"NEW ORLEANS, Nov. 23rd, 1861.

"Over 28,000 troops were reviewed to-day by Governor Moore, Major-General Lovell and Brigadier-General Ruggles. The line was over seven miles long; one regiment comprised 1,400 free colored men."

The population of the city of New Orleans differs materially from that of any other city on this side of the Atlantic Ocean. It has several classes of colored people: the English, French, Portuguese and Spanish,—all a mixture of the African,—and the American Negro,—mulatto,—numerically stronger than either of the others, but socially and politically less considered and privileged; the former enjoyed distinctive rights, somewhat as did the mulattoes in the West Indies before slavery was abolished there. Of these foreign classes many were planters, and not a few merchants, all owning slaves. It was from these classes that the 1,400 colored men, forming the Native Guard regiment, came, and which recruited to 3,000 before the city was captured by the Union fleet. This brigade was placed at the United States Mint building, under command of a creole, who, instead of following the confederate troops out of the city when they evacuated it, allowed his command to be cut off, and surrendered to General Butler.

Of course, prior to this date, the negro at the South had taken an active part in the preparations for war, building breastworks, mounting cannon, digging rifle-pits and entrenchments, to shield and protect his rebelling master.

January 1st, 1861, Hon. J. P. Walker, at Mobile, Ala., received from R. R. Riordan, Esq., of Charleston, S. C., a dispatch rejoicing that—

"Large gangs of negroes from plantations are at work on the redoubts, which are substantially made of sand-bags and coated with sheet-iron."

These doubtless were slaves, and mere machines; but the Charleston Mercury of January 3rd, brought the intelligence that—

"One hundred and fifty able-bodied free colored men yesterday offered their services gratuitously to the governor, to hasten forward the important work of throwing up redoubts, wherever needed, along our coast."

Only the fire-eaters based their hope of success against the North,—the National Government,—upon the stubborn energies of the white soldiery; the deliberate men rested their hopes,—based their expectations, more upon the docility of the negro, than upon the audacity of their white troops.

The legislature of Tennessee, which secretly placed that State in the Southern Confederacy, enacted in June, 1861, a law authorizing the governor—

"To receive into the military service of the State all male free persons of color, between the age of 15 and 50, who should receive $8 per month, clothing and rations."

And then it further provided—

"That in the event a sufficient number of free persons of color to meet the wants of the State shall not tender their service, the Governor is empowered, through the sheriffs of the different counties, to press such persons until the requisite number is obtained."

A few months after, the Memphis Avalanche, of September 3rd, 1861, exultingly announced the appearance on the streets of Memphis, of two regiments of negroes, under command of confederate officers. On the 7th of September, again the Avalanche said:

"Upwards of 1000 negroes armed with spades and pickaxes have passed through the city within the past few days. Their destination is unknown, but it is supposed that they are on their way to the 'other side of Jordan.'"

Nor were the negroes in Virginia behind those of the other Southern States. In April, the Lynchburg Republican chronicled the enrollment of a company of free negroes in that city, also one at Petersburg.

Thus instead of revolts among the negroes, slaves and free, as predicted by some Union men at the North, many became possessed of a fervor,—originating generally in fear,—stimulated by an enthusiasm of the whites, that swept the populace like a mighty sea current into the channel of war. The negro who boasted the loudest of his desire to fight the Yankees; who showed the greatest anxiety to aid the confederates, was granted the most freedom and received the approval of his master.

The gayly decked cities; the flags, bunting and streamers of all colors; the mounted cavalry; the artillery trains with brazen cannons drawn by sturdy steeds; followed by regiments of infantry in brilliant uniforms, with burnished muskets, glittering bayonets and beautiful plumes; preceeded by brass bands discoursing the ever alluring strains of the quick-step; all these scenes greatly interested and delighted the negro, and it was filling the cup of many with ecstasy to the brim, to be allowed to connect themselves, even in the most menial way, with the demonstrations. There was also an intuitive force that led them, and they unhesitatingly followed, feeling that though they took up arms against the National Government, freedom was the ultimatum. Many of those who enlisted feared to do otherwise than fight for slavery, for to refuse would have invited, perchance, torture if not massacre; to avert which many of the free blacks, as well as some of the slaves, gave an apparent acquiescence to the fervor of their lesser informed comrades, who regarded any remove from the monotony of plantation life a respite.

The readiness with which they responded to the call was only astonishing to those who were unacquainted with the true feelings of the unhappy race whose highest hope of freedom was beyond the pearly gates of the celestial domain. One thing that impressed the blacks greatly was the failure of Denmark Vesy, Nat Turner and John Brown, whose fate was ever held up to them as the fate of all who attempted to free themselves or the slaves. Escape to free land was the only possible relief they saw on earth, and that they realized as an individual venture, far removed from the field-hand South of Delaware, Maryland and Virginia.

It was not unnatural, then, for some to spring at the opportunity offered to dig trenches and assist Beauregard in mounting cannon, and loading them with shot and shell to fire upon Fort Sumter.



The negro did not at first realize a fight of any magnitude possible, or that it would result in any possible good to himself. So while the free negroes trembled because they were free, the slaves sought refuge from suspicion of wanting to be free, behind, per se, an enthusiasm springing, not from a desire and hope for the success of the confederates, but from a puerile ambition to enjoy the holiday excitement.

Later on, however, when the war opened in earnest, and the question of the freedom and slavery of the negro entered into the struggle; when extra care was taken to guide him to the rear at night; when after a few thousand Yankee prisoners, taken in battle, had sought and obtained an opportunity of whispering to him the real cause of the war, and the surety of the negroes' freedom if the North was victorious, the slave negro went to the breastworks with no less agility, but with prayers for the success of the Union troops, and a determination to go to the Yankees at the first opportunity; though he risked life in the undertaking. When the breastworks had been built and the heavy guns mounted, when a cordon of earthworks encircled the cities throughout the South, and after a few thousand negroes had made good their escape into the Union lines, then those who had labored upon the fortifications of the South were sent back to the cotton-fields and the plantations to till the soil to supply the needs of the confederate soldiers who were fighting to keep them in bondage. But when the policy of the North was changed and union and liberty were made the issues of the struggle, as against slavery and disunion, and the Union forces began to slay their enemies, the Confederate Government realized the necessity of calling the negroes from the hoe to the musket,—from the plantations to the battle-fields.

In the incipiency of the struggle, many of the States made provision for placing the negro at the disposal of the Confederate Government; but elated at their early victories, the leaders deemed the enforcement of the laws unnecessary, negro troops not being needed. As the change came, however, and defeats, with great losses in various ways depleted the armies, the necessity of the aid of the negroes became apparent. Stronghold after stronghold, city after city, States in part, fell before the march of the Union troops. The negro had become a soldier in the Union army, and was helping to crush the rebellion. President Lincoln had declared all slaves in rebeldom free, and thousands of black soldiers were marching and carrying the news to the slaves.

This state of affairs lead President Davis and his cabinet to resign to the inevitable, as had the North, and to inaugurate the policy of emancipating and arming the slaves, knowing full well that it was sheer folly to expect to recruit their shattered armies from the negro population without giving them their freedom.

It was therefore in the last days of the confederate authorities, and it was their last hope and effort for success. Despair had seized upon them. The army was daily thinned more by desertion than by the bullets of the Union soldiers, while Sherman's march from Atlanta to the sea had awakened the widest alarm. In the winter of 1864 and 1865 the question of arming the slaves was presented as a means of recruiting the depleted and disordered ranks of the army, and it soon assumed an importance that made it an absorbing topic throughout the Confederacy. There was no other source to recruit from. The appeal to foreigners was fruitless. "The blacks had been useful soldiers for the northern army, why should they not be made to fight for their masters?" it was asked. Of course there was the immediate query whether they would fight to keep themselves in slavery. This opened up a subject into which those who discussed it were afraid to look; nevertheless it seemed unavoidable that a black conscription should be attempted, and with that in view, every precaution was taken by those who supported the scheme to avoid heightening the dissensions already too prevalent for good. The newspapers were advised of the intended change of policy, to which not a few of them acquiesced. General Lee was consulted, as the following letter, afterward printed in the Philadelphia Times, shows:

"HEADQUARTERS ARMY NORTHERN VIRGINIA,

"January 11th, 1865.

"HON. ANDREW HUNTER: I have received your letter of the 7th instant, and, without confining myself to the order of your interrogatories, will endeavor to answer them by a statement of my views on the subject.

"I shall be most happy if I can contribute to the solution of a question in which I feel an interest commensurate with my desire for the welfare and happiness of our people.

"Considering the relation of master and slave controlled by human laws, and influenced by Christianity and an enlightened public sentiment, as the best that can exist between the white and black races, while intermingled as at present in this country, I would deprecate any sudden disturbance of that relation, unless it be necessary to avert a greater calamity to both. I should, therefore, prefer to rely on our white population to preserve the ratio between our forces and that of the enemy, which experience has shown to be safe. But in view of the preparations of our enemies it is our duty to prepare for continued war and not for a battle or a campaign, and I own I fear we can not accomplish this without overtaxing the capacity of our white population.

"Should the war continue under existing circumstances the enemy may in course of time penetrate our country, and get access to a large part of our slave population. It is his avowed policy to convert the able-bodied men among them into soldiers, and emancipate all. The success of the federal arms in the south was followed by a proclamation from President Lincoln for two hundred and eighty thousand men, the effect of which will be to stimulate the northern states to procure as substitutes for their own people the negroes thus brought within their reach. Many have already been obtained in Virginia, and should the fortunes of war expose more of her territory the enemy will gain a large accession of strength. His progress will thus add to his numbers, and at the same time destroy slavery in a manner most pernicious to the welfare of our people. Their negroes will be used to hold them in subjection, leaving the remaining force of the enemy free to extend his conquest.

"Whatever may be the effect of our employing negro troops it can not be as mischievous as this. If it end in subverting slavery it will be accomplished by ourselves, and we can devise the means of alleviating the evil consequences to both races. I think, therefore, we must decide whether slavery shall be extinguished by our enemies and the slaves be used against us, or use them ourselves at the risk of the effects which may be produced upon our social institutions. My own opinion is that we should employ them without delay. I believe that, with proper regulations, they can be made effective soldiers. They possess the physical qualifications in an eminent degree. Long habits of obedience and subordination, coupled with that moral influence which in our country the white man possesses over the black, furnish the best foundation for that discipline which is the surest guarantee of military efficiency. Our chief aim should be to secure their fidelity. There have been formidable armies composed of men having no interests in the country for which they fought beyond their pay or the hope of plunder. But it is certain that the best foundation upon which the fidelity of an army can rest, especially in a service which imposes peculiar hardships and privations, is the personal interest of the soldier in the issue of the contest. Such an interest we can give our negroes by granting immediate freedom to all who enlist, and freedom at the end of the war to the families of those who discharge their duties faithfully, whether they survive or not, together with the privilege of residing at the south.

"To this might be added a bounty for faithful service. We should not expect slaves to fight for prospective freedom when they can secure it at once by going to the enemy, in whose service they will incur no greater risk than in ours. The reasons that induce me to recommend the employment of negro troops at all render the effect of the measures I have suggested upon slavery immaterial, and in my opinion the best means of securing the efficiency and fidelity of this auxiliary force would be to accompany the measure with a well-digested plan of gradual and general emancipation. As that will be the result of the continuance of the war, and will certainly occur if the enemy succeed, it seems to me most advisable to adopt it at once, and thereby obtain all the benefits that will accrue to our cause.

"The employment of negro troops under regulations similar to those indicated would, in my opinion, greatly increase our military strength, and enable us to relieve our white population to some extent. I think we could dispense with the reserve forces, except in cases of emergency. It would disappoint the hopes which our enemies have upon our exhaustion, deprive them in a great measure of the aid they now derive from black troops, and thus throw the burden of the war upon their own people. In addition to the great political advantages that would result to our cause from the adoption of a system of emancipation, it would exercise a salutary influence upon our negro population, by rendering more secure the fidelity of those who become soldiers, and diminishing the inducements to the rest to abscond.

"I can only say in conclusion that whatever measures are to be adopted should be adopted at once. Every day's delay increases the difficulty. Much time will be required to organize and discipline the men, and action may be deferred till it is too late.

"Very respectfully,

"Your obedient servant,

"A true copy. J. B. W." "(Signed,) R. E. LEE, General."

This letter was intended for members of Congress to read, and it was circulated among them, but all was not harmony. Many members were bitterly opposed to arming the slaves, some of them denounced General Lee for writing the letter, and prepared to oppose the measure when it should be introduced into Congress.[41]

At length the period for its introduction arrived. Lee in his attempted invasion of the north made no more careful preparations than did Mr. Davis and his cabinet to carry through Congress the bill enrolling slaves and to emancipate them. Finally the hour was at hand, and amid the mutterings of dissenters, and threats of members to resign their seats if the measure was forced through, the administration began to realize more sensibly its weakness. However, it stood by the carefully drawn bill.

Of course the negro people about the city of Richmond heard of the proposition to arm and emancipate them if they would voluntarily fight for their old masters. They discussed its merits with a sagacity wiser than those who proposed the scheme, and it is safe to say that they concluded, in the language of one who spoke on the matter, "It am too late, de Yankees am coming." There were those among them, however, known as the free class, who stood ever ready to imitate the whites, believing that course to be an evidence of their superiority over the slaves. They were very anxious to enlist.

On February 8th Senator Brown, of Mississippi, introduced a resolution which, if it had been adopted, would have freed 200,000 negroes and put them into the army; but on the next day it was voted down in secret session. Upon this very February 9th, when Senator Brown's resolution was lost, Mr. Benjamin, Secretary of State, addressed a large public meeting at Richmond. He made a very extraordinary speech, setting forth the policy of President Davis and his cabinet. Emissaries of Mr. Davis had just returned from the Peace Conference at Fortress Monroe, where they met representatives of the United States government, and learned that the conditions upon which the Southern States could resume their relations were those which they were compelled to accept finally. During Mr. Benjamin's speech he said:

"We have 680,000 blacks capable of bearing arms, and who ought now to be in the field. Let us now say to every negro who wishes to go into the ranks on condition of being free, go and fight—you are free. My own negroes have been to me and said, 'Master, set us free and we'll fight for you.' You must make up your minds to try this or see your army withdrawn from before your town. I know not where white men can be found."

Mr. Benjamin's speech created an intense excitement among the slave-holders. The situation seemed to have narrowed itself down to a disagreeable alternative. They must either fight themselves or let the slaves fight. Doubtless many would have preferred submission to Lincoln, but then they could not save their slaves. Immediately following Mr. Benjamin's speech on the 11th, a bill was introduced into the House of Representatives authorizing the enlistment of 200,000 slaves, with the consent of their owners. As a test of its strength a motion was made for the rejection of this bill, and the vote not to reject it was more than two to one. There was every indication that the bill would pass. It was while this measure was under discussion that General Lee wrote the letter which follows in answer to one of inquiry from a member of the House:

"HEADQUARTERS CONFEDERATE STATE ARMIES,

"February 18th, 1865.

"Hon. Barksdale, House of Representatives, Richmond.

"SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 12th inst. with reference to the employment of negroes as soldiers. I think the measure not only expedient but necessary. The enemy will certainly use them against us if he can get possession of them, and as his present numerical superiority will enable him to penetrate many parts of the country, I can not see the wisdom of the policy of holding them to await his arrival, when we may, by timely action and judicious management, use them to arrest his progress. I do not think that our white population can supply the necessities of a long war without overtaxing its capacity, and imposing great suffering upon our people; and I believe we should provide resources for a protracted struggle, not merely for a battle or a campaign.

"In answer to your second question I can only say that, in my opinion, under proper circumstances the negroes will make efficient soldiers. I think we could at least do as well with them as the enemy, and he attaches great importance to their assistance. Under good officers and good instructions I do not see why they should not become soldiers. They possess all the physical qualifications, and their habits of obedience constitute a good formulation for discipline. They furnish a more promising material than many armies of which we read in history, which owed their efficiency to discipline alone. I think those employed should be freed. It would be neither wisdom nor justice, in my opinion, to require them to serve as slaves. The best course to pursue, it seems to me, is to call for such as are willing to come with the consent of their owners. Impressment or draft would not be likely to bring out the best class, and the use of coercion would make the measure distasteful to them and to their owners. I have no doubt if Congress would authorize their reception into service, and empower the President to call upon individuals or States for such as they are willing to contribute with the condition of emancipation to all enrolled, a sufficient number would be forthcoming to enable us to try the experiment.

"If it proves successful, most of the objections to the matter would disappear, and if individuals still remained unwilling to send their negroes to the army, the force of public opinion in the States would soon bring about such legislation as would remove all obstacles. I think the matter should be left as far as possible to the people and the States, which alone can legislate as the necessities of this particular service may require. As to the mode of organizing them, it should be left as free from restraint as possible. Experience will suggest the best course, and would be inexpedient to trammel the subject with provisions that might in the end prevent the adoption of reforms, suggested by actual trial.

"With great respect,

"ROBERT E. LEE, General."

Meanwhile the measure, to forward which this letter was written, was progressing very slowly. J. B. Jones, clerk of the War Department of the Confederate Government, entered in his diary from day to day such scraps of information as he was able to glean about the progress of this important matter. These entries are significant of the anxiety of this critical time. Under February 14th we find this entry:

"Yesterday some progress was made with the measure of 200,000 negroes for the army. Something must be done and soon."

"February 16th.—Did nothing yesterday; it is supposed, however, that the bill recruiting negro troops will pass. I fear when it is too late."

"February 17th.—A letter from General Lee to General Wise is published, thanking the latter's brigade for resolutions recently adopted declaring that they would consent to gradual emancipation for the sake of independence and peace. From all signs slavery is doomed. But if 200,000 negro recruits can be made to fight and can be enlisted, General Lee may maintain the war, very easily and successfully, and the powers at Washington may soon become disposed to abate the hard terms of peace now exacted."

"February 21st.—The negro bill has passed one house and will pass the other to-day, but the measure may come too late. The enemy is enclosing us on all sides with great vigor and rapidity."

"February 22nd.—Yesterday the Senate postponed action on the negro bill. What this means I cannot conjecture, unless there are dispatches from abroad with assurance of recognition, based on stipulations of emancipation, which can not be carried into effect without the consent of the States, and a majority of these seem in a fair way of falling into the hands of the Federal generals."

"February 24th.—Yesterday the Senate voted down the bill to put 200,000 negroes into the army. The papers to-day contain a letter from General Lee, advocating the measure as a necessity. Mr. Hunter's[42] vote defeated it. He has many negroes, and will probably lose them; but the loss of popularity and fear of forfeiting all chance of the succession may have operated upon him as a politician. What madness! 'Under which king, Benzonian?'"

"February 25th.—Mr. Hunter's eyes seem blood-shot since he voted against Lee's plan of organizing negro troops."

"February 26th.—Mr. Hunter is now reproached by the slave-holders he thought to please for defeating the negro bill. They say his vote will make Virginia a free State, inasmuch as General Lee must evacuate it for want of negro troops."

"March 2d.—Negro bill still hangs fire in Congress."

"March 9th.—Yesterday the Senate passed the negro troops bill—Mr. Hunter voting for it under instruction."

"March 10th.—The president has the reins now, and Congress will be more obedient; but can they leave the city? Advertisements for recruiting negro troops are in the papers this morning."

"March 17th.—We shall have a negro army. Letters are pouring into the department from men of military skill and character asking authority to raise companies, battalions, and regiments of negro troops. It is a desperate remedy for the desperate case, and may be successful. If 200,000 efficient soldiers can be made of this material there is no conjecturing when the next campaign may end. Possibly 'over the border;' for a little success will elate our spirits extravagantly, and the blackened ruins of our towns, and the moans of women and children bereft of shelter, will appeal strongly to the army for vengeance."

"March 19th.—Unless food and men can be had Virginia must be lost. The negro experiment will soon be tested. Curtis says that the letters are pouring into the department from all quarters asking authority to raise and command negro troops. 100,000 troops from this source might do wonders."

So ends the entries on this interesting subject in Mr. Jones' diary. Though the conscientious war clerk ceased to record, the excitement and effort of the advocates of the measure by no means slackened. Grant's cordon around the city drew closer and tighter each day and hour, continually alarming the inhabitants. Governor Smith gave the negro soldier scheme his personal influence and attention. The newspapers began clamoring for conscription. No little effort was made to raise a regiment of free blacks and mulattoes in the latter days of January, and early in February a rendezvous was established at Richmond, and a proclamation was issued by the State authorities. A detail of white officers was made, and enlistment began. The agitation of the subject in Congress, though in secret session, gave some encouragement to the many despairing and heart-sick soldiers of the Army of Northern Virginia.[43] Their chief commander, Lee, perhaps dreamed nightly that he commanded 200,000 negro troops en masse, and was driving the Yankees and their Black Phalanx like chaff from off the "sacred soil" of the Old Dominion, but, alas, such a dream was never to be realized.

About twenty negroes,[44] mostly of the free class, enlisted, went into camp, and were uniformed in Confederate gray. These twenty men, three of whom were slaves of Mr. Benjamin, Confederate Secretary of State, were daily marched into the city and drilled by their white officers in the Capitol Square, receiving the approving and congratulatory plaudits of the ladies, who were always present.[45] However, no accessions were gained to their ranks, consequently the scheme, to raise by enlistment a regiment of blacks, was a failure, for the few volunteers secured in Virginia and a company in Tennessee are all that the writer has been able to obtain any account of. The Confederate authorities then sought to strengthen the army by conscripting all able-bodied negroes, free and slave, between the age of eighteen and fifty. Monday, April 3d, was appointed as the day to begin the draft. The Virginia State Legislature had come to the rescue of the Davis-Lee-Benjamin scheme, and so had the local authorities of Richmond, but all was to no purpose. It was too late; they had delayed too long.

With a pitiable blindness to the approach of his downfall, only a few days before he became a fugitive, Jefferson Davis wrote the following letter:[46]

"RICHMOND, Va., March 30th, 1865.

"His Excellency William Smith, Governor of Virginia:

"Upon the receipt of your letter of the 27th inst. I had a conference with the Secretary of War and Adjutant-General in relation to your suggestion as to the published order for the organization of negro troops, and I hope that the modification which has been made will remove the objection which you pointed out. It was never my intention to collect negroes in depots for purposes of instruction, but only as the best mode of forwarding them, either as individuals or as companies, to the command with which they were to serve. The officers in the different posts will aid in providing for the negroes in their respective neighborhoods, and in forwarding them to depots where transportation will be available, and aid them in reaching the field of service for which they were destined. The aid of gentlemen who are willing and able to raise this character of troops will be freely accepted. The appointment of commanders, for reasons obvious to you, must depend on other considerations than the mere power to recruit.

"I am happy to receive your assurance of success as well as your promise to seek legislation to secure unmistakably freedom to the slave who shall enter the army, with a right to return to his old home when he shall have been honorably discharged from the military service.

"I remain of the opinion that we should confine our first efforts to getting volunteers, and would prefer that you would adopt such measures as would advance that mode of recruiting, rather than that of which you make enquiry, to wit: by issuing requisitions for the slaves as authorized by the State of Virginia.

"I have the honor to be, with much respect,

"Your obedient servant, JEFFERSON DAVIS."



The appointed time came, but instead of the draft, amid blazing roofs and falling walls, smoke and ashes, deafening reports of explosions, the frenzy of women and children, left alone not only by the negro conscripting officers and President Davis and his Cabinet, but by the army and navy; in the midst of such scenes, almost beyond description, the Black Phalanx of the Union army entered the burning city, the capitol of rebeldom, scattering President Lincoln's Proclamation of Emancipation to the intended confederate black army. For twelve squares they chanted their war songs, "The Colored Volunteers" and "John Brown," in the chorus of which thousands of welcoming freed men and freed women joined, making the welkin ring with the refrain,

"Glory, glory hallelujah, Glory, glory hallelujah, Glory, glory hallelujah, We is free to-day!"

The decisive events of the next few days, following in rapid succession, culminating with Lee's surrender, on the 9th of April, at Appomattox, left no time for further action, and when the war was over, with the important and radical changes that took place, it was almost forgotten that such projects as arming and freeing the negro had ever been entertained in the South by the Confederate Government.

FOOTNOTES:

[41] General William C. Wickham led the opponents of the project in a very bitter pro-slavery speech.

[42] It was upon the discussion of this bill that Mr. Hunter, of Virginia, made these significant statements and admissions:

"When we left the old government we thought we had got rid forever of the slavery agitation; but, to my surprise, I find that this (the Confederate) Government assumes power to arm the slaves, which involves also the power of emancipation. This proposition would be regarded as a confession of despair. If we are right in passing this measure, we are wrong in denying to the old government the right to interfere with slavery and to emancipate slaves. If we offer the slaves their freedom as a boon we confess that we are insincere and hypocritical in saying slavery was the best state for the negroes themselves. I believe that the arming and emancipating the slaves will be an abandonment of the contest. To arm the negroes is to give them freedom. When they come out scarred from the conflict they must be free."

[43] Of these twenty volunteers six of them are frequently to be met on the streets of Richmond, while some of them are members of the Colored State Militia of Virginia.

[44] The veterans of General Henry A. Wise's Legion adopted resolutions commending the scheme.

[45] On April 1st, 1865, quite a company of negroes, most of whom were pressed into the service, paraded the streets of Richmond.

[46] This letter is a copy of the original now in possession of Senator George A. Brooks. It has never before been published.



PART III.

MISCELLANY.



CHAPTER I.

THE BLACK PHALANX AT SCHOOL.

The esteem in which education was held by the soldiers of the Black Phalanx, can be judged of best by the efforts they made to educate themselves and to establish a system of education for others of their race. Doubtless many persons suppose that the negro soldier elated with his release from slavery, was contented; that his patriotism was displayed solely upon the field of battle, simply to insure to himself that one highest and greatest boon, his freedom. Such a supposition is far from the truth. The Phalanx soldiers had a strong race pride, and the idea that ignorance was the cause of their oppression gave zest to their desire to be educated.

When they found following the United States Army a large number of educated people from the North, establishing schools wherever they could in village, city and camp, and that education was free to all, there was awakened in the black soldier's breast an ambition, not only to obtain knowledge, but to contribute money in aid of educational institutions, which was done, and with liberal hands, during and subsequent to the war.

Unlettered themselves, they became daily more and more deeply impressed, through their military associations, and by contact with things that required knowledge, with the necessity of having an education. Each soldier felt that but for his illiteracy he might be a sergeant, company clerk, or quartermaster, and not a few, that if educated, they might be lieutenants and captains. This was not an unnatural conclusion for a brave soldier to arrive at, when men no braver than himself, were being promoted for bravery.

Generally there was one of three things the negro soldiers could be found doing when at leisure: discussing religion, cleaning his musket and accoutrements, or trying to read. His zeal frequently led him to neglect to eat for the latter. Every camp had a teacher, in fact every company had some one to instruct the soldiers in reading, if nothing more. Since the war I have known of more than one who have taken up the profession of preaching and law making, whose first letter was learned in camp; and not a few who have entered college.

The negro soldier was not only patriotic in the highest sense but he was a quick observer of both the disadvantages and opportunities of his race. He recognized the fact that the general education of the white men who composed the Union army in contra-distinction to so many of those of the confederate army, gave them great prestige over the enemy. The ingenuity of the Yankee he attributed to his education, and he readily decided that he lacked only the Yankee's education to be his equal in genius. Great was the incentive given him by example, arousing his latent hope to be something more than a free man; if not that, his children might rise from the cornfield to the higher walks of life. Their thirst for a knowledge of letters was evinced in more ways than one, as was their appreciation of the opportunity to assist in providing for coming generations.

Colonel G. M. Arnold says:

"Aside from the military duties required of the men forming the Phalanx regiments, the school teacher was drilling and preparing them in the comprehension of letters and figures. In nearly every regiment a school, during the encampment, was established, in some instances female teachers from the North, impulsed by that philanthropy which induced an army of teachers South to teach the freedmen, also brought them to the barracks and the camp ground to instruct the soldiers of the Phalanx. Their ambition to learn to read and write was as strong as their love of freedom, and no opportunity was lost by them to acquire a knowledge of letters. So ardent were they that they formed squads and hired teachers, paying them out of their pittance of seven dollars per month, or out of the bounty paid to them by the State to which they were accredited. In a number of instances the officers themselves gave instructions to their command, and made education a feature and a part of their duty, thereby bringing the soldier up to a full comprehension of the responsibility of his trust. "Taps" was an unpleasant sound to many a soldier, who, after the fatigue and drill of the day was over, sat himself down upon an empty cracker box, with a short candle in one hand and a spelling book in the other, to study the ab, eb, ob's. When the truce was sounded after a day or night's hard fighting, many of these men renewed their courage by studying and reading in the 'New England Speller.' And where they have fought,—died where they fell, and their bodies left to the enemy's mercy, they often found in the dead soldier's knapsack a spelling-book and a Testament. At the siege of Port Hudson and Charleston, and of Richmond, agents of the Christian Commission and of various other societies, made a specialty of the spelling-book for distribution among the soldiers of the Phalanx, and upon more than one occasion have these soldiers been found in the trenches with the speller in hand, muttering, bla, ble."

The historian of the 55th Regiment says:

"A great desire existed among those who had been deprived of all educational privileges to learn to read and write, and through the kindness and labors of Dr. Bowditch and others, a school was established to teach those who desired to learn. Many availed themselves of this, and many were assisted by their company officers and their better informed fellow-soldiers, so that a decided improvement in this respect was effected among the men during their stay at Readville."

But it is not necessary to dwell upon the subject to show the eagerness of these soldiers to learn to read and write, as many of them did.

Lieutenant James M. Trotter,[47] in an article published in Mr. Fortune's paper, gives this graphic description of "The School-master in the Army":

"Of the many interesting experiences that attended our colored soldiery during the late war none are more worthy of being recounted than those relating to the rather improvised schools, in which were taught the rudimentary branches. One would naturally think that the tented field, so often suddenly changed to the bloody field of battle, was the last place in the world where would be called into requisition the schoolteacher's services; in fact it would hardly be supposed that such a thing was possible. Yet in our colored American army this became not only possible but really practicable, for in it frequently, in an off-hand manner, schools were established and maintained, not only for teaching the soldiers to read and write but also to sing, nor were debating societies, even, things unheard of in the camp life of these men. Besides in quite a number of the colored regiments military bands were formed, and under the instruction of sometimes a band teacher from the north, and at others under one of their own proficient fellow-soldiers, these bands learned to discourse most entertaining music in camp, and often by their inspiriting strains did much to relieve the fatigue occasioned by long and tiresome marches. But we are speaking now mainly of the work of the school-teacher proper. And what shall we say of the halls of learning in which were gathered his eager pupils? Well, certainly these would not compare favorably with those of civil life, as may well be imagined. As says Bryant, truly and beautifully, speaking of primitive religious worship:

'The groves were God's first temples.'

So, too, in the groves and fields of their new land of liberty, these men found their first temples of learning, and in spite of all inconveniences these school tents were rendered quite serviceable. Of the text books used there is not much to say, for these were generally 'few and far between.' Books were used at times, of course, but quite as often the instruction given was entirely oral. That these spare facilities did not render the teacher's efforts ineffective was abundantly proven in the service, and has been proven since in civil life. Scattered here and there over this broad country to-day are many veteran soldiers who are good readers and writers, some of them even fair scholars, who took their first lessons from some manly officer or no less manly fellow-soldier in the manner mentioned, during such camp intervals as were allowed by the dread arbitrament of war. In a number of regiments these fortunate intervals were quite frequent and of long duration, and in such cases, therefore, much progress was made.

"It must, of course, be remembered that in our colored regiments a very large percentage of the men were illiterate, especially in those composed of men from the south and so lately escaped from under the iron heel of slavery. Indeed, in many of them there could scarcely be found at the commencement of the service a man who could either read or write. Many an officer can recall his rather novel experience in teaching his first sergeant enough of figures and script letters to enable the latter to make up and sign the company morning report. All honor to those faithful, patient officers, and all honor, too, give to those ambitious sergeants who after a while conquered great difficulties and became educationally proficient in their lines of duty.

"In this connection I readily call to mind one of the most, if not the most, unique figures of all my experience in the army. It was Colonel James Beecher, of the famous Beecher family, and a brother of Henry Ward Beecher. He was in command of the First North Carolina Colored Regiment. In this position it would be hard to overestimate the variety and value of his services, for he became for his soldiers at once a gallant fighter, an eloquent, convincing preacher, and a most indefatigable and successful school-teacher. Preaching had been his vocation before entering the army, and so it was but natural for him to continue in that work. At one time our regiment lay encamped near his in South Carolina, and I well remember how, on one Sabbath morning, the two commands formed a union service, all listening with deep, thrilling interest to the inspiring words of this "fighting parson." That he was indeed a fighting parson we fully learned not long after this Sabbath service. For again we met on the bloody field of battle, where in the very front of the fight we saw him gallantly leading his no less gallant men, even after he had been wounded, and while the blood almost streamed down his face. Seeing him thus was to ever remember him and his noble work with his regiment.

"Colonel Beecher when encamped neglected no opportunity to form schools of instruction for his men, in order that they might become not only intelligent, efficient soldiers, but also intelligent, self-respecting citizens, should they survive the perils of war. I do not know what are his thoughts to-day, but judging from the grand work of Colonel Beecher in his black regiment, I can not doubt that he looks back to it all with satisfaction and pride, and as forming the richest experience of his life.

"I know another ex-colonel and scholar, of high rank as a man of letters and in social life, who yielding to the call of duty, not less to country than to a struggling race, left his congenial studies and took command of a colored regiment, becoming not only their leader, but, as chance afforded, their school-teacher also. However, as he has given to the world his army experience in a book abounding in passages of thrilling dramatic interest, I need only in this connection make mention of him. I refer to that true and tried friend of the colored race, Colonel T. W. Higginson.

"But let it not be supposed for a moment that only officers and men of another race were engaged in this noble work of school-teaching in our colored army. Not a few of the best workers were colored chaplains, who wisely divided their time between preaching, administering to the sick by reason of wounds or otherwise, and to teaching the old 'young idea how to shoot;' while many non-commissioned officers and private soldiers cheerfully rendered effective service in the same direction. Nor must we close without expressing warm admiration for those earnest, ambitious soldier pupils who, when finding themselves grown to man's estate, having been debarred by the terrible system of slavery from securing an education, yielded not to what would have been considered only a natural discouragement, but, instead, followed the advice and instruction of their comrade teachers, and, bending themselves to most assiduous study, gained in some cases great proficiency, and in all much that fitted them for usefulness and the proper enjoyment of their well-earned liberty. And so we say, all honor to teachers and taught in the Grand Army that made a free republic, whose safe foundation and perpetuity lies in the general education of its citizens."

FOOTNOTES:

[47] Now Registrar at Washington, D. C.



CHAPTER II.

BENEVOLENCE AND FRUGALITY.

The negro troops gave striking evidence of both benevolence and frugality with the money they received. They needed but to be shown an opportunity to contribute to some object, when they quickly responded. Frequently, too, they fell easy victims to the crafty camp bummers and speculators, who were ever collecting means for some charitable object for the benefit of the negro race. However, here it will be a pleasing duty to name some of the more conspicuous instances where their charity was well and nobly bestowed. At the same time they deposited a vast aggregate sum of savings in different banks established for this purpose.

The 62nd Regiment contributed to a commendable project gotten up by its officers, who gave, themselves, $1,034.60, the regiment giving $3,966.50. With this money the founding of a school was commenced, which eventually became a college known as the Lincoln Institute, situated at Jefferson City, Mo. To this sum of $5,001.10, the 65th Regiment contributed $1,379.50, through the efforts of their officers. The sum was soon increased to $20,000, and the Institute stands to-day a monument to the 62nd and 65th Phalanx Regiments.

Professor Foster, in his history of this Institute, gives these interesting details:



"Dr. Allen, a man of high character and influence, gave the scheme standing ground by declaring that he would give $100. Both our field officers, Colonel Barrett and Lieutenant-Colonel Branson, though neither was with us at the time, afterwards subscribed a like amount. Others responded in the same spirit. Officers and men entered into the work with enthusiasm. The lieutenants gave $50 each; officers of higher rank, $100. First Sergeant Brown, Co D, gave $75; Sergeants Curd, Bergamire, Alexander and Moore each gave $50, while the number who gave 25, 20, 15, 10, and 5 dollars apiece is too great for me to recall their names on this occasion, but they are all preserved in our records. The total result in the 62nd Regiment was $1,034.60, contributed by the officers, and $3,966.50 by the colored soldiers. The soldiers of the 65th Regiment afterwards added $1,379.50. One of them, Samuel Sexton, gave $100 from his earnings as a private soldier at $13 per month, an example of liberality that may well challenge comparison with the acts of those rich men who, from their surplus, give thousands to found colleges."

Colonel David Branson, late of the 62nd Regiment, in his dedicatory speech, said:

"MY FRIENDS:—This, with one exception, has been the happiest 4th of July in my life. That exception was in 1863, when I saw the rebel flag go down at Vicksburg. I felt the exultation of victory then, and I feel it to-day as I look upon this splendid building. Looking in the faces of my old comrades of the 62nd Regiment here to-day, memory goes back to the past, when hundreds of you came to me at Benton Barracks, ragged, starving, and freezing—some did freeze to death—and emotions fill me that no language can express. I cannot sit down and think of those scenes of suffering without almost shedding tears. But happily those days are passed. No more marching with sluggish step and plantation gait through the streets of St. Louis, Mo., amid the jeers of your enemies; no more crossing the Mississippi on ice; no more sinking steamers, and consequent exposure on the cold, muddy banks of the river; no more killing labor on fortifications at Port Hudson, Baton Rouge and Morganza; no more voyages over the Gulf of Mexico, packed like cattle in the hold of a vessel; no mere weary marches in the burning climate of Texas; no more death by the bullet, and no more afternoons on the banks of the Rio Grande, deliberating on the future education of yourselves when discharged from the army; but peace and prosperity here with the result of those deliberations before us. Our enemies predicted, that upon the disbanding of our volunteer army—particularly the colored portion of it—it would turn to bands of marauding murderers and idle vagabonds, and this Institute was our answer."

When Colonel Shaw, of the 54th Regiment, fell at Fort Wagner, the brave soldiers of that regiment gladly contributed to a fund for a monument to his memory, but which, upon reflection, was appropriated to building the Shaw School at Charleston, S. C. And yet all these sums sink into insignificance when compared to that contributed by the negro soldiers to the erection of a monument to the memory of President Lincoln, at the capitol of the nation; seventeen hundred of them gave ten thousand dollars. But let the record speak for itself, for it is only a people's patriotism that can do such things:

CORRESPONDENCE AND STATEMENTS OF JAMES E. YEATMAN,

PRESIDENT OF THE WESTERN SANITARY COMMISSION, RELATIVE TO THE EMANCIPATION MONUMENT.

"ST. LOUIS, April 26th, 1865.

"James E. Yeatman, Esq.:

"MY DEAR SIR; A poor negro woman, of Marietta, Ohio, one of those made free by President Lincoln's proclamation, proposes that a monument to their dead friend be erected by the colored people of the United States. She has handed to a person in Marietta five dollars as her contribution for the purpose. Such a monument would have a history more grand and touching than any of which we have account. Would it not be well to take up this suggestion and make it known to the freedmen?

"Yours truly, T. C. H. SMITH."

Mr. Yeatman says:

"In compliance with General Smith's suggestion I published his letter, with a card, stating that any desiring to contribute to a fund for such a purpose, that the Western Sanitary Commission would receive the same and see that it was judiciously appropriated as intended. In response to his communication liberal contributions were received from colored soldiers under the command of General J. W. Davidson, headquarters at Natchez, Miss., amounting in all to $12,150. This was subsequently increased from other sources to $16,242."

"MARIETTA, OHIO, June 29th, 1865.

"Mr. James E. Yeatman, President Western Sanitary Commission, St. Louis:

"MY DEAR SIR: I have learned, with the greatest satisfaction, through Brigadier-General T. C. H. Smith and the public press that you are devoting your noble energies in giving tone and direction to the collection and appropriation of a fund for the erection of the Freedmen's National Monument, in honor and memory of the benefactor and savior of their race.

"The general also informs me that you desire, and have requested through him that the five dollars deposited with the Rev. C. H. Battelle, of this city, by Charlotte Scott, should be used as the original and foundation subscription for this most praiseworthy purpose; and Mr. Battelle assures me that he will most cheerfully remit it to you this day. As a slave-holder by inheritance, and up to a period after the outbreak of the rebellion, and as an ardent admirer of our lamented president, the author of universal emancipation in America, I feel an enthusiastic interest in the success of the Freedmen's National Monument. I hope it may stand unequalled and unrivalled in grandeur and magnificence. It should be built essentially by freedmen, and should be emphatically national. Every dollar should come from the former slaves, every State should furnish a stone, and the monument should be erected at the capital of the nation. Nothing could be better calculated to stimulate this downtrodden and abused race to renewed efforts for a moral and national status.

"Charlotte Scott, whose photograph General Smith will forward, was born a slave in Campbell County, Virginia. She is about sixty years old, but is very hale and active. Her reputation for industry, intelligence, and moral integrity, has always been appreciated by her friends and acquaintances, both white and colored. She was given, with other slaves, to my wife, by her father, Thomas H. Scott. When we received the news of Mr. Lincoln's assassination, the morning after its occurrence, she was deeply distressed. In a conversation with Mrs. Rucker, she said: 'The colored people have lost their best friend on earth. Mr. Lincoln was our best friend, and I will give five dollars of my wages towards erecting a monument to his memory.' She asked me who would be the best person to raise money for the purpose. I suggested Mr. Battelle, and she gave him the five dollars.

"I am, my dear sir, truly and respectfully,

"WILLIAM P. RUCKER."

"MARIETTA, OHIO, June 29th, 1865.

"Mr. J. E. Yeatman.

"DEAR SIR: I was providentially called upon by Charlotte Scott, formerly a slave of Dr. W. P. Rucker, now living in this place, to receive the enclosed $5, as the commencement of a fund to be applied to rearing a monument to the memory of Hon. Abraham Lincoln.

"I received her offering, and gave notice through the press that I would receive other donations, and cheerfully do what I could to promote so noble an object. Other persons have signified their willingness to give when the measure is fully inaugurated.

"By the advice of General T. C. H. Smith I herewith forward you her contribution, and I hope to here from you upon its receipt, that I may show to Charlotte and others that the money has gone in the right direction. After hearing from you I hope to be able to stir up the other colored folks on this subject.

"I rejoice, dear sir, that I have some connection with this honorable movement in its incipiency. I shall not fail to watch its progress with thrilling interest, and hope to live until the top stone shall be laid amid the jubilant rejoicing of emancipated millions crying 'Grace, grace unto it.'

"Very respectfully yours,

"C. D. BATTELLE."

"The publication of the note of Mr. Yeatman, and the first communication received concerning the colored woman's proposed offering, brought the following letters and contributions, showing how generously the proposition of Charlotte Scott was responded to by the colored troops stationed at Natchez, Miss. These contributions have been duly deposited for safe keeping towards the Freedmen's National Monument to Mr. Lincoln.

"HEADQUARTERS 6TH U. S. COLORED HEAVY ARTILLERY,

"FORT MCPHERSON, Natchez, May 19th, 1865.

"James E. Yeatman, President Western Sanitary Commission, St. Louis:

"DEAR SIR: I hereby transmit to you, to be appropriated to the monument to be erected to the late President Lincoln, the sum of four thousand two hundred and forty-two dollars, the gift from the soldiers and freedmen of this regiment. Allow me to say that I feel proud of my regiment for their liberal contribution in honor of our lamented chief. Please acknowledge receipt.

"Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

"JOHN P. COLEMAN,

"Lieutenant-Colonel commanding 6th U. S. Colored Heavy Artillery."

"Amounts as donated by their respective companies: Company A, $515; Company B, $594; Company C, $514; Company D, $464; Company E, $199; Company F, $409; Company G, $284; Company H, $202; Company I, $423; Company K, $231; Company L, $142; Company M, $354. Total, $4,242."

"HEADQUARTERS 70TH U. S. COLORED INFANTRY,

"RODNEY, MISS., May 30th, 1865.

"Brevet Major-General J. W. Davidson, commanding District of Natchez, Miss.:

"GENERAL: I have the honor to enclose the sum of two thousand nine hundred and forty-nine dollars and fifty cents as the amount collected, under your suggestion, for the purpose of erecting a monument to the memory of President Lincoln. Every dollar of this money has been subscribed by the black enlisted men of my regiment, which has only an aggregate of six hundred and eighty-three men. Much more might have been raised, but I cautioned the officers to check the noble generosity of my men rather than stimulate it. Allow me to add that the soldiers expect that the monument is to be built by black people's money exclusively. They feel deeply that the debt of gratitude they owe is large, and any thing they can do to keep his 'memory green' will be done cheerfully and promptly.

"If there is a monument built proportionate to the veneration with which the black people hold his memory, then its summit will be among the clouds—the first to catch the gleam and herald the approach of coming day, even as President Lincoln himself first proclaimed the first gleam as well as glorious light of universal freedom.

"I am, general, most respectfully, your obedient servant,

"W. C. EARLES,

"Colonel 70th United States Colored Infantry."

"DISTRICT OF NATCHEZ, May 21st, 1865.

"Hon. James E. Yeatman:

"Upon seeing your suggestions in the Democrat I wrote to my colonels of colored troops, and they are responding most nobly to the call. Farrar's regiment, 6th United States Heavy Artillery, sent some $4,700. The money here spoken of has been turned over to Major W. C. Lupton, Pay-master U. S. A., for you. Please acknowledge receipt through the Missouri Democrat. The idea is, that the monument shall be raised to Mr. Lincoln's memory at the national capital exclusively by the race he has set free.

"Very truly yours,

"J. W. DAVIDSON, Brevet Major-General."

"HEAD PAY DEPARTMENT, NATCHEZ, MISS., June 15th, 1865.

"James E. Yeatman, Esq., President Western Sanitary Commission, St. Louis:

"SIR: The colored soldiers of this district, Brevet Major-General Davidson commanding, feeling the great obligations they are under to our late president, Mr. Lincoln, and desiring to perpetuate his memory, have contributed to the erection of a monument at the national capital, as follows:

73th. United States Colored Infantry, Colonel W. C. Earle $2,949.50 Three Companies 63d U. S. Colored Infantry—A, C, and E— Lieutenant-Colonel Mitchell 263.00 Freedmen of Natchez 312.38 ————- Total $3,529.85

"Added to this Major John P. Coleman, of the 6th United States Colored Heavy Artillery, (those that Forrest's men did not murder at Fort Pillow), stationed here, has sent you nearly five thousand dollars for the same fund, and the 57th United States Colored Infantry desire me, at the next pay-day, to collect one dollar per man, which will swell the amount to nearly ten thousand dollars. This is a large contribution from not quite seventeen hundred men, and it could have been made larger—many of the men donating over half their pay, and in some instances the whole of it—but it was thought best to limit them.

"Will you please publish this, that the colored soldiers and their friends may know that their money has gone forward, and send me a copy of the paper.

"I am, sir, with regard,

"W. C. LUPTON, Pay-master United States Navy."

"These noble contributions are a striking evidence of the favor with which this movement is regarded by the colored people, and especially the brave soldiers (the Phalanx who fought to maintain their freedom) of this oppressed race who have been fighting to carry out the proclamation of their benefactor, securing them their liberty."

There is still another evidence of the appreciation of freedom by the negro soldiers in their frugality. After the enlistment of colored troops became general, and they began to receive pay and bounties, the officers commanding them readily discovered the necessity of providing a better place for keeping the money paid them than in their pocket-books and in the soldier's knapsack. Every payday these soldiers would carry sums of money to their officers for safe keeping, until thousands of dollars were thus deposited, which were often lost in battle. In August, 1864, General Rufus Saxton, military governor of South Carolina, after mature deliberation as to the best means to be adopted for the safe keeping of these soldiers' monies, established a bank in his department. General Butler established a similar one at Norfolk, Va., about the same time. At the organization of the Freedmen's Savings and Trust company, chartered by act of Congress, these institutions transferred to the Freedmen's Bank all the monies on deposit in them, as the war had ceased, and the troops and officers were being mustered out of the United States service. The Butler Bank at Norfolk in July, 1865, transferred $7,890. In December the Saxton Bank at Beaufort transferred $170,000. Thus the sum of $177,890, belonging to soldiers in two departments only, was placed to their credit, subject to their order, in the new national bank, called into existence by like motives. This bank had branches at these places. Had similar banks been established in the other departments an enormous sum would have been collected. The Freedmen's bank, however, took the place of these military banks, and had the confidence of the soldiers who continued to deposit in its various branches throughout the south. When that institution collapsed in 1874, of the many millions of dollars deposited in it, it is estimated that two-thirds of the amount was the savings of the Phalanx. There is now in the vaults of the national government more than a quarter of a million of dollars belonging to the Phalanx, held as unclaimed bounty and pay—an ample sum from which to erect a suitable monument to commemorate the heroic devotion and patriotic endeavor of those who fell in Freedom's cause. This money doubtless belongs to those who on the battle-fields and in hospitals died for the country's honor. These are some of the lessons taught by the history of the Black Phalanx.



CHAPTER III.

BIBLIOGRAPHY.

The following publications have been of service in the preparation of this volume:

Goodrich's History of the U. S.

The Great Rebellion.—Headley.

Record of the Seventh U. S. C. T.

War of 1812.—Rossiter.

Negro in the Rebellion.—Brown.

Butler in New Orleans—Parton.

American Conflict.—Greeley.

Historical Research.—Livermore.

Record 55th Regt. Mass. Vols.

Patriotism of Colored Americans.

Boys of 61.—Coffin.

Record of 37th U. S. C. T.

History of Virginia.—Magill.

Atlanta.—Cox.

March to the Sea.—Cox.

Lincoln and Slavery.—Arnold.

Ramsey's History of America.

Grimshaw's History of the U. S.

Attack on Petersburg.—Congress.

Fort Pillow Massacre.—Congress.

Campaigns of the Army of the Potomac.—Swinton.

Army Life in a Black Regiment.—Higginson.

Anti-Slavery Measures in Congress.—Wilson.

Principles and Acts of the Revolution.—Niles.

Military History of U. S. Grant.—Badeau.

First and Second Year of the War.—Pollard.

Report of the Conduct of the War.—Congress.

Bryant's Popular History of the United States.

Virginia Campaigns of '64 and '65.—Humphrey.

Life and Public Service of Charles Sumner.—Lester.

Boys and Girls Magazine, 1869.—Oliver Optic.

Burnside and the Ninth Army Corps.—Woodbury.

Military History of Kansas.—J. B. McAfee.

History of the Great Rebellion.—Kettell.



APPENDIX.

HISTORY OF THE 29TH CONNECTICUT NEGRO VOLUNTEERS.

"HEADQUARTERS 29TH CONNECTICUT COLORED VOLUNTEERS, HARTFORD, CONN., November 29th, 1865.

"Brigadier-General H. J. MORSE, Adjutant-General, State of Connecticut.

"GENERAL: In obedience to your request I have the honor to submit the following as the history of the 29th Regiment Connecticut Volunteers (Colored):

"Recruiting for this regiment began early in the autumn of 1863, and by the latter part of January, 1864, the maximum number had been enlisted. During its organization the regiment was stationed at Fair Haven, Conn. On the 8th of March, 1864, the regiment was formally mustered into the service of the United States.

"No field officer had as yet reported, but on the 12th of March William B. Wooster, formerly lieutenant-colonel of the 20th Connecticut Volunteers, reported to the regiment, and soon after assumed command.

"On the 19th day of March the regiment formed in line, and after the presentation of a flag by the colored ladies of New Haven, marched on board the transport "Warrior."

"On the 20th we steamed out of New Haven harbor, and after a pleasant voyage disembarked at Annapolis, Md.

"The regiment was as yet unarmed, but on the 7th of April we received the full complement of the best Springfield rifled muskets.

"At this time the 9th Corps was assembling at Annapolis, and to it we were assigned, but on the 8th of April the regiment received orders to proceed to Hilton Head, S. C., and on the 9th of April we left Annapolis for that place. Arriving at Hilton Head we were ordered to Beaufort, S. C., where we disembarked on the 13th of April. The regiment had, up to this time, learned nothing of drill or discipline, so that there was plenty of work to be done.

"After a fine camp had been laid out the work of converting the raw material of the regiment into good soldiers was vigorously and systematically commenced. The men learned rapidly, and were faithful in the performance of their duties. While here, although the utmost attention was paid to all that pertained to the health of the regiment, much sickness prevailed, the change of climate telling severely upon the untried soldiers. In less than two months a decided improvement in drill and discipline had been effected, and our dress parades began to attract marked attention. But as yet our soldiers had not fired a shot at the rebellion, and had still to be tried in the fiery ordeal of battle. At last events on the bloody fields of Virginia determined our destiny.

"The battles fought during the summer campaign had demonstrated that negro troops could fight well; they had also shown that more men were required in Virginia, and that we could not await the slow process of a draft to get them. The success of the entire campaign seemed dubious, and the army, after all its gigantic toils and losses, found itself confronted by strong lines of works, manned by a brave and resolute foe. Under these circumstances the only policy was concentration in Virginia. Accordingly all the troops that could be spared from other points were ordered to Virginia.

"Among the number was the 29th Connecticut Volunteers (colored). On the 8th day of August, 1864, the regiment left Beaufort, S. C., and disembarked at Bermuda Hundreds, Va., on the 14th of the same month. This regiment was brigaded with the 7th, 8th, and 9th United States Colored Troops, forming with other colored regiments a division of the 10th Army Corps. We arrived just as the active movements terminating in the capture of the Weldon Railroad had commenced. That railroad being on the then extreme left of our line it was deemed advisable, as a feint, to keep the enemy well engaged on our right. For this purpose the 2d and 10th Army Corps had been assembled, as secretly as possible, near Bermuda Hundreds, and on the morning of August 14th had advanced upon the enemy's works near Deep Bottom.

"This regiment accompanied the force as far as Deep Bottom, where, with the 7th United States Colored Troops and one light battery, it was left to defend the post, under command of Colonel Wooster. The two corps moved farther to the right and front, and soon became warmly engaged. During the fighting General Butler, desirous to ascertain the strength and position of the enemy immediately in our front, ordered Colonel Wooster to make a reconnoissance with this regiment and the 7th United States Colored Troops.

"This was successfully accomplished, the men in this their first encounter with the enemy, displaying great coolness and bravery. Soon after this we were relieved and ordered to join our brigade, then actively engaged at the front.

"We set out in a drenching rain storm, and after a tiresome march reached the battle-field about dark. Our forces had suffered a bloody repulse, and had just finished burying our dead under a flag of truce. The burial parties with their bloody stretchers were returning, and the sharp crack of the rifle began again to be heard, and so continued with more or less fierceness during the night.

"At daylight hostilities, except on the picket line, were not resumed. The opposing forces lay and narrowly watched each other's movements. Towards night, however, it was discovered that the enemy was massing in our immediate front, and just before sunset they commenced the attack. The contest was sharp and short; a fierce roar of musketry, mingled with wild yells and the deep bass of cannon; a fainter yell and volleys less steady; finally a few scattering shots and the attack was repulsed. As this movement of the two corps on the right was merely a feint to cover more active operations on the left, it was resolved to withdraw the forces during the night. The movement began just after dark. We marched to the Bermuda Hundreds front, and pitched our camp near Point of Rocks. On the 24th of August, 1864, the 10th Corps relieved the 18th Corps in front of Petersburg. Here we remained, doing duty in the trenches, until the 24th of September, at which time the 10th Corps marched to the rear to rest a few days preparatory to an advance upon Richmond then in contemplation. While here our ragged, dirty, and shoeless men were clad, washed, and shod as rapidly as possible.

"At length, at about sundown, September 28th, the corps broke camp, and we once more started for Deep Bottom, which place we reached about four A. M., September 29th.

"Just as the first faint glimmerings of light were visible the movement against Richmond commenced. After pushing through a deep wood our brigade formed in line of battle near the New Market Road, under fire of a rebel battery. We had scarcely formed when it was found that the rebel lines had been broken further to the left, and we were ordered forward in pursuit of the flying foe. Three successive lines had been carried by impetuous charges, and during that summer forenoon the enemy on all sides was pressed steadily back. By noon Fort Harrison, a large powerful work, and a key to a large portion of the rebel line, had been carried at the bayonet point by the 18th Corps, and we found ourselves in front of the strongest line of the outer defenses of Richmond. An assault was immediately ordered. Two regiments of the brigade to which this regiment was attached,—the 7th Maryland and 8th Pennsylvania—were selected to make the attack on Fort Gilmer, the 29th Connecticut and 9th Maryland being held in reserve. A charge was made on the double-quick through a felled forest, half a mile in extent. They were met by a murderous enfilading fire, and after an obstinate struggle were forced back. They re-formed quickly and again charged, this time up the very guns of the fort. After a most heroic fight they were again compelled to retire. Some of the companies sprang into the ditch, and refused to surrender even after their companions had been driven back. They continued the unequal contest until dark, when we were forced to leave the brave men to their fate.

"After the repulse of the second charge, the brigade formed under a galling fire, preparatory to another charge, but after a careful survey of the enemy's position, it was deemed advisable to delay the attack for the present. Darkness soon after coming on, the troops were quietly withdrawn to one of the captured lines a short distance in our rear. Next morning vigorous measures were at once taken to reverse this line, and to render it impregnable against a counter attack, which was constantly expected. While busily engaged in this work the rebels opened upon us with a fierce artillery fire. A powerful force, said to be under the direction of General Lee in person, had been silently massed in front of Fort Harrison, screened from our view by the inequality of the ground. They soon made their presence known, however, and advanced with determination. They were met by a fire that sent them reeling back with immense loss. Again they formed, and were again driven back. Another charge more furious, and another repulse more bloody, finally convinced them that the attempt was useless, and we were left in possession of our victories of the previous day. After this, comparative quiet reigned for a few days, but they were not days of idleness; the captured lines had to be reversed and heavy picket duty to be done, and of these duties this regiment had its full share.

"On the 7th of October, the enemy made a dash on our right, and at first met with considerable success. This regiment was detached from the brigade, and ordered to the right to assist in repelling the attack. Before reaching that point the attack had been repulsed and the fighting was nearly over. We formed a skirmish line and remained until midnight, when we returned to the brigade.

"On the 13th of October a reconnoissance was made upon the enemy's lines in front of our right, in which this regiment took an active part. The fighting was severe, and the loss considerable. The men behaved like veterans: but the wary foe behind his strong works bade defiance to our small force, and so, after fifteen hours of fighting, at night we returned to camp. On the 27th of October a movement commenced on our extreme left which required the active co-operation of the Army of the James, that the enemy might be kept busily engaged at all points. This regiment, as part of the force selected for this purpose, set out early on the morning of the 27th, and came in contact with the outposts of the enemy. Deploying as skirmishers, after a short, sharp action, we drove the enemy within entrenchments. After driving in the skirmish line, we remained in front of the enemy's works, picking his men as opportunity offered, and keeping him engaged generally. We were in an open field, exposed to the fire of an enemy protected by strong earthworks. The men behaved very well; for twenty-three hours they held this position, exposing themselves with the most reckless indifference, taking the ammunition from the bodies of their dead and wounded companions when their own was exhausted, and in all respects, if valor be any criteron of manhood, proving themselves to be 'good men and true.' At length on the morning of the 28th, the troops were withdrawn, and we returned to camp.

"On the 19th day of November, the regiment was ordered to garrison certain detached forts on the New Market road, which were considered of great importance on account of the relation they bore to the whole line north of the James. That this regiment was sent to hold them, was certainly a marked tribute to its valor and efficiency, and was expressly given to it on that account. We remained here until the formation of the 25th Army Corps, when on the 5th day of December, 1864 we removed to the left of Fort Harrison, forming a part of the 2nd Brigade, 1st Division of that Corps.

"Here we remained during the rest of the winter, picketing, drilling, building forts, and making roads, and preparing for the spring campaign. One division had been sent to Fort Fisher, and but two were with the Army of the James. At length, late in the month of March, 1865, one of the remaining divisions was sent to the left, while the division to which this regiment was attached, together with one division of the 24th Army Corps, was left to guard the defences north of the James. The campaign opened vigorously. The last week in March brought a series of splendid victories to the Union armies, and we began to feel that the 'end' so ardently desired was near at hand. This regiment had been placed in Fort Harrison, the most important position on our line. The fort was said to be mined, and it was feared that the rebels would make an attack in force near that point. On Saturday and Sunday, April 1st and 2nd, the fighting on the left had been terrific but generally favorable to us. We were ordered to observe with great care all movements of the enemy in our front.

"At sunset of April 2nd, we witnessed the last rebel dress parade in Virginia from the magazine of Fort Harrison. Early on the morning of April 3rd, 1865, the picket fires of the enemy began to wane, and an ominous silence to prevail within his lines. Very soon deserters began to come within our lines who reported that the lines in our front were being evacuated. In a little while we saw the barracks of Fort Darling in flames, and tremendous explosions followed each other in rapid succession. The earliest dawn revealed to us the deserted lines, with their guns spiked and their tents standing. We were ordered to advance at once, but cautiously. The troops jumped over the breastworks, and, avoiding the torpedoes, filed through the rebel abbatis, and then began the race for Richmond.

"No words can describe the enthusiasm of the troops as they found themselves fairly within the rebel lines, and tramping along the bloody roads leading to the 'capitol of secessia.' The honor of first entering that city was most earnestly contested; many regiments threw away everything but their arms, while this regiment 'double-quicked' in heavy marching orders. Two companies of this regiment—G and C—had been sent forward as skirmishers reaching the city close on the heels of our cavalry, and were, without the slightest doubt, the first companies of infantry to enter the city. Through the heat and dust the troops struggled on, and at last, as we came in full view of the city, the air was rent with such cheers as only the brave men, who had fought so long and so nobly for that city could give. Since that time our history has been blessedly unfruitful in stirring events. We remained in Richmond for a few days, and were then ordered to Petersburg; from here we went to Point Lookout, Md., where we remained until the 25th Corps was ordered to Texas. We embarked for Texas on the 10th day of June 1865, arriving at Brazos de Santiago July 3rd, 1865. From Brazos we marched to Brownsville, on the Rio Grande, where we continued until ordered to Hartford, Conn., to be mustered out. On the 26th day of October, 1865, we left Brownsville for Hartford, where the regiment was discharged and paid on the 25th day of November, 1865.

"The following is a report of changes and casualties in the 29th Regiment Connecticut Volunteers, (colored), from date of organization to date of discharge:

Gain by recruits 8 officers, 210 enlisted men. Loss " discharge 5 " 121 " " " dismissal 1 " — " " " desertion — " 103 " " died of disease 1 " 153 " " " wounds 1 " 21 " " by killed in battle — " 24 " Promotion into other organizations 5 " — " Total gain 8 " 210 " " loss 13 " 422 " Wounded, officers, 6; men, 102. Captured, officer, 1; missing, none.

"It will be necessary to remark here that fully one hundred per cent of our desertions occurred while at New Haven, and during the organization of the regiment very few desertions occurred after we left the State. Our total of killed and wounded was—enlisted men, 123; officers, 6. The officer who was captured eventually re-joined us. The officers lost by promotion into other organizations were—Lieutenant-Colonel H. C. Ward, promoted to be colonel of the 31st United States Colored Troops; Major F. E. Camp, promoted to be lieutenant-colonel of the 29th United States Colored Troops; Captain E. W. Bacon, promoted to be major of the 117th United States Colored Troops; Assistant Surgeon Crandall, promoted to be surgeon of the 33d United States Colored Troops; 1st Lieutenant H. H. Brown, promoted to be captain of the 1st United States Colored Troops; 2d Lieutenant Edward Coe, promoted to be 1st lieutenant and adjutant of the 27th United States Colored Troops.

"Thus have I attempted to trace the history of this regiment. I have done this with some degree of minuteness, owing to the fact that, as we were considered a United States organization less can be learned concerning us from the reports of the adjutant-general of the State than concerning any other Connecticut organization. And as the employment of colored troops was at first tried as a grand experiment, the people of Connecticut may be desirous to know how far, in the case of their colored regiment, that experiment has been successful. Justice, too, demands that those who are the most competent judges—those who have been with the colored troops on the march and in the battle—should give their testimony to the loyalty and valor of this despised race. They went forth to fight the battles of the Union when there was every thing to discourage even the bravest. Both officers and men knew, that should they escape death on the battle-field a fate awaited them, if captured, from which death on the battle-field would have been a glorious relief. The poor rights of a soldier were denied to them. Their actions were narrowly watched, and the slightest faults severely commented upon. In spite of all this the negro soldier fought willingly and bravely, and with his rifle alone he has vindicated his manhood, and stands confessed to-day as second in bravery to none.

"I am, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

"DAVID TORRANCE,

"(Late) Lieutenant-Colonel Commanding 29th C. V."

DIARY OF THE THIRD REGIMENT DURING THE SIEGE OF PORT HUDSON.

"May 1st, 1863.—Regiment broke camp at Fort William, Baton Rouge, at 5 A. M.; marched out of Bayou Monticino on the road to Port Hudson. In the evening Company G, under Lieutenant Quinn, was detailed for picket duty on the Clinton Road. Colonel promised to encamp close by with the rest of the regiment, but instead of doing so he fell back to the junction of the Clinton and Port Hudson Roads, thus leaving the rebels a fine chance to cross the bayou and cut off Company G from all support. Lieutenant Quinn was doubtful of the colonel, and to satisfy himself sent 2d Lieutenant Frederick Dame with twenty men back to the woods to see how things were. Lieutenant Dame found that Colonel Nelson had retreated back to Baton Rouge and reported. Lieutenant Quinn, feeling that if attacked during the night he would not receive aid from the regiment, changed his position from the place assigned in the woods by Colonel Nelson, to one 300 yards further down in the woods, and on the road-side. He then threw out his pickets in all directions, but only a short distance from the remainder of the company who were held in reserve. Every man was on that night. Occasionally horsemen were seen in the clearing, but as they did not appear to know of our company's proximity the pickets did not fire on them.