers and advanced in good order at rapid gait, reaching the foot of the hill almost exhausted. This was about the experience of all, but this company is mentioned because it was the first company of the regiment to reach the top of the hill. In crossing the flat there was necessarily some mixing of companies and in some instances men were separated from their officers, but those who escaped the enemy's bullets made their way across that plain of fire and were ready to join in the charge up the hill where only brave men could go.

There was but a moment's pause for breath at the foot of the hill and the general charge all along the line began, the Sixth Infantry probably taking the initiative, although the gallant Colonel Egbert, of that regiment (since killed in the Philippines), makes no such claim. In his farewell official report of the Sixth he thus describes the final act:

"We were now unexpectedly re-enforced. Lieutenant Parker, made aware by the heavy fire from the hill that a conflict was going on in his front, opened fire with his Gatlings most effectively on the intrenchments, while from far down on my left I heard cheering and shouts, and saw coming up the slope towards us a multitude of skirmishers. As they drew nearer we distinguished the tall figure of General Hawkins, with his aide, Lieutenant Ord, Sixth Infantry, charging at the head of the skirmishers and waving their hats. When the charge came up nearly abreast of where the Sixth stood in the road I ordered the companies out through the gaps in the wire fence to join it, and they complied with the same alacrity and enthusiasm that they had displayed in entering this bloody field. The Gatlings redoubled their fierce grinding of bullets on the Spanish, despite which there still came a savage fire from the blockhouse and trenches. Here the gallant Captain Wetherell, Sixth Infantry, fell, shot through the forehead, at the head of his company, and I received a Mauser bullet through the left lung, which disabled me. But the blood of the troops was now up, and no loss of officers or men could stop them. They charged up the incline until, coming to a steep ridge near the top, they were brought to a stand by the hail of bullets from the Gatlings against the summit. As soon as this could be stopped by a signal, the mingled troops of the Sixth, Sixteenth, Thirteenth and Twenty-fourth swept up and over the hill and it was won."

From testimony gathered on the evening of the fight it was concluded that there were more men of the Twenty-fourth Infantry on the ridge in this first occupation than of any other regiment, but all of the regiments of the division had done admirably and the brave blacks of the Twenty-fourth won on that day a standing in arms with the bravest of the brave.

The Spaniards although driven from their first line, by no means gave up the fight; but retreating to a line of intrenchments about eight hundred yards in the rear they opened upon the new-comers a fire almost as hot as before, and the troops found it difficult to hold what they had gained. The supporting regiments were coming up and strengthening the line, the men meanwhile entrenching themselves under fire as rapidly as possible. The Thirteenth Infantry was immediately ordered off to the right to assist the cavalry division, especially the Rough Riders, who were said to be in danger of having their flank turned. Here it remained under fire all night.

The advance and charge of the Twenty-fourth made up only a part of the advance and charge of the Third Brigade; and this in turn was part of the attack and assault made by the whole infantry division; a movement also participated in at the same hour by the cavalry division; so that regarded as a whole, it was a mighty blow delivered on the enemy's right and centre by two-thirds of the American Army, and its effect was stunning, although its full weight had not been realized by the foe. The part sustained in the assault by each regiment may be estimated by the losses experienced by each in killed and wounded. Judged by this standard the brunt fell upon the Sixth, Sixteenth, Thirteenth, and Twenty-fourth, all of which regiments lost heavily, considering the short time of the action.

The movement by which the Twenty-fourth reached its position on that memorable 1st of July has called forth especial mention by the regimental commander and by the acting Assistant Adjutant-General of the brigade; it was also noted immediately after the battle by all the newspaper writers as one of the striking occurrences of the day. The regiment on coming under fire marched about one mile by the left flank, and then formed left front into line on its leading company, Company G, commanded by Captain Brereton. The first man of the regiment to take position in the line was the First Sergeant of G Company, R.G. Woods. This company when reaching its position formed on left into line, under a severe fire in front and a fire in the rear; the other companies forming in the same manner, with more or less regularity, to its left. As soon as the line was formed the order was given to charge. The advance was made across an open meadow, during which several officers were wounded, among them the officers of Company F, the command of that company devolving upon its First Sergeant, William Rainey, who conducted the company successfully to the crest of the hill.

The description of the movement of Company D as given by Lieutenant Kerwin, who was placed in command of that company after its officers had been shot, is a very interesting document. Lieutenant Kerwin claims to have made his report from "close inquiries and from personal observation." According to this report the company was led across the San Juan Creek by its Captain (Ducat), the Second Lieutenant of the company (Gurney) following it, and keeping the men well closed up. While crossing, the company encountered a terrific fire, and after advancing about ten yards beyond the stream went through a wire fence to the right, and advanced to an embankment about twenty yards from the right bank of the stream. Here Captain Ducat gave the order to advance to the attack and the whole company opened out in good order in line of skirmishers and moved rapidly across the open plain to the foot of San Juan Hill. In making this movement across the plain the line was under fire and the brave Lieutenant Gurney was killed, and First Sergeant Ellis, Corporal Keys and Privates Robinson and Johnson wounded. It was a race with death, but the company arrived at the base of the hill in good form, though well-nigh exhausted. After breathing a moment the men were ready to follow their intrepid commander, Captain Ducat, up the hill, and at twelve o'clock they gained the summit, being the first company of the regiment to reach the top of the hill. Just as they reached the crest the brave Ducat fell, shot through the hip, probably by a Spanish sharpshooter, thus depriving the company of its last commissioned officer, and leaving its first sergeant also disabled.

The commander of the regiment speaks of its doings in a very modest manner, but in a tone to give the reader confidence in what he says. He became temporarily separated from the regiment, but made his way to the crest of the hill in company with the Adjutant and there found a part of his command. He says a creditable number of the men of his regiment reached the top of the hill among the first to arrive there. The commander of the Second Battalion, Captain Wygant, crossed the meadow, or flat, some distance ahead of the battalion, but as the men subsequently charged up the hill, he was unable to keep up with them, so rapid was their gait It was from this battalion that Captain Ducat's company broke away and charged on the right of the battalion, arriving, as has been said, first on the top of the hill. As the regiment arrived Captain Wygant, finding himself the ranking officer on the ground, assembled it and assigned each company its place. Captain Dodge, who commanded Company C in this assault, and who subsequently died in the yellow fever hospital at Siboney, mentions the fact that Captain Wygant led the advance in person, and says that in the charge across the open field the three companies, C, B and H, became so intermixed that it was impossible for the company commanders to distinguish their own men from those of the other companies, yet he says he had the names of twenty men of his own company who reached the trenches at Fort San Juan in that perilous rush on that fiery mid-day. The testimony of all the officers of the regiment is to the effect that the men behaved splendidly, and eight of them have been given Certificates of Merit for gallantry in the action of July 1.

The losses of the regiment in that advance were numerous, the killed, wounded and missing amounted to 96, which number was swelled to 104 during the next two days. So many men falling in so short a time while advancing in open order tells how severe was the fire they were facing and serves to modify the opinion which was so often expressed about the time the war broke out, to the effect that the Spanish soldiers were wanting both in skill and bravery. They contradicted this both at El Caney and at San Juan. In the latter conflict they held their ground until the last moment and inflicted a loss upon their assailants equal to the number engaged in the defence of the heights. Since July 1, 1898, expatiation on the cowardice and lack of skill of the Spanish soldier has ceased to be a profitable literary occupation. Too many journalists and correspondents were permitted to witness the work of Spanish sharpshooters, and to see their obstinate resistance to the advance of our troops, to allow comments upon the inefficiency of the Spanish Army to pass unnoticed. Our army from the beginning was well impressed with the character of the foe and nerved itself accordingly. The bravery of our own soldiers was fully recognized by the men who surrendered to our army and who were capable of appreciating it, because they themselves were not wanting in the same qualities.

[Transcriber's Note: This footnote appeared in the text without a footnote anchor:

"The intrenchments of San Juan were defended by two companies of Spanish infantry, numbering about two hundred and fifty to three hundred men. At about 11 o'clock in the morning reinforcements were sent to them, bringing the number up to about seven hundred and fifty men. There were two pieces of mountain artillery on these hills, the rest of the artillery fire against our troops on that day being from batteries close to the city."—In Cuba with Shafter (Miley), page 117.]



CHAPTER IX.

THE SURRENDER, AND AFTERWARDS.

In the Trenches—The Twenty-fourth in the Fever Camp—Are Negro Soldiers Immune?—Camp Wikoff.

After the battle of El Caney the Twenty-fifth Infantry started for the mango grove, where the blanket rolls and haversacks had been left in the morning, and on its way passed the Second Massachusetts Volunteers standing by the roadside. This regiment had seen the charge of the Twenty-fifth up the hillside, and they now manifested their appreciation of the gallantry of the black regulars in an ovation of applause and cheers. This was the foundation for Sergeant Harris' reply when on another occasion seeing the manifest kind feelings of this regiment to the Twenty-fifth, I remarked: "Those men think you are soldiers." "They know we are soldiers," replied the sergeant. The regiment bivouacked in the main road leading from El Caney to Santiago, but sleep was out of the question. What with the passing of packtrains and artillery, and the issuing of rations and ammunition, the first half of the night gave no time for rest; and shortly after 12 o'clock, apprehensions of a Spanish attack put every one on the alert. At 3.30 the march to the rear was commenced and the entire division passed around by El Poso and advanced to the front by the Aguadores road, finally reaching a position on Wheeler's right about noon, July 2.

Subsequently the line of investment was extended to the right, the Cuban forces under General Garcia holding the extreme right connecting with the water front on that side of the city. Next to them came Ludlow's McKibben's and Chaffee's forces. In McKibben's brigade was the Twenty-fifth, which dug its last trench on Cuban soil on July 14th, on the railroad running out from Santiago to the northwest. This intrenchment was the nearest to the city made by any American organization, and in this the regiment remained until the surrender.

The Twenty-fourth remained entrenched over to the left, in General Kent's division, lying to the right of the 21st. This regiment (24th) had won great credit in its advance upon the enemy, but it was to win still greater in the field of humanity. Capt. Leavel, who commanded Company A, said: "It would be hard to particularize in reporting upon the men of the company. All—non-commissioned officers, privates, even newly joined recruits—showed a desire to do their duty, yea, more than their duty, which would have done credit to seasoned veterans. Too much cannot be said of their courage, willingness and endurance." Captain Wygant, who commanded the Second Battalion of the regiment, says: "The gallantry and bearing shown by the officers and soldiers of the regiment under this trying ordeal was such that it has every reason to be proud of its record. The losses of the regiment, which are shown by the official records, show the fire they were subjected to. The casualties were greater among the officers than the men, which is accounted for by the fact that the enemy had posted in the trees sharpshooters, whose principal business was to pick them off." There is no countenance given in official literature to the absurd notion maintained by some, that it was necessary for the officers of black troops to expose themselves unusually in order to lead their troops, and that this fact accounts for excessive losses among them. The fact is that the regular officer's code is such that he is compelled to occupy the place in battle assigned him in the tactics, and no matter how great his cowardice of heart may be, he must go forward until ordered to halt. The penalty of cowardice is something to be dreaded above wounds or even death by some natures. "Colored troops are brave men when led by white officers."(?) As a matter of fact there is very little leading of any sort by officers in battle. The officer's place is in the rear of the firing line, directing, not leading, and it is his right and duty to save his own life if possible, and that of every man in his command, even while seeking to destroy the enemy, in obedience to orders. The record of the Twenty-fourth for bravery was established beyond question when it swept across that open flat and up San Juan Hill on that hot mid-day of July 1st, 1898.

After lying in the trenches until July 15th, the news reached the camp of the Twenty-fourth that yellow fever had broken out in the army, and that a large hospital and pest-house had been established at Siboney. About 4 o'clock that day an order came to the commanding officer of the regiment directing him to proceed with his regiment to Siboney and report to the medical officer there. The regiment started on its march at 5.30, numbering at that time 8 companies, containing 15 officers and 456 men. Marching on in the night, going through thickets and across streams, the men were heard singing a fine old hymn:

When through the deep waters I call thee to go, The rivers of woe shall not thee o'erflow; For I will be with thee, thy troubles to bless, And sanctify to thee they deepest distress.

In view of what was before them, the words were very appropriate. They arrived on the hill at Siboney at 3.30 on the morning of July 16th.

Without discussing the graphic story told by correspondents of the highest respectability describing the regiment as volunteering, to a man, to nurse the sick and dying at Siboney, we will rather follow the official records of their doings in that fever-stricken place. On arriving at Siboney on the morning of July 16, Sunday, Major Markely, then in command of the regiment, met Colonel Greenleaf of the Medical Department, and informed him that the Twenty-fourth Infantry was on the ground. Colonel Greenleaf was just leaving the post, but Major La Garde, his successor, manifested his great pleasure in seeing this form of assistance arrive. Such a scene of misery presented itself to Major Markely's eyes that he, soldier as he was, was greatly affected, and assured Major La Garde that he was prepared personally to sink every other consideration and devote himself to giving what assistance he could in caring for the sick, and that he believed his whole regiment would feel as he did when they came to see the situation. In this he was not mistaken. The officers and men of the Twenty-fourth Infantry did give themselves up to the care of the sick and dying, furnishing all help in their power until their own health and strength gave way, in some instances laying down even their lives in this noble work.

On the day of arrival seventy men were called for to nurse yellow fever patients and do other work about the hospital. More than this number immediately volunteered to enter upon a service which they could well believe meant death to some of them. The camp was so crowded and filthy that the work of cleaning it was begun at once by the men of the Twenty-fourth, and day by day they labored as their strength would permit, in policing the camp, cooking the food for themselves and for the hospital, unloading supplies, taking down and removing tents, and numberless other details of necessary labor. Despite all the care that could be taken under such conditions as were found at Siboney, the yellow fever soon overran the entire camp, and of the 16 officers of the regiment, 1 had died, 2 more were expected to die; 3 were dangerously ill, and 5 more or less so. Out of the whole sixteen there were but three really fit for duty, and often out of the whole regiment it would be impossible to get 12 men who could go on fatigue duty. Out of the 456 men who marched to Siboney only 24 escaped sickness, and on one day 241 were down. Those who would recover remained weak and unfit for labor. Silently, without murmuring, did these noble heroes, officers and men, stand at their post ministering to the necessities of their fellowman until the welcome news came that the regiment would be sent north and the hospital closed as soon as possible. On August 8 Major La Garde, more entitled to the honor of being classed among the heroes of Santiago than some whose opportunities of brilliant display were vastly superior, succumbed to the disease. The fact should be borne in mind that all of these men, officers, soldiers and surgeons, went upon this pest-house duty after the severe labors of assault of July 1-2, and the two weeks of terrible strain and exposure in the trenches before Santiago, and with the sick and wounded consequent upon these battles and labors—none were strong.

On July 16th, the day after the Twenty-fourth left the trenches, the surrender was made and on the next morning the final ceremonies of turning over Santiago to the American forces took place, and the soldiers were allowed to come out of their ditches and enter into more comfortable camps. The hardships of the period after the surrender were not much less than those experienced while in the lines.

On the 26th of August the Twenty-fourth Infantry, having obtained an honorable release from its perilous duty, marched out of Siboney with band playing and colors flying to go on board the transport for Montauk; but of the 456 men who marched into Siboney, only 198 were able to march out, directed by 9 out of the 15 officers that marched in with them. Altogether there were 11 officers and 289 men who went on board the transport, but all except the number first given were unable to take their places in the ranks. They went on board the steamer Nueces, and coming from an infected camp, no doubt great care was taken that the transport should arrive at its destination in a good condition. Although there was sickness on board, there were no deaths on the passage, and the Nueces arrived in port "one of the cleanest ships that came to that place." The official report states that the Nueces arrived at Montauk Point September 2, with 385 troops on board; 28 sick, no deaths on the voyage, and not infected. Worn out by the hard service the regiment remained a short time at Montauk and then returned to its former station, Fort Douglass, Utah, leaving its camp at Montauk in such a thoroughly creditable condition as to elicit official remark.

While the Twenty-fourth Infantry had without doubt the hardest service, after the surrender, of any of the colored regiments, the others were not slumbering at ease. Lying in the trenches almost constantly for two weeks, drenched with rains, scorched by the burning sun at times, and chilled by cool nights, subsisting on food not of the best and poorly cooked, cut off from news and kept in suspense, when the surrender finally came it found our army generally very greatly reduced in vital force. During the period following, from July 16th to about the same date in August the re-action fell with all its weight upon the troops, rendering them an easy prey to the climatic influences by which they were surrounded.[20] Pernicious malarial fever, bowel troubles and yellow fever were appearing in all the regiments; and the colored troops appeared as susceptible as their white comrades. The theory had been advanced that they were less susceptible to malarial fever, and in a certain sense this appears to be true; but the experience of our army in Cuba, as well as army statistics published before the Cuban War, do not bear out the popular view of the theory. The best that can be said from the experience of Cuba is to the effect that the blacks may be less liable to yellow fever and may more quickly rally from the effects of malarial fever. These conclusions are, however, by no means well established. The Twenty-fourth suffered excessively from fevers of both kinds, and in the judgment of the commanding officer of the regiment "effectually showed that colored soldiers were not more immune from Cuban fever than white," but we must remember that the service of the Twenty-fourth was exceptional. The Twenty-fifth Infantry lost but one man during the whole campaign from climatic disease, John A. Lewis, and it is believed that could he have received proper medical care his life would have been saved. Yet this regiment suffered severely from fever as did also the Ninth and Tenth Cavalry.

Arriving at Montauk[21] early the author had the opportunity to see the whole of the Fifth Army Corps disembark on its return from Cuba, and was so impressed with its forlorn appearance that he then wrote of it as coming home on stretchers. Pale, emaciated, weak and halting, they came, with 3,252 sick, and reporting 87 deaths on the voyage. But, as General Wheeler said in his report, "the great bulk of the troops that were at Santiago were by no means well." Never before had the people seen an army of stalwart men so suddenly transformed into an army of invalids. And yet while all the regiments arriving showed the effects of the hardships they had endured, the black regulars, excepting the Twenty-fourth Infantry, appeared to have slightly the advantage. The arrival of the Tenth Cavalry in "good condition" was an early cheering item in the stream of suffering and debility landing from the transports. Seeing all of the troops land and remaining at Camp Wikoff until its days were nearly numbered, the writer feels sure that the colored troops arrived from the front in as good condition as the best, and that they recuperated with marked comparative rapidity.

The chaplain of the Twenty-fifth Infantry, while en route to join his regiment at Montauk, thinking seriously over the condition of the men returning from such a hard experience, concluded that nothing would be more grateful to them than a reasonable supply of ripe fruit, fresh from the orchards and fields. He therefore sent a dispatch to the Daily Evening News, published in Bridgeton, N.J., asking the citizens of that community to contribute a carload of melons and fruits for the men of the Twenty-fifth, or for the whole camp, if they so wished. Subsequently mentioning the fact to the commanding officer of the regiment, Lieutenant-Colonel Daggett, he heartily commended the idea, believing that the fruit would be very beneficial. The good people of Bridgeton took hold of the matter heartily, and in a short time forwarded to the regiment more than four hundred of Jersey's finest watermelons, fresh from the vines. These were distributed judiciously and the health of the men began to improve forthwith. Soon five hundred more arrived, sent by a patriotic citizen of Philadelphia. These were also distributed. Ladies of Brooklyn forwarded peaches and vegetables, and supplies of all sorts now were coming in abundance. Our men improved so rapidly as to be the occasion of remark by correspondents of the press. They were spoken of as being apparently in good condition. While engaged in the work of supplying their physical wants the chaplain was taken to task by a correspondent of Leslie's for being too much concerned in getting a carload of watermelons for his regiment, to go over to a graveyard and pray over the dead. The next day the chaplain made haste to go over to that particular graveyard to relieve the country from the crying shame that the correspondent had pointed out, only to find two men already there armed with prayer-books and one of them especially so fearful that he would not get a chance to read a prayer over a dead soldier, that the chaplain found it necessary to assure him that the opportunity to pray should not be taken from him; and thus another popular horror was found to be without reality.

The colored ladies of Brooklyn organized a Soldiers' Aid Society, and besides contributing in a general way, as already mentioned, also made and presented to the soldiers about four hundred home-made pies, which were most highly appreciated. They also prepared a tasty souvenir commemorative of the heroic work performed by the troops in Cuba, and expressive of high appreciation of the gallantry of the colored regiments. A beautiful stand of colors was also procured for the Twenty-fourth Infantry, which were subsequently presented to the regiment with appropriate ceremonies.

At the camp were three colored chaplains and one colored surgeon, serving with the Regular Army, and their presence was of great value in the way of accustoming the people at large to beholding colored men as commissioned officers. To none were more attention shown than to these colored men, and there was apparently no desire to infringe upon their rights. Occasionally a very petty social movement might be made by an insignificant, with a view of humiliating a Negro chaplain, but such efforts usually died without harm to those aimed at and apparently without special comfort to those who engineered them.

The following paragraphs, written while in camp at the time indicated in them, may serve a good purpose by their insertion here, showing as they do the reflections of the writer as well as in outlining the more important facts associated with that remarkable encampment:

* * * * *

CAMP WIKOFF AND ITS LESSONS.

Now that the days of this camp are drawing to a close it is profitable to recall its unique history and gather up some of the lessons it has taught us. Despite all the sensationalism, investigations, testings, experimentation, and general condemnation, the camp at Montauk accomplished what was intended, and was itself a humane and patriotic establishment. It is not for me to say whether a better site might not have been selected, or whether the camp might not have been better managed. I will take it for granted that improvement might have been made in both respects, but our concern is rather with what was, than with what "might have been."

To appreciate Camp Wikoff we must consider two things specially; first, its purpose, and secondly, the short time allowed to prepare it; and then go over the whole subject and properly estimate its extent and the amount of labor involved.

The intention of the camp was to afford a place where our troops, returning from Cuba, prostrated with climatic fever, and probably infected with yellow fever, might receive proper medical treatment and care, until the diseases were subdued. The site was selected with this in view, and the conditions were admirably suited to such a purpose. Completely isolated, on dry soil, with dry pure air, cool climate, away from mosquitoes, the camp seemed all that was desired for a great field hospital.

Here the sick could come and receive the best that nature had to bestow in the way of respite from the heat, and pure ocean breezes, and, taken altogether, the experiences of August and a good part of September, have justified the selection of Montauk. While prostrations were occurring elsewhere, the camp was cool and delightful most of the time.

As to the preparations, it must be remembered that the recall of the whole Army of Invasion from Cuba was made in response to a popular demand, and as a measure of humanity. Bring the army home! was the call, and, Bring it at once!



Such urgency naturally leaps ahead of minor preparations. The soldiers wanted to come; the people wanted them to come; hence the crowding of transports and the lack of comforts on the voyages; hence the lack of hospital accommodations when the troops began to arrive. Haste almost always brings about such things; but sometimes haste is imperative. This was the case in getting the army out of Cuba and into Camp at Montauk in August, '98. Haste was pushed to that point when omissions had to occur, and inconvenience and suffering resulted.

We must also remember the condition of the men who came to Montauk. About 4,000 were reported as sick before they left Cuba; but, roughly speaking, there were 10,000 sick men landing in Montauk. Those who were classed as well were, with rare exceptions, both mentally and physically incapable of high effort. It was an invalid army, with nearly one-half of its number seriously sick and suffering.

Ten thousand sick soldiers were never on our hands before, and the mighty problem was not realized until the transports began to emit their streams of weakness and walking death at Montauk. The preparation was altogether inadequate for such a mass of misery, and for a time all appeared confusion.

Then came severe, cruel, merciless criticisms; deserved in some cases no doubt, but certainly not everywhere. The faults, gaps, failures, were everywhere to be seen, and it was easy to see and to say what ought to have been done. But the situation at Camp Wikoff from August 15th to Sep. 15th needed more than censure; it needed help. The men who were working for the Government in both the medical and commissary departments needed assistance; the former in the way of nurses, and the latter in the way of appropriate food. The censure and exposure indulged in by the press may have contributed to direct the attention of the benevolently disposed to the conditions in the camp.

Then came the era of ample help; from Massachusetts; from New York, in a word, from all over the country. The Merchants' Relief Association poured in its thousands of dollars worth of supplies, bringing them to the camp and distributing them generously and wisely. The Women's Patriotic Relief, the Women's War Relief, the International Brotherhood League, and the powerful Red Cross Society, all poured in food and comforts for the sick thousands. Besides these great organizations there were also the spontaneous offerings of the people, many of them generously distributed by the Brooklyn Daily Eagle's active representatives. The tent of that journal was an excellent way-mark and a veritable house of the good shepherd for many a lost wanderer, as well as a place of comfort, cheer and rest. The work done was very valuable and highly appreciated.

To the medical department came the trained hand of the female nurse. No one who saw these calm-faced, white-hooded sisters, or the cheery cheeked, white capped nurses from the schools, could fail to see that they were in the right place. The sick soldier's lot was brightened greatly when the gentle female nurse came to his cot. Woman can never be robbed of her right to nurse. This is one of the lessons taught by the Hispano-American War.

This vast army has been handled. No yellow fever has been spread. The general health has been restored. The disabled are mostly housed in hospitals, and many of them are on the road to recovery. Some have died; some are on furlough, and many have gone to their homes.

The regulars are repairing to their stations quite invigorated, and greatly helped in many ways by the kind treatment they have received. Camp Wikoff was not a failure; but a great and successful object lesson, as well as a great summer school in nationalism. Here black, white and Indian soldiers fraternized; here Northerners and Southerners served under the same orders. Ten thousand soldiers and as many civilians daily attended the best school of its kind ever held in this country, striving to take home to their hearts the lessons that God is teaching the nations.

The Rev. Sylvester Malone thus sums up the message of the war to us in his letter to the committee to welcome Brooklyn's soldiers:

"This short war has done so much for America at home and abroad that we must take every soldier to our warmest affection and send him back to peaceful pursuits on the conviction that there is nothing higher in our American life than to have the privilege to cheer and gladden the marine and the soldier that have left to America her brightest and best page of a great history. This past war must kindle in our souls a love of all the brethren, black as well as white, Catholic as well as Protestant, having but one language, one nationality, and it is to be hoped, yet one religion."

These are true words, as full of patriotism as they are of fraternity, and these are the two special lessons taught at Montauk—a broad, earnest, practical fraternity, and a love of country before which the petty prejudices of race and section were compelled to yield ground.

THE YOUNG MEN'S CHRISTIAN ASSOCIATION IN CAMP WIKOFF.

The Young Men's Christian Association has done an excellent work in Camp Wikoff. Their tents have afforded facilities for profitable amusements, in the way of quiet games, thus bringing out the use of these games distinct from their abuse—gambling.

Their reading tables have also been well supplied with papers and magazines, religious and secular, generally very acceptable to the soldiers, as attested by the numbers that read them. But perhaps best of all, has been the provision made for the soldiers to write. Tables, pens, ink, paper and envelopes have been supplied in abundance. These were of great advantage to soldiers living in tents, and the work of the Association in this respect cannot be too highly commended.

The specially religious work of the Association as I have seen it, consists of three divisions: First, the meetings in their tents, held nightly and on Sundays. These have been vigorously carried on and well attended, the chaplains of the camp often rendering assistance. Secondly, I have noticed the Y.M.C.A. men visiting the sick in the hospitals and camps, giving the word of exhortation and help to the sick. Perhaps, however, in their work of private conversation with the well men, they have done as much real service for God as in either of the other two fields. They have made the acquaintance of many men and have won the respect of the camp. This I have numbered as the third division of their work—personal contact with the soldiers of the camp, at the same time keeping themselves "unspotted from the world."

B.

The 24th Infantry was ordered down to Siboney to do guard duty. When the regiment reached the yellow-fever hospital it was found to be in a deplorable condition. Men were dying there every hour for the lack of proper nursing. Major Markley, who had commanded the regiment since July 1st, when Colonel Liscum was wounded, drew his regiment up in line, and Dr. La Garde, in charge of the hospital, explained the needs of the suffering, at the same time clearly setting forth the danger to men who were not immune, of nursing and attending yellow-fever patients. Major Markley then said that any man who wished to volunteer to nurse in the yellow-fever hospital could step forward. The whole regiment stepped forward. Sixty men were selected from the volunteers to nurse, and within forty-eight hours forty-two of these brave fellows were down seriously ill with yellow or pernicious malarial fever. Again the regiment was drawn up in line, and again Major Markley said that nurses were needed, and that any man who wished to do so could volunteer. After the object lesson which the men had received in the last few days of the danger from contagion to which they would be exposed, it was now unnecessary for Dr. La Garde to again warn the brave blacks of the terrible contagion. When the request for volunteers to replace those who had already fallen in the performance of their dangerous and perfectly optional duty was made again, the regiment stepped forward as one man. When sent down from the trenches the regiment consisted of eight companies, averaging about forty men each. Of the officers and men who remained on duty the forty days spent in Siboney, only twenty-four escaped without serious illness, and of this handful not a few succumbed to fevers on the voyage home and after their arrival at Montauk.

As a result, thirty-six died and about forty were discharged from the regiment owing to disabilities resulting from sickness which began in the yellow-fever hospital.—Bonsal's Fight for Santiago.

FOOTNOTES:

[20] "After the surrender, dear Chaplain, the real trouble and difficulties began. Such a period, from July 14, 1898 to August 14, 1898, was never before known to human beings, I hope. The starving time was nothing to the fever time, where scores died per day. We were not permitted to starve; but had fever, and had it bad; semi-decayed beef, both from refrigerators and from cans. We had plenty of fever, but no clothing until very late; no medicine save a little quinine which was forced into you all the time, intermittent only with bad meat."—Extract from a soldier's letter.

[21] While the Twenty-fifth Infantry was in camp at Chickamauga Park I was ordered to Xenia, Ohio, on recruiting duty, and on July 5. on seeing the reports of the wounded I asked officially to be ordered to my regiment. An order to that effect came about a month later, directing me to join my regiment by way of Tampa, Florida. Arriving in Tampa, my destination was changed by telegraph to Montauk Point, N.Y., whither I arrived a few days before the regiment did.



CHAPTER X.

REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS.

Gallantry of the Black Regulars—Diary of Sergeant-Major E.L. Baker, Tenth Cavalry.

It is time now to sum up the work of the four regiments whose careers we have thus far followed, and to examine the grounds upon which the golden opinions they won in battle and siege are based. We have seen that in the first fight, that of Las Guasimas, on June 24th, the Tenth Cavalry, especially Troops I and B, both with their small arms and with the machine guns belonging to Troop B, did most effective work against the Spanish right, joining with the First Cavalry in overcoming that force which was rapidly destroying Roosevelt's Rough Riders. Nor should it be forgotten that in this first fight, Troop B, which did its full share, was commanded on the firing line by Sergeants John Buck and James Thompson. In the squad commanded by Sergeant Thompson several men of the First Regular Cavalry fought and it is claimed were highly pleased with him as squad commander.

While this was the first fight of the men of the Tenth Cavalry with the Spaniards, it was by no means their first experience under fire. From the time of the organization of the regiment in 1866 up to within a year of the war, the men had been engaged frequently in conflicts with Indians and marauders, often having men killed and wounded in their ranks. The fights were participated in by small numbers, and the casualties were not numerous, but there were opportunities for the acquirement of skill and the display of gallantry. Altogether the men of the regiment during their experience on the plains engaged in sixty-two battles and skirmishes. This training had transformed the older men of the regiment into veterans and enabled them to be cool and efficient in their first fight in Cuba.

Sergeant Buck, upon whom the command of Troop B chiefly fell after becoming separated from his Lieutenant in the battle at Guasimas, joined the regiment in 1880, and had already passed through eighteen years of the kind of service above described. He was at the time of the Cuban War in the prime of life, a magnificent horseman, an experienced scout, and a skilled packer. In 1880, when he joined the regiment, the troops were almost constantly in motion, marching that one year nearly seventy-seven thousand miles, his own troop covering twelve hundred and forty-two miles in one month. This troop with four others made a ride of sixty-five miles in less than twenty-one hours, arriving at their destination without the loss of a single horse. In 1893 he was mentioned by the commanding officer of Fort Missoula, Montana, for highly meritorious service, skill and energy displayed while in charge of pack train of an expedition across the Bitter Root Mountains, Idaho, during the most inclement weather, in quest of a party of gentlemen lost. (Letter of commanding officer, Fort Missoula, Montana, February 12, 1894.) Sergeant Buck has also won the silver medal for revolver shooting.

Sergeant James Thompson joined the regiment in 1888, and has passed the ten years in the one troop, and proved himself at Las Guasimas a soldier worthy his regiment.

The first battle gave the Tenth a reputation in a new field, corresponding to that which it had gained in the West, and this was not allowed to fade during its stay in Cuba. The fame of this first action spread rapidly through the army and inspired the other regiments of colored men with a desire to distinguish themselves on this new field of honor, and their readiness to be to the front and to take prominent part in all service was so marked that opportunity could not be withheld from them. As the army advanced toward Santiago these regiments became more and more the mark of observation by foreign military men who were present, and by the great throng of correspondents who were the eyes for the people of the civilized world. And hence, when the lines of assault were finally determined and the infantry and cavalry of our army deployed for its perilous attack upon the Spanish fortifications the black regiments were in their places, conspicuous by their vigor and enthusiasm. In them were enlisted men whose time of service had expired a few days before, but who had promptly re-enlisted. In at least two cases were men who served their full thirty years and could have retired with honor at the breaking out of the war. They preferred to share the fortunes of their comrades in arms, and it is a comfort to be able to record that the two spoken of came home from the fight without a wound and with health unimpaired. How many others there were in the same case in the army is not reported, but the supposition is that there were several such in both the white and colored regiments.

Recalling the scenes of that memorable first of July, 1898, we can see the Twenty-fifth Infantry advancing steadily on the stone fort at El Caney at one time entirely alone, meeting the fire of the fort even up to their last rush forward. Captain Loughborough, who commanded Company B, of that regiment, and although his company was in the reserve, was nevertheless under fire, says: "The hardest fighting of the Twenty-fifth was between two and four o'clock," at which time all the other troops of the attacking force, except Bates' brigade, were under cover and remaining stationary, the Twenty-fifth being the only organization that was advancing. The official reports give the positions of General Chaffee's brigade during the two hours between two o'clock and four of that afternoon as follows:

The Seventh was under partial cover and remained in its position "until about 4.30 p.m." The Seventeenth remained with its left joined to the right of the Seventh "until the battle was over." The Twelfth Infantry was in its shelter within 350 yards of the fort "until about 4 p.m." Ludlow's brigade was engaged with the town, hence only Miles' brigade, consisting of the Fourth and Twenty-fifth Infantry, was advancing upon the fort. The Fourth Infantry was soon checked in its advance, as General Daggett especially notes in his report, and the Twenty-fifth was thus thrust forward alone, excepting Bates' brigade, which was making its way up the right.

This conspicuous advance of the Twenty-fifth brought that regiment into the view of the world, and established for it a brilliant reputation for skill and courage. Arriving in the very jaws of the fort the sharpshooters and marksmen of that regiment poured such a deadly fire into the loopholes of the fort that they actually silenced it with their rifles. These men with the sternness of iron and the skill acquired by long and careful training, impressed their characteristics on the minds of all their beholders. Of the four hundred men who went on the field that morning very few were recruits, and many had passed over ten years in the service. When they "took the battle formation and advanced to the stone fort more like veterans than troops who had never been under fire," as their commander reports, they gave to the world a striking exhibition of the effect of military training. In each breast a spirit of bravery had been developed and their skill in the use of their arms did not for a moment forsake them. They advanced against volleys from the fort and rifle pits in front, and a galling fire from blockhouses, the church tower and the village on their left. Before a less severe fire than this, on that very day, a regiment of white volunteers had succumbed and was lying utterly demoralized by the roadside; before this same fire the Second Massachusetts Volunteers were forced to retire—in the face of it the Twenty-fifth advanced steadily to its goal.

Lieutenant Moss, who commanded Company H on the firing line on that day, has published an account in which he says: "The town was protected on the north by three blockhouses and the church; on the west by three blockhouses (and partially by the church); on the east by the stone fort, one blockhouse, the church, and three rifle pits; on the south and southeast by the stone fort, three blockhouses, one loop-holed house, the church and eight rifle pits. However, the Second Brigade was sent forward against the southeast of the town, thus being exposed to fire from fourteen sources, nearly all of which were in different planes, forming so many tiers of fire. The cover on the south and southeast of the town was no better than, if as good, as that on the other sides."

The cavalry regiments were no less conspicuous in their gallantry at San Juan than was the Twenty-fifth Infantry at El Caney. The brilliancy of that remarkable regiment, the Rough Riders, commanded on July 1st by Colonel Roosevelt, was so dazzling that it drew attention away from the ordinary regulars, yet the five regiments of regular cavalry did their duty as thoroughly on that day as did the regiment of volunteers.[22] In this body of cavalry troops, where courage was elevated to a degree infringing upon the romantic, the two black regiments took their places, and were fit to be associated in valor with that highly representative regiment. The Inspector-General turns aside from mere routine in his report long enough to say "the courage and conduct of the colored troops and First United States Volunteers seemed always up to the best." That these black troopers held no second place in valor is proven by their deeds, and from the testimony of all who observed their conduct, and that they with the other regulars were decidedly superior in skill was recognized by the volunteer Colonel himself. The Ninth Cavalry, although suffering considerably in that advance on East Hill, involved as it was, more or less, with Roosevelt's regiment, did not receive so large a share of public notice as its sister regiment. The strength of the Ninth was but little over one-half that of the Tenth, and its movements were so involved with those of the volunteers as to be somewhat obscured by them; the loss also of its commander just as the first position of the enemy fell into our hands, was a great misfortune to the regiment. The Ninth, however, was with the first that mounted the heights, and whatever praise is to be bestowed upon the Rough Riders in that assault is to be distributed in equal degree to the men of that regiment. Being in the leading brigade of the division this regiment had been firing steadily upon the Spanish works before the charge was ordered, and when the movement began the men of the Ninth advanced so rapidly that they were among the first to reach the crest.

The Tenth Regiment, with its Hotchkiss guns, and its trained men, took its place in the line that morning to add if possible further lustre to the distinction already won. In crossing the flat, in climbing the heights, and in holding the ridge these brave men did all that could be expected of them. Roosevelt said: "The colored troops did as well as any soldiers could possibly do," meaning the colored men of the Ninth and Tenth Cavalry. To their officers he bestows a meed of praise well deserved, but not on the peculiar ground which he brings forward. He would have the reader believe that it has required special ability and effort to bring these colored men up to the condition of good soldiers and to induce them to do so well in battle; while the testimony of the officers themselves and the experience of more than a quarter of a century with colored professional troops give no countenance to any such theory. The voice of experience is that the colored man is specially apt as a soldier, and General Merritt declares him always brave in battle. The officers commanding colored troops at Santiago honored themselves in their reports of the battles by giving full credit to the men in the ranks, who by their resolute advance and their cool and accurate firing dislodged an intrenched foe and planted the flag of our Union where had floated the ensign of Spain.

That rushing line of dismounted cavalry, so ably directed by Sumner, did not get to its goal without loss. As it swept across the open to reach the heights, it faced a well-directed fire from the Spanish works, and men dropped from the ranks, wounded and dying. Of the officers directing that advance 35 fell either killed or wounded and 328 men. These numbers appear small when hastily scanned or when brought into comparison with the losses in battle during the Civil War, but if we take time to imagine 35 officers lying on the ground either killed or wounded and 328 men in the same condition, the carnage will not appear insignificant. Woe enough followed even that one short conflict. It must be observed also that the whole strength of this division was less than 3000 men, so that about one out of every eight had been struck by shot or shell.

Several enlisted men among the colored cavalry displayed high soldierly qualities in this assault, evidencing a willingness to assume the responsibility of command and the ability to lead. Color-Sergeant George Berry became conspicuous at once by his brilliant achievement of carrying the colors of two regiments, those of his own and of the Third Cavalry. The Color-Sergeant of the latter regiment had fallen and Berry seized the colors and bore them up the hill with his own. The illustrated press gave some attention to this exploit at the time, but no proper recognition of it has as yet been made. Sergeant Berry's character as a soldier had been formed long before this event, and his reputation for daring was already well established. He entered the service in 1867 and when he carried that flag up San Juan was filling out his thirty-first year in the service. All this time he had passed in the cavalry and had engaged in many conflicts with hostile Indians and ruffians on our frontiers.

Perhaps the most important parts taken by any enlisted men in the cavalry division were those taken by Sergeants Foster and Givens. The former was First Sergeant of Troop G and as the troop was making its way to the hill by some means the Spaniards were able not only to discover them but also the direction in which they were moving and to determine their exact range. Sergeant Foster ventured to tell the Lieutenant in charge that the course of advance should be changed as they were marching directly into the enemy's guns.

"Silence," shouted the Lieutenant. "Come on, men; follow me." "All right, sir," said the Sergeant; "we'll go as far as you will." The next instant the Lieutenant was shot through the head, leaving Sergeant Foster in command. Immediately the troop was deployed out of the dangerous range and the Sergeant by the exercise of good judgment brought his men to the crest of the hill without losing one from his ranks. At the time of this action Sergeant Foster was a man who would readily command attention. Born in Texas and a soldier almost continuously since 1875, part of which time had been passed in an infantry regiment, he had acquired valuable experience. In 1888, while serving in the cavalry, he had been complimented in General Orders for skill in trailing raiding parties in Arizona. He was a resolute and stalwart soldier, an excellent horseman and possessed of superior judgment, and with a reputation for valor which none who knew him would question. The return of Troop G, Tenth Cavalry, for July, 1898, contains the following note: "Lieutenant Roberts was wounded early in the engagement; Lieutenant Smith was killed about 10.30 a.m. while gallantly leading the troop in the advance line. After Lieutenant Smith fell the command of the troop devolved upon First Sergeant Saint Foster, who displayed remarkable intelligence and ability in handling the troop during the remainder of the day. Sergeant Foster's conduct was such as cannot be excelled for valor during the operations around Santiago. He commanded the troop up the hills of San Juan."

Sergeant William H. Givens, of Troop D, Tenth Cavalry, also commanded in the action against San Juan. His Captain, who was wounded three times in the fight, being finally disabled before reaching the hill, makes the following report: "Sergeant William H. Givens was with the platoon which I commanded; whenever I observed him he was at his post exercising a steadying or encouraging influence on the men, and conducting himself like the thorough soldier that I have long known him to be. I understand to my great satisfaction that he has been rewarded by an appointment to a lieutenancy in an immune regiment."

The Descriptive list of Sergeant Givens, made on August 4th, 1898, contains these remarks:

"Commanded his troop with excellent judgment after his captain fell at the battle of San Juan, July 1, 1898, leading it up the hill to the attack of the blockhouse.

"Character: A most excellent soldier."[23]

Sergeant Givens may also be called an "old-timer." He had enlisted in '69, and had passed all that time in hard frontier service. The troop in which he enlisted during the years 1876-78 was almost constantly engaged with hostile Indians along the Mexican border, and Sergeant Givens was called upon to take part in numerous scouts in which there were many striking adventures. He was also in that memorable campaign against Victoria, conducted by General Grierson. Sergeant Givens was an ideal soldier and worthy the commendations bestowed upon him by his troop commander and others. Captain Bigelow received his disabling wound about seventy-five yards from the blockhouse and was taken to the rear under heavy fire by two soldiers of the troop by the name of Henderson and Boardman.

Lieutenant Kennington, reporting the work of the troop on that morning says that Corporal J. Walker was probably the first soldier to reach the top of the hill and is believed to have shot the Spaniard who killed Lieutenant Ord. The report containing the above statement is dated July 5, 1898. Since that time the matter has been fully investigated by Captain Bigelow and the fact ascertained that Corporal Walker did arrive first on the hill and did shoot the Spaniard referred to and he has been recommended for a Medal of Honor in consequence.

The Sergeant-Major of the Tenth Cavalry, Mr. E.L. Baker, who served with great credit during the Santiago campaign, is a soldier with an excellent record. He was born of French and American parentage in Wyoming and enlisted in the Ninth Cavalry as trumpeter in 1882, serving five years in that regiment. He then enlisted in the Tenth Cavalry, and in 1892 became Sergeant-Major. Being desirous of perfecting himself in the cavalry service he applied for an extended furlough with permission to leave the country, intending to enter a cavalry school in France. In this desire he was heartily endorsed by the officers of his regiment, and was specially commended by General Miles, who knew him as a soldier and who highly appreciated him as such. The breaking out of the Spanish war soon after he had made application prevented a full consideration of his case. In 1897 Sergeant-Major Baker published a specially valuable "Roster of the Non-Commissioned Officers of the Tenth U.S. Cavalry, with Some Regimental Reminiscences, etc.," which has been of marked service in the preparation of the sketches of the enlisted men of his regiment. He contributes the interesting sketch of his experiences in Cuba with his regiment, which follows this chapter, and which will prove to many perhaps the most interesting portion of my book.

The Twenty-fourth Infantry advanced in that line of attack on the extreme left and reached the crest of the San Juan Hills in such numbers as to lead the press correspondents and others to conclude that there were more men of this regiment promptly on the ground than of any other one regiment. It is certain they made a record for heroism in that assault as bright as any won on the field that day; and this record they raised to a magnificent climax by their subsequent work in the fever hospital at Siboney. For their distinguished service both in the field and in the hospital, the colored ladies of New York honored themselves in presenting the regiment the beautiful stand of colors already mentioned. As these fever-worn veterans arrived at Montauk they presented a spectacle well fitted to move strong men to tears. In solemn silence they marched from on board the transport Nueces, which had brought them from Cuba, and noiselessly they dragged their weary forms over the sandy roads and up the hill to the distant "detention camp." Twenty-eight of their number were reported sick, but the whole regiment was in ill-health.

These were the men who had risked their lives and wrecked their health in service for others. Forty days they had stood face to face with death. In their soiled, worn and faded clothing, with arms uncleaned, emaciated, and with scarce strength enough to make the march before them, as they moved on that hot 2nd of September from the transport to the camp, they appeared more like a funeral procession than heroes returning from the war; and to the credit of our common humanity it may be recorded that they were greeted, not with plaudits and cheers, but with expressions of real sympathy. Many handkerchiefs were brought into view, not to wave joyous welcome, but to wipe away the tears that came from overflowing hearts. At no time did human nature at Montauk appear to better advantage than in its silent, sympathetic reception of the Twenty-fourth Infantry.

Of these shattered heroes General Miles had but recently spoken in words well worthy his lofty position and noble manhood as "a regiment of colored troops, who, having shared equally in the heroism, as well as the sacrifices, is now voluntarily engaged in nursing yellow fever patients and burying the dead." These men came up to Montauk from great tribulations which should have washed their robes to a resplendent whiteness in the eyes of the whole people. Great Twenty-fourth, we thank thee for the glory thou hast given to American soldiery, and to the character of the American Negro!

Thus these four colored regiments took their place on the march, in camp, in assault and in siege with the flower of the American Army, the choice and pick of the American nation, and came off acknowledged as having shared equally in heroism and sacrifices with the other regular regiments so engaged, and deserving of special mention for the exhibition of regard for the welfare of their fellow man. The query is now pertinent as to the return which has been made to these brave men. The question of Ahasuerus when told of the valuable services of the Jew, Mordecai, is the question which the better nature of the whole American people should ask on hearing the general report of the valuable services of the Negro Regular in the Spanish War. When Ahasuerus asked: "What honor and dignity hath been done to Mordecai for this?" his servants that ministered unto him were compelled to answer: "There is nothing done for him." Looking over these four regiments at the time of this writing an answer somewhat similar in force must be returned. That the colored soldier is entitled to honor and dignity must be admitted by all who admire brave deeds, or regard the welfare of the state. The colored soldier, however, was compelled to stand by and see a hundred lieutenancies filled in the Regular Army, many in his own regiments, only to find himself overlooked and to be forced to feel that his services however valuable, could not outweigh the demerit of his complexion.

The sum total of permanent advantage secured to the colored regular as such, in that bloody ordeal where brave men gave up their lives for their country's honor, consists of a few certificates of merit entitling the holders to two dollars per month additional pay as long as they remain in the service. Nor is this all, or even the worst of the matter. Men who served in the war as First Sergeants, and who distinguished themselves in that capacity, have been allowed to go back to their old companies to serve in inferior positions. Notably is this the case with Sergeant William H. Givens, whose history has been detailed as commanding Troop D, Tenth Cavalry, after Captain Bigelow fell, and who heroically led the troop up the hill. He is now serving in his old troop as Corporal, his distinction having actually worked his reduction rather than substantial promotion.

It must not be inferred from the foregoing, however, that nothing whatever was done in recognition of the gallantry of the colored regulars. Something was done. Cases of individual heroism were so marked, and so numerous, that they could not be ignored. The men who had so distinguished themselves could not be disposed of by special mention and compliments in orders. Something more substantial was required. Fortunately for such purpose four regiments of colored United States Volunteer Infantry were then in course of organization, in which the policy had been established that colored men should be accepted as officers below the grade of captain. Into these regiments the colored men who had won distinction at Santiago were placed, many as Second Lieutenants, although some were given First Lieutenancies. This action of the Government was hailed with great delight on the part of the colored Americans generally, and the honors were accepted very gratefully by the soldiers who had won them on the field. Fortunately as this opening seemed, it turned out very disappointing. It soon became evident that these regiments would be mustered out of the service, as they had proven themselves no more immune, so far as it could be determined from the facts, than other troops. The Lieutenants who had been most fortunate in getting their commissions early got about six or seven months' service, and then the dream of their glory departed and they fell back to the ranks to stand "attention" to any white man who could muster political influence sufficient to secure a commission. Their day was short, and when they were discharged from the volunteer service, there appeared no future for them as commissioned officers. Their occupation was indeed gone. It was for them a most disappointing and exasperating promotion, resulting in some cases in loss of standing and in financial injury. Their honors were too short-lived, and too circumscribed, to be much more than a lively tantalization, to be remembered with disgust by those who had worn them. Cruel, indeed, was the prejudice that could dictate such a policy to the brave black men of San Juan. The black heroes, however, were not without sympathy in their misfortune. The good people of the country had still a warm place in their hearts for the colored soldier, despite the sayings of his maligners.

The people of Washington, D.C., had an opportunity to testify their appreciation of the Tenth Cavalry as that regiment passed through their city on its way to its station in Alabama, and later a portion of it was called to Philadelphia to take part in the Peace Jubilee, and no troops received more generous attention. To express in some lasting form their regard for the regiment and its officers, some patriotic citizens of Philadelphia presented a handsome saber to Captain Charles G. Ayres, who had charge of the detachment which took part in the Peace Jubilee, "as a token of their appreciation of the splendid conduct of the regiment in the campaign of Santiago, and of its superb soldierly appearance and good conduct during its attendance at the Jubilee Parade in Philadelphia."

Likewise when the Twenty-fifth Infantry arrived at its station at Fort Logan, Colorado, the people of Denver gave to both officers and men a most cordial reception, and invited them at once to take part in their fall carnival. All over the country there was at that time an unusual degree of good feeling toward the colored soldier who had fought so well, and no one seemed to begrudge him the rest which came to him or the honors bestowed upon him.

This state of feeling did not last. Before the year closed assiduous efforts were made to poison the public mind toward the black soldier, and history can but record that these efforts were too successful. The three hundred colored officers became an object at which both prejudice and jealousy could strike; but to reach them the reputation of the entire colored contingent must be assailed. This was done with such vehemence and persistency that by the opening of 1899 the good name of the black regular was hidden under the rubbish of reports of misconduct. So much had been said and done, even in Denver, which had poured out its welcome words to the heroes of El Caney, that the Ministerial Alliance of that city, on February 6, 1899, found it necessary to take up the subject, and that body expressed itself in the unanimous adoption of the following resolutions:

RESOLUTIONS ADOPTED UNANIMOUSLY BY THE MINISTERIAL ALLIANCE OF DENVER, FEBRUARY 6, 1899.

Resolved, By the Ministerial Alliance of the City of Denver, that the attempt made in certain quarters to have the Twenty-fifth Regiment, United States Infantry, removed from Fort Logan, appears to this body to rest on no just grounds, to be animated on the contrary by motives unworthy and discreditable to Denver and the State, and that especially in view of the heroic record of the Twenty-fifth Regiment, its presence here is an honor to Denver and Colorado, which this Alliance would regret to have withdrawn.[24]

The mustering out of the volunteers about the time this opposition was approaching what appeared to be a climax, causing the removal from the service of the colored officers, appeased the wrath of the demon, and the waves of the storm gradually sank to a peace, gratifying, indeed, to those who shuddered to see a black man with shoulder-straps. As the last Negro officer descended from the platform and honorably laid aside his sword to take his place as a citizen of the Republic, or a private in her armies, that class of our citizenship breathed a sigh of relief. What mattered it to them whether justice were done; whether the army were weakened; whether individuals were wronged; they were relieved from seeing Negroes in officers' uniforms, and that to them is a most gracious portion. The discharge of the volunteers was to them the triumph of their prejudices, and in it they took great comfort, although as a matter of fact it was a plain national movement coming about as a logical sequence, entirely independent of their whims or wishes. The injustice to the Negro officer does not lie in his being mustered out of the volunteer service, but in the failure to provide for a recognition of his valor in the nation's permanent military establishment.

The departure of the colored man from the volunteer service was the consequent disappearance of the colored military officer, with the single exception of Lieutenant Charles Young of the Regular Cavalry, had a very depressing effect upon the colored people at large, and called forth from their press and their associations most earnest protests. With a few exceptions, these protests were encouched in respectful language toward the President and his advisers, but the grounds upon which they were based were so fair and just, that right-thinking men could not avoid their force. The following resolution, passed by the National Afro-American Council, may be taken as representative of the best form of such remonstrance:

"Resolved, That we are heartily grieved that the President of the United States and those in authority have not from time to time used their high station to voice the best conscience of the nation in regard to mob violence and fair treatment of justly deserving men. It is not right that American citizens should be despoiled of life and liberty while the nation looks silently on; or that soldiers who, with conspicuous bravery, offer their lives for the country, should have their promotion result in practical dismissal from the army."

The nation graciously heeded the call of justice and in the re-organization of the volunteer army provided for two colored regiments, of which all the company officers should be colored men. Under this arrangement many of the black heroes of Santiago were recalled from the ranks and again restored to the positions they had won. Thus did the nation in part remedy the evil which came in consequence of the discharge of the volunteers, and prove its willingness to do right. Triumphantly did the Administration vindicate itself in the eyes of good people, and again did it place its withering disapproval upon the conduct of those who were ready to shout their applause over the worthy black officer's accidental humiliation. The Negro officer disappeared from the United States' Regiments as a Lieutenant only; but he returns to the same, or rather, to a higher grade of the same form of regiments, both as Lieutenant and Captain. How rapid and pronounced has been the evolution! It is true the Negro officer is still a volunteer, but his standing is measurably improved, both because of the fact of his recall, and also because the regiments which he is now entering have some prospect of being incorporated into the Regular Army. It does not seem probable that the nation can much longer postpone the increase of the standing army, and in this increase it is to be hoped the American Negro, both as soldier and officer, will receive that full measure of justice of which the formation of the present two colored regiments is so conspicuous a part.

* * * * *

DIARY OF E.L. BAKER. SERGEANT-MAJOR TENTH U.S. CAVALRY.

Appointed First Lieutenant Ninth U.S. Volunteer Infantry, and later Captain of the Forty-ninth Volunteer Infantry—Now Lieutenant in Philippine Scouts.

A TRIP FROM MONTANA TO CUBA WITH THE TENTH U.S. CAVALRY.

April 16, 1898, at 10.45 p.m., telegram was received from Department Headquarters, St. Paul, Minnesota, ordering the regiment to the Department of the Gulf.

As every click of the telegraph instrument was expected to announce a rupture in the diplomatic relations between the United States and the Kingdom of Spain, all knew that the mobilization of the army South meant preparing it for the serious work for which it is maintained.

On April 19 we were off for Chickamauga Park. En route we were heartily greeted. Patriotism was at its height. Every little hamlet, even, had its offerings. To compare the journey with Caesar's march of triumph would be putting it mildly.

We arrived at the historic point April 25. Every moment of our stay there was assiduously devoted to organizing, refitting and otherwise preparing for the inevitable. Officers were sent to many parts of the country to secure recruits. Many also gave up details and relinquished their leaves of absence to take part in the impending crisis.

May 14. We were moved a little nearer the probable theatre of operations. On account of some deficiency in water for troops at Tampa, the regiment was stopped at Lakeland, 30 miles this side, where many recruits were received; Troops increased to war strength, and new Troops established. Drills and instructions were also constantly followed up.

June 6. Orders were received to prepare headquarters, band and eight Troops dismounted, with trained men only, for service in Cuba. Recruits to be left in camp with horses and property.

June 7. We were off for Port Tampa, where the regiment embarked on the steamship Leona that afternoon.

June 8. She steamed from the dock. When the expedition seemed to be forming, news was received that the dreaded Spanish fleet was being sighted, evidently lying in wait for army transports. So we steamed back to the pier. Many of the men appeared disappointed at the move, probably not realizing that there was too much water in the Atlantic Ocean for the 5th Army Corps to drink.

To my mind, the Divine Providence surely directed the move, as the delay enabled the force to be swelled several thousand, every one of whom was needed before Santiago.

June 14. We steamed out of Tampa Bay, amid cheers and music from the thirty odd transports, heavily escorted by naval vessels. Among them were the much talked-of dynamiter, Vesuvius, and the beautiful little cruiser, Helena. Off Dry Tortugas that formidable warship, Indiana, joined the fleet.

Splendid weather; nothing unusual transpiring, though our transport, which also contained the First U.S. Cavalry, had a seemingly close call from being sent to the bottom of the sea, or else being taken in as a prisoner, which the enemy could have done with impunity.