This hope was at least so far realized that from the most formidable dangers which had threatened it, New England was henceforth secured. The struggle with the Stuarts was ended, and by this second revolution within half a century the crown had received a check from which it never recovered. There were troubles yet in store for England, but no more such outrages as the judicial murders of Russell and Sidney. New England had still a stern ordeal to go through, but never again was she to be so trodden down and insulted as in the days of Andros. The efforts of George III. to rule Englishmen despotically were weak as compared with those of the Stuarts. In his time England had waxed strong enough to curb the tyrant, America had waxed strong enough to defy and disown him. After 1689 the Puritan no longer felt that his religion was in danger, and there was a reasonable prospect that charters solemnly granted him would be held sacred. William III. was a sovereign of modern type, from whom freedom of thought and worship had nothing to fear. In his theology he agreed, as a Dutch Calvinist, more nearly with the Puritans than with the Church of England. At the same time he had no great liking for so much independence of thought and action as New England had exhibited. In the negotiations which now definitely settled the affairs of this part of the world, the intractable behaviour of Massachusetts was borne in mind and contrasted with the somewhat less irritating attitude of the smaller colonies. It happened that the decree which annulled the charters of Rhode Island and Connecticut had not yet been formally enrolled. It was accordingly treated as void, and the old charters were allowed to remain in force. They were so liberal that no change in them was needed at the time of the Revolution, so that Connecticut was governed under its old charter until 1818, and Rhode Island until 1842. [Sidenote: Effects of the Revolution of 1689]

There was at this time a disposition on the part of the British government to unite all the northern colonies under a single administration. The French in Canada were fast becoming rivals to be feared; and the wonderful explorations of La Salle, bringing the St. Lawrence into political connection with the Mississippi, had at length foreshadowed a New France in the rear of all the English colonies, aiming at the control of the centre of the continent and eager to confine the English to the sea-board. Already the relations of position which led to the great Seven Years' War were beginning to shape themselves; and the conflict between France and England actually broke out in 1689, as soon as Louis XIV.'s hired servant, James II., was superseded by William III. as king of England and head of a Protestant league. [Sidenote: Need for union among all the northern colonies]

In view of this new state of affairs, it was thought desirable to unite the northern English colonies under one head, so far as possible, in order to secure unity of military action. But natural prejudices had to be considered. The policy of James II. had aroused such bitter feeling in America that William must needs move with caution. Accordingly he did not seek to unite New York with New England, and he did not think it worth while to carry out the attack which James had only begun upon Connecticut and Rhode Island. As for New Hampshire, he seems to have been restrained by what in the language of modern politics would be called "pressure," brought to bear by certain local interests. [39] But in the case of the little colony founded by the Pilgrims of the Mayflower there was no obstacle. She was now annexed to Massachusetts, which also received not only Maine but even Acadia, just won from the French; so that, save for the short break at Portsmouth, the coast of Massachusetts now reached all the way from Martha's Vineyard to the Gulf of St. Lawrence. [Sidenote: Plymouth, Maine, and Acadia, annexed to Massachusetts]

But along with this great territorial extension there went some curtailment of the political privileges of the colony. By the new charter of 1692 the right of the people to be governed by a legislature of their own choosing was expressly confirmed. The exclusive right of this legislature to impose taxes was also confirmed. But henceforth no qualification of church-membership, but only a property qualification, was to be required of voters; the governor was to be appointed by the crown instead of being elected by the people; and all laws passed by the legislature were to be sent to England for royal approval. These features of the new charter,—the extension, or if I may so call it, the secularization of the franchise, the appointment of the governor by the crown, and the power of veto which the crown expressly reserved,—were grave restrictions upon the independence which Massachusetts had hitherto enjoyed. Henceforth her position was to be like that of the other colonies with royal governors. But her history did not thereby lose its interest or significance, though it became, like the history of most of the colonies, a dismal record of irrepressible bickerings between the governor appointed by the crown and the legislature elected by the people. In the period that began in 1692 and ended in 1776, the movements of Massachusetts, while restricted and hampered, were at the same time forced into a wider orbit. She was brought into political sympathy with Virginia. While two generations of men were passing across the scene, the political problems of Massachusetts were assimilated to those of Virginia. In spite of all the other differences, great as they were, there was a likeness in the struggles between the popular legislature and the royal governor which subordinated them all. It was this similarity of experience, during the eighteenth century, that brought these two foremost colonies into cordial alliance during the struggle against George III., and thus made it possible to cement all the colonies together in the mighty nation whose very name is fraught with so high and earnest a lesson to mankind,—the UNITED STATES! [Sidenote: Massachusetts becomes a royal province]

For such a far-reaching result, the temporary humiliation of Massachusetts was a small price to pay. But it was not until long after the accession of William III. that things could be seen in these grand outlines. With his coronation began the struggle of seventy years between France and England, far grander than the struggle between Rome and Carthage, two thousand years earlier, for primacy in the world, for the prerogative of determining the future career of mankind. That warfare, so fraught with meaning, was waged as much upon American as upon European ground; and while it continued, it was plainly for the interest of the British government to pursue a conciliatory policy toward its American colonies, for without their wholehearted assistance it could have no hope of success. As soon as the struggle was ended, and the French power in the colonial world finally overthrown, the perpetual quarrels between the popular legislatures and the royal governors led immediately to the Stamp Act and the other measures of the British government that brought about the American revolution. People sometimes argue about that revolution as if it had no past behind it and was simply the result of a discussion over abstract principles. [Sidenote: Seeds of the American Revolution already sown]

We can now see that while the dispute involved an abstract principle of fundamental importance to mankind, it was at the same time for Americans illustrated by memories sufficiently concrete and real. James Otis in his prime was no further distant from the tyranny of Andros than middle-aged men of to-day are distant from the Missouri Compromise. The sons of men cast into jail along with John Wise may have stood silent in the moonlight on Griffin's Wharf and looked on while the contents of the tea-chests were hurled into Boston harbour. In the events we have here passed in review, it may be seen, so plainly that he who runs may read, how the spirit of 1776 was foreshadowed in 1689.



BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE.

An interesting account of the Barons' War and the meeting of the first House of Commons is given in Prothero's Simon de Montfort, London, 1877. For Wyclif and the Lollards, see Milman's Latin Christianity, vol. vii.

The ecclesiastical history of the Tudor period may best be studied in the works of John Strype, to wit, Historical Memorials, 6 vols.; Annals of the Reformation, 7 vols.; Lives of Cranmer, Parker, Whitgift, etc., Oxford, 1812-28. See also Burnet's History of the Reformation of the Church of England, 3 vols., London, 1679-1715; Neal's History of the Puritans, London, 1793; Tulloch, Leaders of the Reformation, Boston, 1859. A vast mass of interesting information is to be found in The Zurich Letters, comprising the Correspondence of Several English Bishops, and Others, with some of the Helvetian Reformers, published by the Parker Society, 4 vols., Cambridge, Eng., 1845-46. Hooker's Ecclesiastical Polity was published in London, 1594; a new edition, containing two additional books, the first complete edition, was published in 1622.

For the general history of England in the seventeenth century, there are two modern works which stand far above all others,—Gardiner's History of England, 10 vols., London, 1883-84; and Masson's Life of Milton, narrated in connection with the Political, Ecclesiastical, and Literary History of his Time, 6 vols., Cambridge, Eng., 1859-80. These are books of truly colossal erudition, and written in a spirit of judicial fairness. Mr. Gardiner's ten volumes cover the forty years from the accession of James I. to the beginning of the Civil War, 1603-1643. Mr. Gardiner has lately published the first two volumes of his history of the Civil War, and it is to be hoped that he will not stop until he reaches the accession of William and Mary. Indeed, such books as his ought never to stop. My friend and colleague, Prof. Hosmer, tells me that Mr. Gardiner is a lineal descendant of Cromwell and Ireton. His little book, The Puritan Revolution, in the "Epochs of History" series, is extremely useful, and along with it one should read Airy's The English Restoration and Louis XIV., in the same series, New York, 1889. The best biography of Cromwell is by Mr. Allanson Picton, London, 1882; see also Frederic Harrison's Cromwell, London, 1888, an excellent little book. Hosmer's Young Sir Henry Vane, Boston, 1888, should be read in the same connection; and one should not forget Carlyle's Cromwell. See also Tulloch, English Puritanism and its Leaders, 1861, and Rational Theology and Christian Philosophy in England in the Seventeenth Century, 1872; Skeats, History of the Free Churches of England, London, 1868; Mountfield, The Church and Puritans, London, 1881. Dexter's Congregationalism of the Last Three Hundred Years, New York, 1880, is a work of monumental importance.

On the history of New England the best general works are Palfrey, History of New England, 4 vols., Boston, 1858-75; and Doyle, The English in America—The Puritan Colonies, 2 vols., London, 1887. In point of scholarship Dr. Palfrey's work is of the highest order, and it is written in an interesting style. Its only shortcoming is that it deals somewhat too leniently with the faults of the Puritan theocracy, and looks at things too exclusively from a Massachusetts point of view. It is one of the best histories yet written in America. Mr. Doyle's work is admirably fair and impartial, and is based throughout upon a careful study of original documents. The author is a Fellow of All Souls College, Oxford, and has apparently made American history his specialty. His work on the Puritan colonies is one of a series which when completed will cover the whole story of English colonization in America. I have looked in vain in his pages for any remark or allusion indicating that he has ever visited America, and am therefore inclined to think that he has not done so. He now and then makes a slight error such as would not be likely to be made by a native of New England, but this is very seldom. The accuracy and thoroughness of its research, its judicial temper, and its philosophical spirit make Mr. Doyle's book in some respects the best that has been written about New England.

Among original authorities we may begin by citing John Smith's Description of New England, 1616, and New England's Trial, 1622, contained in Arber's new edition of Smith's works, London, 1884. Bradford's narrative of the founding of Plymouth was for a long time supposed to be lost. Nathaniel Morton's New England's Memorial, published in 1669, was little more than an abridgment of it. After two centuries Bradford's manuscript was discovered, and an excellent edition by Mr. Charles Deane was published in the Massachusetts Historical Collections, 4th series, vol. iii., 1856. Edward Winslow's Journal of the Proceedings of the English Plantation settled at Plymouth, 1622, and Good News from New England, 1624, are contained, with other valuable materials, in Young's Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers, Boston, 1844. See also Shurtleff and Pulsifer, Records of Plymouth, 12 vols., ending with the annexation of the colony to Massachusetts in 1692; Prince's Chronological History of New England, ed. Drake, 1852; and in this connection Hunter's Founders of New Plymouth, London, 1854; Steele's Life of Brewster, Philadelphia, 1857; Goodwin's Pilgrim Republic, Boston, 1887; Bacon's Genesis of the New England Churches, New York, 1874; Baylies's Historical Memoir, 1830; Thacher's History of the Town of Plymouth, 1832.

Sir Ferdinando Gorges wrote a Briefe Narration of the Originall Undertakings of the advancement of plantations into the parts of America, especially showing the beginning, progress, and continuance of that of New England, London, 1658, contained in his grandson's collection entitled America Painted to the Life. Thomas Morton, of Merrymount, gave his own view of the situation in his New English Canaan, which has been edited for the Prince Society, with great learning, by C.F. Adams. Samuel Maverick also had his say in a valuable pamphlet entitled A Description of New England, which has only come to light since 1875 and has been edited by Mr. Deane. Maverick is, of course, hostile to the Puritans. See also Lechford's Plain Dealing in New England, ed. J.H. Trumbull, 1867.

The earliest history of Massachusetts is by Winthrop himself, a work of priceless value. In 1790, nearly a century and a half after the author's death, it was published at Hartford. The best edition is that of 1853. In 1869 a valuable life of Winthrop was published by his descendant Robert Winthrop. Hubbard's History of New England (Mass. Hist. Coll., 2d series, vols. v., vi.) is drawn largely from Winthrop and from Nathaniel Morton. There is much that is suggestive in William Wood's New England's Prospect, 1634, and Edward Johnson's Wonder-working Providence of Zion's Saviour in New England, 1654; the latter has been ably edited by W.F. Poole, Andover, 1867. The records of the Massachusetts government, from its founding in 1629 down to the overthrow of the charter in 1684, were edited by Dr. Shurtleff in 6 vols. quarto, 1853-54; and among the documents in the British Record Office, published since 1855, three volumes—Calendar of State Papers, Colonial America, vol. i., 1574-1660; vol. v., 1661-1668; vol. vii., 1669—are especially useful. Of the later authorities the best is Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts Bay, the first volume of which, coming down to 1689, was published in Boston in 1764. The second volume, continuing the narrative to 1749, was published in 1767. The third volume, coming down to 1774, was found among the illustrious author's MSS. after his death, and was published in London in 1828. Hutchinson had access to many valuable documents since lost, and his sound judgment and critical acumen deserve the highest praise. In 1769 he published a volume of Original Papers, illustrating the period covered by the first volume of his history. Many priceless documents perished in the shameful sacking of his house by the Boston rioters, Aug. 26, 1765. The second volume of Hutchinson's History was continued to 1764 by G.R. Minot, 2 vols., 1798, and to 1820 by Alden Bradford, 3 vols., 1822-29. Of recent works, the best is Barry's History of Massachusetts, 3 vols., 1855-57. Many original authorities are collected in Young's Chronicles of Massachusetts, Boston, 1846. Cotton Mather's Magnolia Christi Americana, London, 1702 (reprinted in 1820 and 1853), though crude and uncritical, is full of interest.

Many of the early Massachusetts documents relate to Maine. Of later books, especial mention should be made of Folsom's History of Saco and Biddeford, Saco, 1830; Willis's History of Portland, 2 vols., 1831-33 (2d ed. 1865); Memorial Volume of the Popham Celebration, Portland, 1862; Chamberlain's Maine, Her Place in History, Augusta, 1877. On New Hampshire the best general work is Belknap's History of New Hampshire, 3 vols., Phila., 1784-92; the appendix contains many original documents, and others are to be found in the New Hampshire Historical Collections, 8 vols., 1824-66.

The Connecticut Colonial Records are edited by Dr. J.H. Trumbull, 12 vols., 1850-82. The Connecticut Historical Society's Collections, 1860-70, are of much value. The best general work is Trumbull's History of Connecticut, 2 vols., Hartford, 1797. See also Stiles's Ancient Windsor, 2 vols., 1859-63; Cothren's Ancient Woodbury, 3 vols., 1854-79. Of the Pequot War we have accounts by three of the principal actors. Mason's History of the Pequod War is in the Mass. Hist. Coll., 2d series, vol. viii.; Underhill's News from America is in the 3d series, vol. vi.; and Lyon Gardiner's narrative is in the 3d series, vol. iii. In the same volume with Underhill is contained A True Relation of the late Battle fought in New England between the English and the Pequod Savages, by Philip Vincent, London, 1638. The New Haven Colony Records are edited by C.J. Hoadly, 2 vols., Hartford, 1857-58. See also the New Haven Historical Society's Papers, 3 vols., 1865-80; Lambert's History of New Haven, 1838; Atwater's History of New Haven, 1881; Levermore's Republic of New Haven, Baltimore, 1886; Johnston's Connecticut, Boston, 1887. The best account of the Blue Laws is by J.H. Trumbull, The True Blue Laws of Connecticut and New Haven, and the False Blue Laws invented by the Rev. Samuel Peters, etc., Hartford, 1876. See also Hinman's Blue Laws of New Haven Colony, Hartford, 1838; Barber's History and Antiquities of New Haven, 1831; Peters's History of Connecticut, London, 1781. The story of the regicides is set forth in Stiles's History of the Three Judges [the third being Colonel Dixwell], Hartford, 1794; see also the Mather Papers in Mass. Hist. Coll., 4th series, vol. viii.

The Rhode Island Colonial Records are edited by J.R. Bartlett, 7 vols., 1856-62. One of the best state histories ever written is that of S.G. Arnold, History of the State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, 2 vols., New York, 1859-60. Many valuable documents are reprinted in the Rhode Island Historical Society's Collections. The History of New England, with particular reference to the denomination called Baptists, by Rev. Isaac Backus, 3 vols., 1777-96, has much that is valuable relating to Rhode Island. The series of Rhode Island Historical Tracts, issued since 1878 by Mr. S.S. Rider, is of great merit. Biographies of Roger Williams have been written by J.D. Knowles, 1834; by William Gammell, 1845; and by Romeo Elton, 1852. Williams's works have been republished by the Narragansett Club in 6 vols., 1866. The first volume contains the valuable Key to the Indian Languages of America, edited by Dr. Trumbull. Williams's views of religious liberty are set forth in his Bloudy Tenent of Persecution, London, 1644; to which John Cotton replied in The Bloudy Tenent washed and made White in the Blood of the Lamb, London, 1647; Williams's rejoinder was entitled The Bloudy Tenent made yet more Bloudy through Mr. Cotton's attempt to Wash it White, London, 1652. The controversy was conducted on both sides with a candour and courtesy rare in that age. The titles of Williams's other principal works, George Fox digged out of his Burrowes, Boston, 1676; Hireling Ministry none of Christ's, London, 1652; and Christenings make not Christians, 1643; sufficiently indicate their character. The last-named tract was discovered in the British Museum by Dr. Dexter and edited by him in Rider's Tracts, No. xiv., 1881. The treatment of Roger Williams by the government of Massachusetts is thoroughly discussed in Dexter's As to Roger Williams, Boston, 1876. See also G.E. Ellis on "The Treatment of Intruders and Dissentients by the Founders of Massachusetts," in Lowell Lectures, Boston, 1869.

The case of Mrs. Hutchinson is treated, from a hostile and somewhat truculent point of view, in Thomas Welde's pamphlet entitled A Short Story of the Rise, Reign, and Ruin of Antinomians, Familists, and Libertines that infected the Churches of New England, London, 1644. It was answered in an anonymous pamphlet entitled Mercurius Americanus, republished for the Prince Society, Boston, 1876, with prefatory notice by C.H. Bell. Cotton's view of the theocracy may be seen in his Milk for Babes, drawn out of the Breasts of both Testaments, London, 1646; Keyes of the Kingdom of Heaven; and Way of the Congregational Churches Cleared, London, 1648. See also Thomas Hooker's Survey of the Summe of Church Discipline, London, 1648. The intolerant spirit of the time finds quaint and forcible expression in Nathaniel Ward's satirical book, The Simple Cobbler of Aggawam, 1647.

For the Gorton controversy the best original authorities are his own book entitled Simplicitie's Defence against Sevenheaded Polity, London, 1646; and Winslow's answer entitled Hypocracie Unmasked, London, 1646. See also Mackie's Life of Samuel Gorton, Boston, 1845, and Brayton's Defence of Samuel Gorton, in Rider's Tracts, No. xvii.

For the early history of the Quakers, see Robert Barclay's Inner Life of the Religious Societies of the Commonwealth, London, 1876,—an admirable book. See also New England a Degenerate Plant, 1659; Bishop's New England judged by the Spirit of the Lord, 1661; Sewel's History of the Quakers, 1722; Besse's Sufferings of the Quakers, 1753; The Popish Inquisition newly erected in New England, London, 1659; The Secret Works of a Cruel People made Manifest, 1659; and the pamphlet of the martyrs Stevenson and Robinson, entitled A Call from Death to Life, 1660. John Norton's view of the case was presented in his book, The Heart of New England Rent at the Blasphemies of the Present Generation, London, 1660. See also J.S. Pike's New Puritan, New York, 1879; Hallowell's Pioneer Quakers, Boston, 1887; and his Quaker Invasion of Massachusetts, Boston, 1883; Brooks Adams, The Emancipation of Massachusetts, Boston, 1887; Ellis, The Puritan Age and Rule, Boston, 1888.

Some additional light upon the theocratic idea may be found in a treatise by the apostle Eliot, The Christian Commonwealth; or, the Civil Polity of the Rising Kingdom of Jesus Christ, London, 1659. An account of Eliot's missionary work is given in The Day breaking, if not the Sun rising, of the Gospel with the Indians in New England, London, 1647; and The Glorious Progress of the Gospel amongst the Indians in New England, 1649. See also Shepard's Clear Sunshine of the Gospel breaking forth upon the Indians, 1648; and Whitfield's Light appearing more and more towards the Perfect Day, 1651.

The principal authority for Philip's war is Hubbard's Present State of New England, being a Narrative of the Troubles with the Indians, 1677. Church's Entertaining Passages relating to Philip's War, published in 1716, and republished in 1865, with notes by Mr. Dexter, is a charming book. See also Mrs. Rowlandson's True History, Cambridge, Mass., 1682; Mather's Brief History of the War, 1676; Drake's Old Indian Chronicle, Boston, 1836; Gookin's Historical Collections of the Indians in New England, 1674; and Account of the Doings and Sufferings of the Christian Indians, in Archchaeologia Americana, vol. ii. Batten's Journal is the diary of a citizen of Boston, sent to England, and it now in MS. among the Colonial Papers. Mrs. Mary Pray's letter (Oct. 20, 1675) is in Mass. Hist. Coll., 5th series, vol. i. p. 105.

The great storehouse of information for the Andros period is the Andros Tracts, 3 vols., edited for the Prince Society by W.H. Whitmore. See also Sewall's Diary, Mass. Hist. Coll., 5th series, vols. v.—viii. Sewall has been appropriately called the Puritan Pepys. His book is a mirror of the state of society in Massachusetts at the time when it was beginning to be felt that the old theocratic idea had been tried in the balance and found wanting. There is a wonderful charm in such a book. It makes one feel as if one had really "been there" and taken part in the homely scenes, full of human interest, which it so naively portrays. Anne Bradstreet's works have been edited by J.H. Ellis, Charlestown, 1867.

For further references and elaborate bibliographical discussions, see Winsor's Narrative and Critical History of America, vol. iii.; and his Memorial History of Boston, 4 vols., Boston, 1880. There is a good account of the principal New England writers of the seventeenth century, with illustrative extracts, in Tyler's History of American Literature, 2 vols., New York, 1878. For extracts see also the first two volumes of Stedman and Hutchinson's Library of American Literature, New York, 1888.

In conclusion I would observe that town histories, though seldom written in a philosophical spirit and apt to be quite amorphous in structure, are a mine of wealth for the philosophic student of history.



NOTES:

[1] Milman, Lat. Christ. vii. 395.

[2] Gardiner, The Puritan Revolution, p. 12.

[3] Green, History of the English People, iii. 47.

[4] Steele's Life of Brewster, p. 161.

[5] Gardiner, Puritan Revolution, p. 50.

[6] It is now 204 years since a battle has been fought in England. The last was Sedgmoor in 1685. For four centuries, since Bosworth, in 1485, the English people have lived in peace in their own homes, except for the brief episode of the Great Rebellion, and Monmouth's slight affair. This long peace, unparalleled in history, has powerfully influenced the English and American character for good. Since the Middle Ages most English warfare has been warfare at a distance, and that does not nourish the brutal passions in the way that warfare at home does. An instructive result is to be seen in the mildness of temper which characterized the conduct of our stupendous Civil War. Nothing like it was ever seen before.

[7] Picton's Cromwell, pp. 61, 67; Gardiner, Puritan Revolution, p. 72.

[8] Quincy, History of Harvard University, ii. 654.

[9] C.F. Adams, Sir Christopher Gardiner, Knight, p. 31.

[10] The compact drawn up in the Mayflower's cabin was not, in the strict sense a constitution, which is a document defining and limiting the functions of government. Magna Charta partook of the nature of a written constitution, as far as it went, but it did not create a government.

[11] See Johnston's Connecticut, p. 321, a very brilliant book.

[12] See the passionate exclamation of Endicott, below, p. 190.

[13] Excursions of an Evolutionist: pp. 250, 255.

[14] A glimmer of light upon Gorton may be got from reading the title-page of one of his books: "AN INCORRUPTIBLE KEY, composed of the CX PSALME, wherewith you may open the Rest of the Holy Scriptures; Turning itself only according to the Composure and Art of that Lock, of the Closure and Secresie of that great Mystery of God manifest in the Flesh, but justified only by the Spirit, which it evidently openeth and revealeth, out of Fall and Resurrection, Sin and Righteousness, Ascension and Descension, Height and Depth, First and Last, Beginning and Ending, Flesh and Spirit, Wisdome and Foolishnesse, Strength and Weakness, Mortality and Immortality, Jew and Gentile, Light and Darknesse, Unity and Multiplication, Fruitfulness and Barrenness, Curse and Blessing, Man and Woman, Kingdom and Priesthood, Heaven and Earth, Allsufficiency and Deficiency, God and Man. And out of every Unity made up of twaine, it openeth that great two-leafed Gate, which is the sole Entrie into the City of God, of New Jerusalem, into which none but the King of glory can enter; and as that Porter openeth the Doore of the Sheepfold, by which whosoever entreth is the Shepheard of the Sheep; See Isa. 45. 1. Psal. 24. 7, 8, 9, 10. John 10. 1, 2, 3; Or, (according to the Signification of the Word translated Psalme,) it is a Pruning-Knife, to lop off from the Church of Christ all superfluous Twigs of earthly and carnal Commandments, Leviticall Services or Ministery, and fading and vanishing Priests, or Ministers, who are taken away and cease, and are not established and confirmed by Death, as holding no Correspondency with the princely Dignity, Office, and Ministry of our Melchisedek, who is the only Minister and Ministry of the Sanctuary, and of that true Tabernacle which the Lord pitcht, and not Man. For it supplants the Old Man, and implants the New; abrogates the Old Testament or Covenant, and confirms the New, unto a thousand Generations, or in Generations forever. By Samuel Gorton, Gent., and at the time of penning hereof, in the Place of Judicature (upon Aquethneck, alias Road Island) of Providence Plantations in the Nanhyganset Bay, New England. Printed in the Yeere 1647."

[15] Father of Benedict Arnold, afterward governor of Rhode Island, and owner of the stone windmill (apparently copied from one in Chesterton, Warwickshire) which was formerly supposed by some antiquarians to be a vestige of the Northmen. Governor Benedict Arnold was great-grandfather of the traitor.

[16] Gorton, Simplicitie's Defence against Seven-headed Policy, p. 88.

[17] De Forest, History of the Indians of Connecticut, Hartford, 1850, p. 198.

[18] Doyle, Puritan Colonies, i. 324.

[19] See below, p. 222, note.

[20] See my Excursions of an Evolutionist, pp. 239-242, 250-255, 286-289.

[21] Gorton's life at Warwick, after all these troubles, seems to have been quiet and happy. He died in 1677 at a great age. In 1771 Dr. Ezra Stiles visited, in Providence, his last surviving disciple, born in 1691. This old man said that Gorton wrote in heaven, and none can understand his books except those who live in heaven while on earth.

[22] Doyle, Puritan Colonies,: i. 369.

[23] Doyle, i.: 372.

[24] Milman, Latin Christianity, vii. 390.

[25] Doyle, ii. 133, 134; Rhode Island Records, i. 377, 378.

[26] Colonial Laws of Massachusetts, pp. 14-16; Levermore's Republic of New Haven, p. 153.

[27] See my remarks above, p. 145.

[28] The daring passage in the sermon is thus given in Bacon's Historical Discourses, New Haven, 1838: "Withhold not countenance, entertainment, and protection from the people of God—whom men may call fools and fanatics—if any such come to you from other countries, as from France or England, or any other place. Be not forgetful to entertain strangers. Remember those that are in bonds, as bound with them. The Lord required this of Moab, saying, 'Make thy shadow as the night in the midst of the noonday; hide the outcasts; bewray not him that wandereth. Let mine outcasts dwell with thee, Moab; be thou a covert to them from the face of the spoiler.' Is it objected—'But so I may expose myself to be spoiled or troubled'? He, therefore, to remove this objection, addeth, 'For the extortioner is at an end, the spoiler ceaseth, the oppressors are consumed out of the land.' While we are attending to our duty in owning and harbouring Christ's witnesses, God will be providing for their and our safety, by destroying those that would destroy his people."

[29] Palfrey, History of New England, in. 138-140.

[30] See Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, i. 80-85.

[31] De Forest, History of the Indians of Connecticut, pp. 252, 257.

[32] The story rests chiefly upon the statements of Hutchinson, an extremely careful and judicious writer, and not in the least what the French call a gobemouche. Goffe kept a diary which came into Hutchinson's possession, and was one of the priceless manuscripts that perished in the infamous sacking of his house by the Boston mob of August 26, 1765. What light that diary might have thrown upon the matter can never be known. Hutchinson was born in 1711, only thirty-six years after the event, so that his testimony is not so very far removed from that of a contemporary. Whalley seems to have died in Hadley shortly before 1675, and Goffe deemed it prudent to leave that neighbourhood in 1676. His letters to Increase Mather are dated from "Ebenezer," i. e., wherever in his roamings he set up his Ebenezer. One of these letters, dated September 8, 1676, shows that his Ebenezer was then set up in Hartford, where probably he died about 1679 In 1676 the arrival of Edward Randolph (see below, p. 256) renewed the peril of the regicide judge, and his sudden removal from his skilfully contrived hiding-place at Hadley might possibly have been due to his having exposed himself to recognition in the Indian fight. Possibly even the supernatural explanation might have been started, with a touch of Yankee humour, as a blind. The silence of Mather and Hubbard was no more remarkable than some of the other ingenious incidents which had so long served to conceal the existence of this sturdy and crafty man. The reasons for doubting the story are best stated by Mr. George Sheldon of Deerfield, in Hist.-Genealogical Register, October, 1874.

[33] If Philip was half the diplomatist that he is represented in tradition, he never would have gone into such a war without assurance of Narragansett help. Canonchet was a far more powerful sachem than Philip, and played a more conspicuous part in the war. May we not suppose that Canonchet's desire to avenge his father's death was one of the principal incentives to the war; that Philip's attack upon Swanzey was a premature explosion; and that Canonchet then watched the course of events for a while before making up his mind whether to abandon Philip or support him?

[34] A wretched little werewolf who some few years ago, being then a lad of fourteen or fifteen years, most cruelly murdered two or three young children, just to amuse himself with their dying agonies. The misdirected "humanitarianism," which in our country makes every murderer an object of popular sympathy, prevailed to save this creature from the gallows. Massachusetts has lately witnessed a similar instance of misplaced clemency in the case of a vile woman who had poisoned eight or ten persons, including some of her own children, in order to profit by their life insurance. Such instances help to explain the prolonged vitality of "Judge Lynch," and sometimes almost make one regret the days in old England when William Probert, after escaping in 1824 as "king's evidence," from the Thurtell affair, got caught and hanged within a twelvemonth for horse-stealing. Any one who wishes to study the results of allowing criminality to survive and propagate itself should read Dugdale's The Jukes; Hereditary Crime, New York, 1877.

[35] Weeden, Indian Money as a Factor in New England Civilization, Johns Hopkins University Studies, II. viii., ix. p. 30.

[36] Doyle, ii. 253.

[37] Doyle, Puritan Colonies, ii. 254.

[38] The quotation is from an unpublished letter of Rev. Robert Ratcliffe to the Bishop of London, cited in an able article in the Boston Herald, January 4, 1888. I have not seen the letter.

[39] Doyle, Puritan Colonies, ii. 379, 380.

THE END