To insert the criminal statistics of the remaining slave states in detail, as those of the states already considered have been presented, would, we find, fill more space than can well be spared. Instead of this, we propose to exhibit the state of society in all the slaveholding region bordering on the Atlantic, by the testimony of the slaveholders themselves, corroborated by a few plain facts. Leaving out of view Florida, where law is the most powerless, and Maryland where probably it is the least so, we propose to select as a fair illustration of the actual state of society in the Atlantic slaveholding regions, North Carolina whose border is but 250 miles from the free states of Pennsylvania and New Jersey, and Georgia which constitutes its south western boundary.

We will begin with GEORGIA. This state was settled more than a century ago by a colony under General Oglethorpe. The colony was memorable for its high toned morality. One of its first regulations was an absolute prohibition of slavery in every form: but another generation arose, the prohibition was abolished, a multitude of slaves were imported, the exercise of unlimited power over them lashed up passion to the spurning of all control, and now the dreadful state of society that exists in Georgia, is revealed by the following testimony out of her own mouth.

The editor of the Darien (Georgia) Telegraph, in his paper of November 6, 1838, published the following.

"Murderous Attack.—Between the hours of three and four o'clock, on Saturday last, the editor of this paper was attacked by FOURTEEN armed ruffians, and knocked down by repeated blows of bludgeons. All his assailants were armed with pistols, dirks, and large clubs. Many of them are known to us; but there is neither law nor justice to be had in Darien! We are doomed to death by the employers of the assassins who attacked us on Saturday, and no less than our blood will satisfy them. The cause alleged for this unmanly, base, cowardly outrage, is some expressions which occurred in an election squib, printed at this office, and extensively circulated through the county, before the election. The names of those who surrounded us, when the attack was made, are, A. Lefils, jr. (son to the representative), Madison Thomas, Francis Harrison, Thomas Hopkins, Alexander Blue, George Wing, James Eilands, W.I. Perkins, A.J. Raymur: the others we cannot at present recollect. The two first, LEFILS and THOMAS struck us at the same time. Pistols were levelled at us in all directions. We can produce the most respectable testimony of the truth of this statement."

The same number of the "Darien Telegraph," from which the preceding is taken, contains a correspondence between six individuals, settling the preliminaries of duels. The correspondence fills, with the exception of a dozen lines, five columns of the paper. The parties were Col. W. Whig Hazzard, commander of one of the Georgia regiments in the recent Seminole campaign, Dr. T.F. Hazzard, a physician of St. Simons, and Thomas Hazzard, Esq. a county magistrate, on the one side, and Messrs. J.A. Willey, A.W. Willey, and H.B. Gould, Esqs. of Darien, on the other. In their published correspondence the parties call each other "liar," "mean rascal," "puppy," "villain," &c.

The magistrate, Thomas Hazzard, who accepts the challenge of J.A. Willey, says, in one of his letters, "Being a magistrate, under a solemn oath to do all in my power to keep the peace," &c., and yet this personification of Georgia justice superscribes his letter as follows: "To the Liar, Puppy, Fool, and Poltroon, Mr. John A. Willey" The magistrate closes his letter thus:

"Here I am; call upon me for personal satisfaction (in propria forma); and in the Farm Field, on St. Simon's Island, (Deo juvante,) I will give you a full front of my body, and do all in my power to satisfy your thirst for blood! And more, I will wager you $100, to be planked on the scratch! that J.A. Willey will neither kill or defeat T.F. Hazzard."

The following extract from the correspondence is a sufficient index of slaveholding civilization.

"ARTICLES OF BATTLE BETWEEN JOHN A. WILLEY AND W. WHIG HAZZARD.

"Condition 1. The parties to fight on the same day, and at the same place, (St. Simon's beach, near the lighthouse,) where the meeting between T.F. Hazzard and J.A. Willey will take place.

"Condition 2. The parties to fight with broad-swords in the right hand, and a dirk in the left.

"Condition 3. On the word "Charge," the parties to advance, and attack with the broadsword, or close with the dirk.

"Condition 4. THE HEAD OF THE VANQUISHED TO BE CUT OFF BY THE VICTOR, AND STUCK UPON A POLE ON THE FARM FIELD DAM, the original cause of dispute.

"Condition 5. Neither party to object to each other's weapons; and if a sword breaks, the contest to continue with the dirk.

"This Col. W. Whig Hazzard is one of the most prominent citizens in the southern part of Georgia, and previously signalized himself, as we learn from one of the letters in the correspondence, by "three deliberate rounds in a duel."

The Macon (Georgia) Telegraph of October 9, 1838, contains the following notice of two affrays in that place, in each of which an individual was killed, one on Tuesday and the other on Saturday of the same week. In publishing the case, the Macon editor remarks:

"We are compelled to remark on the inefficiency of our laws in bringing to the bar of public justice, persons committing capital offences. Under the present mode, a man has nothing more to do than to leave the state, or step over to Texas, or some other place not farther off, and he need entertain no fear of being apprehended. So long as such a state of things is permitted to exist, just so long will every man who has an enemy (and there are but few who have not) be in constant danger of being shot down in the streets."

To these remarks of the Macon editor, who is in the centre of the state, near the capital, the editor of the Darien Telegraph, two hundred miles distant, responds as follows, in his paper of October 30. 1838.

"The remarks of our contemporary are not without cause. They apply, with peculiar force, to this community. Murderers and rioters will never stand in need of a sanctuary as long as Darien is what it is."

It is a coincidence which carries a comment with it, that in less than a week after this Darien editor made these remarks, he was attacked in the street by "fourteen gentlemen" armed with bludgeons, knives, dirks, pistols, &c., and would doubtless have been butchered on the spot if he had not been rescued.

We give the following statement at length as the chief perpetrator of the outrages, Col. W.N. Bishop, was at the time a high functionary of the State of Georgia, and, as we learn from the Macon Messenger, still holds two public offices in the State, one of them from the direct appointment of the governor.

From the "Georgia Messenger" of August 25, 1837.

"During the administration of WILSON LUMPKIN, WILLIAM N. BISHOP received from his Excellency the appointment of Indian Agent, in the place of William Springer. During that year (1834,) the said governor gave the command of a company of men, 40 in number, to the said W.N. Bishop, to be selected by him, and armed with the muskets of the State. This band was organized for the special purpose of keeping the Cherokees in subjection, and although it is a notorious fact that the Cherokees in the neighborhood of Spring Place were peaceable and by no means refractory, the said band were kept there, and seldom made any excursion whatever out of the county of Murray. It is also a notorious fact, that the said band, from the day of their organization, never permitted a citizen of Murray county opposed to the dominant party of Georgia, to exercise the right of suffrage at any election whatever. From that period to the last of January election, the said band appeared at the polls with the arms of the State, rejecting every vote that "was not of the true stripe," as they called it. That they frequently seized and dragged to the polls honest citizens, and compelled them to vote contrary to their will.

"Such acts of arbitrary despotism were tolerated by the administration. Appeals from the citizens of Murray county brought them no relief—and incensed at such outrages, they determined on the first Monday in January last, to turn out and elect such Judges of the Inferior Court and county officers, as would be above the control of Bishop, that he might thereby be prevented from packing such a jury as he chose to try him for his brutal and unconstitutional outrages on their rights. Accordingly on Sunday evening previous to the election, about twenty citizens who lived a distance from the county site, came in unarmed and unprepared for battle, intending to remain in town, vote in the morning and return home. They were met by Bishop and his State band, and asked by the former 'whether they were for peace or war.' They unanimously responded, "we are for peace:' At that moment Bishop ordered a fire, and instantly every musket of his band was discharged on those citizens, 5 of whom were wounded, and others escaped with bullet holes in their clothes. Not satisfied with the outrage, they dragged an aged man from his wagon and beat him nearly to death.

"In this way the voters were driven from Spring Place, and before day light the next morning, the polls were opened by order of Bishop, and soon after sun rise they were closed; Bishop having ascertained that the band and Schley men had all voted. A runner was then dispatched to Milledgeville, and received from Governor Schley commissions for those self-made officers of Bishop's, two of whom have since runaway, and the rest have been called on by the citizens of the county to resign, being each members of Bishop's band, and doubtless runaways from other States.

"After these outrages, Bishop apprehending an appeal to the judiciary on the part of the injured citizens of Murray county, had a jury drawn to suit him and appointed one of his band Clerk of the Superior Court. For these acts, the Governor and officers of the Central Bank rewarded him with an office in the Bank of the State, since which his own jury found eleven true bills against him."

In the Milledgeville Federal Union of May 2, 1837, we find the following presentment of the Grand Jury of Union County, Georgia, which as it shows some relics of a moral sense, still lingering in the state we insert.

Presentment of the Grand Jury of Union Co., March term, 1837.

"We would notice, as a subject of painful interest, the appointment of Wm. N. Bishop to the high and responsible office of Teller, of the Central Bank of the State of Georgia—an institution of such magnitude as to merit and demand the most unslumbering vigilance of the freemen of this State; as a portion of whom, we feel bound to express our indignant reprehension of the promotion of such a character to one of its most responsible posts—and do exceedingly regret the blindness or depravity of those who can sanction such a measure.

"We request that our presentment be published in the Miners' Recorder and Federal Union.

JOHN MARTIN, Foreman"

On motion of Henry L. Sims, Solicitor General, "Ordered by the court, that the presentments of the Grand Jury, be published according to their request." THOMAS HENRY, Clerk.

The same paper, four weeks after publishing the preceding facts, contained the following: we give it in detail as the wretch who enacted the tragedy was another public functionary of the state of Georgia and acting in an official capacity.

"MURDER.—One of the most brutal and inhuman murders it has ever fallen to our lot to notice, was lately committed in Cherokee county, by Julius Bates, the son of the principal keeper of the Penitentiary, upon an Indian.

"The circumstances as detailed to us by the most respectable men of both parties, are these. At the last Superior Court of Cass county, the unfortunate Indian was sentenced to the Penitentiary. Bates, as one of the Penitentiary guard, was sent with another to carry him and others, from other counties to Milledgeville. He started from Cassville with the Indian ironed and bare footed; and walked him within a quarter of a mile of Canton, the C.H. in Cherokee, a distance of twenty-eight to thirty miles, over a very rough road in little more than half the day. On arriving at a small creek near town, the Indian [who had walked until the soles of his feet were off and those of his heel turned back,] made signs to get water, Bates refused to let him, and ordered him to go on: the Indian stopped and finally set down, whereupon Bates dismounted and gathering a pine knot, commenced and continued beating him and jirking him by a chain around his neck, until the citizens of the village were drawn there by the severity of the blows. The unfortunate creature was taken up to town and died in a few hours.

"An inquest was held, and the jury found a verdict of murder by Bates. A warrant was issued, but Bates had departed that morning in charge of other prisoners taken from Canton, and the worthy officers of the county desisted from his pursuit, 'because they apprehended he had passed the limits of the county.' We understand that the warrant was immediately sent to the Governor to have him arrested. Will it be done? We shall see."

Having devoted so much space to a revelation of the state of society among the slaveholders of Georgia, we will tax the reader's patience with only a single illustration of the public sentiment—the degree of actual legal protection enjoyed in the state of North Carolina.

North Carolina was settled about two centuries ago; its present white population is about five hundred thousand.

Passing by the murders, affrays, &c. with which the North Carolina papers abound, we insert the following as an illustration of the public sentiment of North Carolina among 'gentlemen of property and standing.'

The 'North Carolina Literary and Commercial Journal,' of January 20, 1838, published at Elizabeth City, devotes a column and a half to a description of the lynching, tarring, feathering, ducking, riding on a rail, pumping, &c., of a Mr. Charles Fife, a merchant of that city, for the crime of 'trading with negroes.' The editor informs us that this exploit of vandalism was performed very deliberately, at mid-day, and by a number of the citizens, 'THE MOST RESPECTABLE IN THE CITY,' &c. We proceed to give the reader an abridgement of the editor's statement in his own words.—

"Such being the case, a number of the citizens, THE MOST RESPECTABLE IN THIS CITY, collected, about ten days since, and after putting the fellow on a rail, carried him through town with a duck and chicken tied to him. He was taken down to the water and his head tarred and feathered; and when they returned he was put under a pump, where for a few minutes he underwent a little cooling. He was then told that he must leave town by the next Saturday—if he did not he would be visited again, and treated more in accordance with the principles of the laws of Judge Lynch.

"On Saturday last, he was again visited, and as Fife had several of his friends to assist him, some little scuffle ensued, when several were knocked down, but nothing serious occurred. Fife was again mounted on a rail and brought into town, but as he promised if they would not trouble him he would leave town in a few days, he was set at liberty. Several of our magistrates took no notice of the affair, and rather seemed to tacitly acquiesce in the proceedings. The whole subject every one supposed was ended, as Fife was to leave in a few days, when WHAT WAS OUR ASTONISHMENT to hear that Mr. Charles R. Kinney had visited Fife, advised him not to leave, and actually took upon himself to examine witnesses, and came before the public as the defender of Fife. The consequence was, that all the rioters were summoned by the Sheriff to appear in the Court House and give bail for their appearance at our next court. On Monday last the court opened at 12 o'clock, Judge Bailey presiding. Such an excitement we never witnessed before in our town. A great many witnesses were examined, which proved the character of Fife beyond a doubt. At one time rather serious consequences were apprehended—high words were spoken, and luckily a blow which was aimed at Mr. Kinney, was parried off, and we are happy to say the court adjourned after ample securities being given. The next day Fife was taken to jail for trading with negroes, but has since been released on paying $100. The interference of Mr. Kinney was wholly unnecessary; it was an assumption on his part which properly belonged to our magistrates. Fife had agreed to go away, and the matter would have been amicably settled but for him. We have no unfriendly feelings towards Mr. Kinney: no personal animosities to gratify: we have always considered him as one of our best lawyers. But when he comes forth as the supporter of such a fellow as Fife, under the plea that the laws have been violated—when he arraigns the acts of thirty of the inhabitants of this place, it is high time for him to reflect seriously on the consequences. The Penitentiary system is the result of the refinement of the eighteenth century. As man advances in the sciences, in the arts, in the intercourse of social and civilized life, in the same proportion does crime and vice keep an equal pace, and always makes demands on the wisdom of legislators. Now, what is the Lynch law but the Penitentiary system carried out to its full extent, with a little more steam power? or more properly, it is simply thus: There are some scoundrels in society on whom the laws take no effect; the most expeditious and short way is to let a majority decide and give them JUSTICE."

Let the reader notice, 1st, that this outrage was perpetrated with great deliberation, and after it was over, the victim was commanded to leave town by the next week: when that cooling interval had passed, the outrage was again deliberately repeated. 2d. It was perpetrated by "thirty persons,' "the most respectable in the city." 3d. That at the second lynching of Fife, several of his neighbors who had gathered to defend him, (seeing that all the legal officers in the city had refused to do it, thus violating their oaths of office,) were knocked down, to which the editor adds, with the business air of a professional butcher, "nothing serious occurred!" 4th. That not a single magistrate in the city took the least notice either of the barbarities inflicted upon Fife, or of the assaults upon his friends, knocking them down, &c., but, as the editor informs us, all "seemed to acquiesce in the proceedings." 5th. That this conduct of the magistrates was well pleasing to the great mass of the citizens, is plain, from the remark of the editor that "every one supposed that the whole subject was ended," and from his wondering exclamation, "WHAT WAS OUR ASTONISHMENT to hear that Mr. C.R. Kinney had actually took upon him to examine witnesses," &c., and also from the editor's declaration, "Such an excitement we never before witnessed in our town." Excitement at what? Not because the laws had been most impiously trampled down at noon-day by a conspiracy of thirty persons, "the most respectable in the city;" not because a citizen had been twice seized and publicly tortured for hours, without trial, and in utter defiance of all authority; nay, verily! this was all complacently acquiesced in; but because in this slaveholding Sodom there was found a solitary Lot who dared to uplift his voice for law and the right of trial by jury; this crime stirred up such an uproar in that city of "most respectable" lynchers as was "never witnessed before," and the noble lawyer who thus put every thing at stake in invoking the majesty of law, would, it seems, have been knocked down, even in the presence of the Court, if the blow had not been "parried." 6th. Mark the murderous threat of the editor—when he arraigns the acts," (no matter how murderous) "of thirty citizens of this place, it is high time for him to reflect seriously on the consequences." 7th. The open advocacy of "Lynch law" by a set argument, boldly setting it above all codes, with which the editor closes his article, reveals a public sentiment in the community which shows, that in North Carolina, though society may still rally under the flag of civilization, and insist on wrapping itself in its folds, barbarism is none the less so in a stolen livery, and savages are savages still, though tricked out with the gauze and tinsel of the stars and stripes.

It may be stated, in conclusion, that the North Carolina "Literary and Commercial Journal," from which the article is taken, is a large six-columned paper, edited by F.S. Proctor, Esq., a graduate of a University, and of considerable literary note in the South.

Having drawn out this topic to so great a length, we waive all comments, and only say to the reader, in conclusion, ponder these things, and lay it to heart, that slaveholding "is justified of her children." Verily, they have their reward! "With what measure ye mete withal it shall be measured to you again." Those who combine to trample on others, will trample on each other. The habit of trampling upon one, begets a state of mind that will trample upon all. Accustomed to wreak their vengeance on their slaves, indulgence of passion becomes with slaveholders a second law of nature, and, when excited even by their equals, their hot blood brooks neither restraint nor delay; gratification is the first thought—prudence generally comes too late, and the slaves see their masters fall a prey to each other, the victims of those very passions which have been engendered and infuriated by the practice of arbitrary rule over them. Surely it need not be added, that those who thus tread down their equals, must trample as in a wine-press their defenceless vassals. If, when in passion, they seize those who are on their own level, and dash them under their feet, with what a crushing vengeance will they leap upon those who are always under their feet?

* * * * *

FOOTNOTES.



Footnote 39: A few years since Mr. Bourne published a work entitled, "Picture of slavery in the United States." In which he describes a variety of horrid atrocities perpetrated upon slaves; such as brutal scourging and lacerations with the application of pepper, mustard, salt, vinegar, &c., to the bleeding gashes; also maimings, cat-haulings, burnings, and other tortures similar to hundreds described on the preceeding pages. These descriptions of Mr. Bourne were, at that time, thought by multitudes incredible, and probably, even by some abolitionists, who had never given much reflection to the subject. We are happy to furnish the reader with the following testimony of a Virginia slaveholder to the accuracy of Mr. Bourne's delineations. Especially as this slaveholder is a native of one of the counties (Culpepper) near to which the atrocities described by Mr. B. were committed.

Testimony of Mr. WILLIAM HANSBOROUGH, of Culpepper, County, Virginia, the "owner" of sixty slaves, to Mr. Bourne's "Picture or Slavery" as a true delineation.

Lindley Coates, of Lancaster Co., Pa., a well known member of the Society of Friends, and a member of the late Pennsylvania Convention for revising, the Constitution of the State, in a letter now before us, describing a recent interview between him and Mr. Hansborough, of several days continuance, says,—"I handed him Bourne's Picture of slavery to read: after reading it, he said, that all of the sufferings of slaves therein related, were true delineations, and that he had seen all those modes of torture himself."

Footnote 40: The following is Mr. Stevenson's disclaimer: It was published in the 'London Mail,' Oct 30, 1838.

To the Editor of the Evening Mail:

Sir—I did not see until my return from Scotland the note addressed by Mr. O'Connell, to the editor of the Chronicle, purporting to give an explanation of the correspondence which has passed between us, and which I deemed it proper to make public. I do not intend to be drawn into any discussion of the subject of domestic slavery as it exists in the United States, nor to give any explanation of the motives or circumstances under which I have acted.

Disposed to regard Mr. O'Connell as a man of honor. I was induced to take the course I did; whether justifiable or not, the world will now decide. The tone and report of his last note (in which he disavows responsibility for any thing he may say) precludes any further notice from me, than to say that the charge which he has thought proper again to repeat, of my being a breeder of slaves for sale and traffick, is wholly destitute of truth; and that I am warranted in believing it has been made by him without the slightest authority. SUCH, TOO, I VENTURE TO SAY, IS THE CASE IN RELATION TO HIS CHARGE OF SLAVE-BREEDING IN VIRGINIA.

I make this declaration, not because I admit Mr. O'Connell's right to call for it, but to prevent my silence from being misinterpreted.

A. STEVENSON

23 Portland Place, Oct. 29

Footnote 41: Mr. WISE said in one of his speeches during the last session of Congress, that he was obliged to go armed for the protection of his life in Washington. It could not have been for fear of Northern men.

Footnote 42: A correspondent of the "Frederick Herald," writing from Little Rock, says, "Anthony's knife was about twenty-eight inches in length. They all carry knives here, or pistols. There are several kinds of knives in use—a narrow blade, and about twelve inches long, is called an 'Arkansas tooth-pick.'"

Footnote 43: Bishop Smith of Kentucky, in his testimony respecting homicides, which is quoted on a preceding pages, thus speaks of the influence of slave-holding, as an exciting cause.

"Are not some of the indirect influences of a system, the existence of which amongst us can never be sufficiently deplored, discoverable in these affrays? Are not our young men more heady, violent and imperious in consequence of their early habits of command? And are not our taverns and other public places of resort, much more crowded with an inflammable material, than if young men were brought up in the staid and frugal habits of those who are constrained to earn their bread by the sweat of their brow? * * * Is not intemperance more social, more inflammatory, more pugnacious where a fancied superiority of gentlemanly character is felt in consequence of exemption from severe manual labor? Is there ever stabbing where there is not idleness and strong drink?"

The Bishop also gives the following as another exciting cause; it is however only the product of the preceding.

"Has not a public sentiment which we hear characterized as singularly high-minded and honorable, and sensitively alive to every affront, whether real or imaginary, but which strangers denominate rough and ferocious, much to do in provoking these assaults, and then in applauding instead of punishing the offender."

The Bishop says of the young men of Kentucky, that they "grow up proud, impetuous, and reckless of all responsibility;" and adds, that the practice of carrying deadly weapons is with them "NEARLY UNIVERSAL."

* * * * *

INDEX.

* * * * *

To facilitate the use of the Index, some of the more common topics are arranged under one general title. Thus all the volumes which are cited are classed under the word, BOOKS; and to that head reference must be made. The same plan has been adopted concerning Female Slave-Drivers, Laws, Narratives, Overseers, Runaways, Slaveholders, Slave-Murderers, Slave-Plantations, Slaves, Female and Male, Testimony and Witnesses. Therefore, with a few emphatical exceptions only, the facts will be found, by recurring to the prominent person or subject which any circumstance includes. All other miscellaneous articles will be discovered in alphabetical order.

* * * * *

A.

Absolute power of slaveholders Absurdity of slaveholding pretexts Abuse of power Acclimated slaves Adrian Adultery in a preacher's house Advertisement for slaves Advertisement for slaves to hire Advertisements Affray African slave-trade Aged slaves uncommon Alabama Alexander the tyrant Allowance of provisions Amalgamation American Colonization Society "Amiable and touching charity!" Amusements of slave-drivers Animals and slaves, usage of, contrasted Antioch, massacre at "Arbitrary," Arbitrary power, cruelty of " " pernicious Ardor in betting Arius Arkansas Atlantic Slaveholding Region Auctioneers of slaves Auctions for slaves Augustine Aurelius Aversion between the oppressor and the slave

B.

Babbling of slaveholders Backs of slaves carded " " putrid "Ball and chain" men Baptist preachers Battles in Congress Beating a woman's face with shoes Bedaubing of slaves with oil and tar Begetting slaves for pay "Bend your backs" Benevolence of slaveholders Betting on crops " slaves Beware of Kidnappers Bibles searched for Blind slaves Blocks with sharp pegs and nails Blood-bought luxuries Bodley, H.S. Bones dislocated

BOOKS.

African Observer American Convention, minutes of " Museum " State Papers Andrews' Slavery and the Slave Trade Bay's Reports Benezet's Caution to Britain and her Colonies Blackstone's Commentaries, by Tucker Book and Slavery irreconcilable Bourgoing's Spain Bourne's Picture of Slavery Brevard's Digest of the Laws of South Carolina Brewster's Exposition of Slave Treatment Buchanan's Oration Carey's American Museum Carolina, History of Channing on Slavery Charity, "amiable and touching!" Childs' Appeal Civil Code of Louisiana Clay's Address to Georgia Presbytery Colonization Society's Reports Cornelius Elias, Life of Davis's Travels in Louisiana Debates in Virginia Convention Devereux's North Carolina Reports Dew's Review of Debates in the Virginia Legislature Edwards' Sermon Emancipation in the West Indies Emigrant's Guide through the Valley of Mississippi Gales' Congressional Debates Harris and Johnson's Reports Haywood's Manual Hill's reports Human Rights James' Digest Jefferson's Notes Josephus' History Justinian, Institutes of Kennet's Roman Antiquities Laponneray's Life of Robespierre Law of Slavery Laws of United States Leland's necessity of Divine Revelation Letters from the South, by J.K. Paulding Life of Elias Cornelius Louisiana, civil code of " , sketches of Martineau's Harriet, Society in America Martin's Digest of the laws of Louisiana Maryland laws of Mead's Journal Mississippi Revised Code Missouri Laws Modern state of Spain by J.F. Bourgoing Montesquieu's Spirit of Laws Necessity of Divine Revelation Niles' Baltimore Register North Carolina Reports by Devereaux Oasis Parrish's remarks on slavery Paulding's letters from the South Paxton's letters on slavery Presbyterian Synod, Report of Picture of slavery Prince's Digest Prison Discipline Society, reports of Rankin's Letters Reed and Matheson's visit to Am. churches Review of Nevins' Biblical Antiquities Rice, speech of in Kentucky convention Robespierre, Life of Robin's travels Roman Antiquities Slavery's Journal Slavery and the Slave Trade Society in America Sewall's Diary South Carolina, Laws of South vindicated by Drayton Spirit of Laws Swain's address Stroud's Sketch of the Slave Laws Taylor's Agricultural Essays Travels in Louisiana Tucker's Blackstone Tucker's Judge, Letter Turner's Sacred History of the world Virginia Legislature, Review of Debates in " , Revised Code " , Negro-raising state Visit to American churches Western Medical Journal Western Medical Reformer Western Review Wheeler's Law of slavery Wirt's Life of Patrick Henry Woolman John, Life of

Books of slaves stolen Borrowing of slaves Bourne, George, anecdote of Boy killed Boys' fight to amuse their drivers Bowie Knives Boys' retort Brandings Branding with hot iron Brasses "Breeders" Breeding of slaves prevented "Breeding wenches" " " comparative value of Bribes for begetting slaves Brick-yards "Broken-winded" slaves Brutality to slaves Brutes and slaves treated alike Burial of slaves Burning of McIntosh Burning slaves Burning with hot iron Burning with smoothing irons Butchery

C.

Cabins of slaves Cachexia Africana Caligula Can't believe Capital Crimes Captain in the U.S. navy, tried for murder Carding of Slaves Cat-hauling Cato the Just Causes of the laws punishing cruelty to slaves Chained slave Chains Changes in the market Character of Overseers " Romans " Slave-drivers Charleston " Infirmary at " Jail " Slave auctions " Surgery at " Work-house Chastity punished Child-bearing prevented Childbirth of slaves Childhood unprotected Children flogged " naked Choking of slaves Chopping of slaves piecemeal Christian females tortured " martyr " slave-hunting " slave-murderer Christian, slave whipped to death Christians, persecutions of " slavery among " treat their slaves like others Christian woman kidnapped Chronic diseases Churches, abuse of power in Church members "Citizens sold as slaves" Civilization and morality Clarkson, Thomas Claudius Clemens Clothing for slaves Cock-fighting Code of Louisiana Collars of iron Columbia, district of " fatal affray at Comfort of slaves disregarded Commodus Concubinage Condemned criminals Condition of slaves Confinement at night Congress of the United States " a bear garden Connecticut, law of, against Quakers Constables, character of Constantine the Great Contempt of human life Contrasts of benevolence Conversation between C. and H Converted slave Cooking for slaves Correction moderate Corrupting influence of slavery Cotton-picking Cotton-plantations Cotton seed mixed with corn for food Council of Nice Courts, decrees of Cowhides, with shovel and tongs Crack of the whip heard afar off Crimes of slaves, capital Criminals condemned Cringing of Northern Preachers Cropping of ears Crops for exportation Cruelties, common " inflicted upon slaves " of Cortez in Mexico " Ovando in Hispaniola " Pizarro in Peru " of slave-drivers incredible Cruel treatment of slaves the masters' interest Cultivation of rice Cutting of A.T. s throat by a Presbyterian woman

D.

D'Almeydra, Donna Sophia Damaged negroes bought Darlington C.H., South Carolina Dauphin Island, Mobile Bay "Dead or Alive" Dead slave claimed Deaf slaves Death at child birth Death-bed, horrors of a slave driver Death by violence, Death of a slave murderer Decrees of Courts Decisions, judicial Declarations of slaveholders Deformed slaves Delivery of a dead child from whipping Description of slave drivers, by John Randolph Despair of slaves Desperate affray "Despot" "Dimensum" of Roman slaves Diseased slaves Dislocation of bones District of Columbia " " prisons in Ditty of slaves "Doe-faces"—"Dough-faces" Dogs provided for Dogs to hunt slaves Domestic slavery Domitian Donnell, Rev. Mr. "Dough-faces" "Drivers" Driving of slaves Droves of "human cattle" " " slaves Duelling Dumb slaves Dwellings of slaves Dying slave Dying young women

E.

Ear-cropping Early market Ear-notching Ear-slitting Eating tobacco worms Effects of public opinion concerning slavery Emancipation society of North Carolina English ladies and gentlemen Enormities of slave drivers Evenings in the "Negro quarter" Evidence of slaves vs. white persons null Ewall, Merry Examples pleaded in justification of cruelty to slaves Exchange of slaves Exportation of slave from Virginia Eyes struck out

F.

Faith objectors who "can't believe" Fatal rencontre "Fault-finding" Favorite amusements of slaveholders Fear, the only motive of slaves Feast for slaves Feeding insufficient Feeble infants Felonies on account of slavery " perpetrated with impunity Female hypocrite Female slave deranged

FEMALE SLAVE DRIVERS

Burford, Mrs. Carter, Mrs. Elizabeth L. Charleston Charlestown, Va Galway, Mrs. Harris, Mrs. H., Mrs. throat cutter Laurie, Madame La Mallix, Mrs. Mann, Mrs. Mabtin, Mrs. Maxwell, Mrs. McNeil, Mrs. Morgan, Mrs. Newman, Mrs. B. Pence, Mrs. Phinps, Mrs. Professor of religion Ruffner, Mrs. South Carolina Starky, Mrs. Swan, Mrs. Teacher at Charleston T., Mrs. Trip, Mrs. Truby, Mrs Turner, Mrs. Walsh, Sarah

Female slave starved to death " " whipped to death by a Methodist preacher Female stripped by order of her mistress Fetters Field-hands Lighting of boys to amuse their drivers Fine old preacher who dealt in slaves Fingers cut off Flogging for unfinished tasks " of children " pregnant women until they miscarry " slaves " young man Floggings Florida Food, kinds of " of slaves " quality of " quantity of Free citizens stolen Free woman " " kidnapped Frequent murders Friends, memorial of Front-teeth knocked out Fundamental rights destroyed

G.

Gadsden Thomas N. Slave Auctioneer Gagging of slaves Galloway flogging Jo. Gambling on crops Gambling slaveholder Gang of slaves Generosity of slaveholders Georgia Girls' backs burnt with smoothing irons Girls' toe cut off Good treatment of slaves Governor of North Carolina " " Shiraz Grand Jury presentment of, Guiltiness of Slavery Gun shot wounds

H.

Habits of slave-drivers Hampton Wade, murderer of slaves Handcuffs "Hands tied" Hanging of nine slaves Harris Benjamin, slave murderer Head found Head of a runaway slave on a pole Health of slaves Heart of slaveholders Herding of slaves Hilton James, slave murderer Hired slaves Hiring of slaves "Horrible malady" "Horrid butchery" Horrors of a slave-driver at death " " the "middle passage" Horse-racing Horses more cared for than slaves Hospitality of slaveholders Hours of rest " " work Hospital at New Orleans House-slaves Houses of slaves "House-wench" Hovels of slaves Huguenots, persecution of "Human cattle" Human rights against slavery Hunger of slaves Hunter of slaves Hunting men with dogs Hunting of slaves Hunt, Rev. Thomas P. Husband whipping his wife Huts of slaves Hymn-books searched for Hypocrisy of vice

I.

Idiot slaves Ignatius Ignorance of northern citizens of slavery " " slaveholders Impunity of killing slaves Inadequate clothing Income from hiring slaves Incorrigible slaves Incredibility of evidence against slavery Incredulity discreditable to consistency " " " intelligence Indecency of slave-drivers Indiana Legislature, resolutions of Infant drowned Infant slaves Infirmary at Charleston Infliction of pain Inspection of naked slaves Intercession for slaves Interest of slaveholders Introduction Iron collars Iron fetters Iron head-front Israelites in Egypt

J.

Jewish law Joe flogged Jones, Anson, Minister from Texas Judicial decisions

K.

Kentucky " Sunday morning Kicking of slaves Kidnappers Kidnapping Kindness of slaveholders Kinds of food Kind treatment of slaves. Knives, Bowie Knocking out of teeth

L.

Labor, hours of Labor of slaves Ladies Benevolent Society Ladies flog with cowhides Ladies, public opinion known by Ladies use shovel and tongs Law concerning slavery Law-making Laws, Georgia " Louisiana " Maryland " Mississippi " North Carolina " South Carolina " Spirit of " Tennessee " United States " Virginia Law, safeguards of taken from slaves Law suit for a murdered slave, Legal restraints Licentiousness " encouraged by preachers Licentiousness of slavedrivers "Lie down" for whipping, Life in the South-west, Lives of slaves unprotected Lodging of slaves Long, his cruelty 'Loss of property' Louisiana " law of " sketches of, Louis XIV. of France Lovers severed, Lunatic slaves "Lynchings" in the United States Lynch Law,

M.

Maimed slaves Maimings Malady of slaves Manacling of slaves Maniac woman Man sold by a Presbyterian elder Man-stealing paid for Marriage unknown among slaves Martyr for Christ Maryland Journal Maryville Intelligencer Massacre at Antioch " " Thessalonica " " Vicksburg Masters grant no redress to slaves McIntosh, burning of Maximin Meals number of " of slaves "Meat once a year" Mediation for slaves Medical attendance " college of South Carolina " Infirmary at Charleston Medicine administered to slaves Members of churches Memorial of friends Menagerie of slaves Men and women whipped Methodist colored preacher hung, Methodist girl whipped for her chastity Methodist preacher, a slave dealer " " " driver " woman cut off a girl's toe Method of taking meals "Middle passage" Miscarriage of women at the whipping post Mississippi Missouri Mistresses flog slaves Mobile "Moderate correction" Moors, repulsion of Morgan, William Mormons Mothers and babes separated Mothers of slaves Mulatto children in all families Multiplying of slaves Murderers of slaves tried and acquitted Murder of slaves by law " " " bad feeling " " " piece-meal " " every seven years " " frequent " " with impunity Murders in Alabama " " Arkansas

N.

Naked children " "Dave" " females whipped " " inspected " Men and women at work in a field Nakedness of slaves Nantz, edict of 'National slave-market' Natchez Nat Turner 'Negro Head Point 'Negroes for sale 'Negroes taken Nero 'Never lose a day's work' New England, witches of New Orleans " " Hospital New York, thirteen persons burnt at Nice, council of 'Nigger put in the bill' Night-confinement Night at a slaveholder's house Night in slave huts Nine slaves hanged No marriage among slaves North Carolina " " Governor of " " Legislature of " " Kidnappers Northern visitors to the slave states Nothing can disgrace slave-drivers Novel torture Nudity of slaves Nursing of slave-children

O.

Objections considered Ocra, a slave-driver Oiling of a slave Old age uncommon among slaves " " unprotected Old dying slaves "Old settlement" " slaves Oppressor aversion of to his slave Outlawry of slaves Outrageous Felonies on account of slavery " " perpetrated with impunity Overseers, character of " generally armed " no appeal from

OVERSEERS OF SLAVES—

Alabama Alexander killed Bellemont Bellows Blocken's Bradley Cormick's Cruel to a proverb Farr, James Galloway Gibbs Goochland Methodist preacher Milligan's Bend Nowland's Tune Turner's cousin Walker Overworking of slaves Ownership Of human beings destroys their comfort.

P.

"Paddle" torture Paddle whipping Pain, the means of slave drivers "Pancake sticks" Parents and children separated Parlor-slaves Parricide threatened Patrol Pay for begetting mulatto slaves Periodical pressure Persecution of Huguenots Persecution for religion PERSONAL NARRATIVES Philanthropist Philip II. and the Moors Physicians not employed for slaves Physicians of slaves Physician's statement Pig-sties more comfortable than slave-huts Plantations Pleas for cruelty to slaves Ploughs and whips equally common Pliny Poles, Russian clemency to Polycarp "Poor African slave" Portuguese slaves Pothinus Prayer of slaves Praying and slave-whipping in the same room Praying slaves whipped Preacher claims a dead slave Preacher hung Preachers, cringing of Preacher's "hands tied" Preachers silenced Pregnant slaves " " whipped Presbyterian Elders at Lynchburg Presbyterian minister killed his slave Presbyterian slave-trader Presbyterian woman desirious to cut A.T.'s throat Presentment of the Grand Jury at Cheraw Pretexts for slavery absurd Prisons in the District of Columbia Prison slave

PRIVATIONS OF THE SLAVES— Clothing Dwellings Food Kinds of food Labor Number of meals Quality of food Quantity of food Time of meals.

Promiscuous concubinage "Property" " 'loss of' Protection of slaves Protestants in France Provisions, allowance of Public opinion destroys fundamental rights, " " diabolical " " protects the slave Punishment of slaves Punishments Purchasing a wife Puryer "the devil" Putrid backs of slaves

Q.

Quality of food Quantity of food

R.

Race of slaves murdered every seven years Randolph John will of " " description of slavedrivers " " "Doe faces" Rations Rearing of slaves Relaxation, no time for Religious persecutions Respect for woman lost Rest, hours of Restraints, legal Retort of a boy Rhode Island, kidnappers and pirates of Rice plantations Richmond Whig Rio Janeiro slavery at Riot at Natchez Riots in the United States Robespierre Romans Roman slavery Runaways RUNAWAY SLAVES— Advertisements for Baptist man and woman Buried alive Chilton's Converted "Dead or alive" Head on a pole Hung Hunting of Intelligent man Jim Dragon Luke Man buried " dragged by a horse " maimed " murdered " severe punishments of " shot " " by Baptist preacher " taken from jail " tied and driven " to his wife " whipped to death Many, annually shot I Stallard's man White Peter Young woman

S.

Sabbath, a nominal holiday Safeguards of the law taken from slaves Sale of a man by a Presbyterian elder Sale of slaves Savannah, Ga. Savannah slave-hunter Save us from our friends Scarcity, times of Scenes of horror Search for Bibles and Hymn books Secretary of the Navy Separation of slaves Shame unknown among naked slaves Shoes for slaves Sick, treatment of "Six pound paddle," "Slack-jaw," Slave-breeders " breeding Slave-drivers acknowledge their enormities " " character of SLAVEHOLDERS— Adams Baptist preachers Barr Baxter, George A Baxter, John Blocker, Colonel Blount Britt, Benjamin W. Burbecker Burvant, Mrs. C.A., Rev. Casey Chilton, Joseph Clay C., Mr. Cooper, Charity Curtis, Davis, Samuel Dras, Henry Delaware Female hypocrite Gautney, Joseph Gayle, Governor Governor of North Carolina Green Hampton, Wade Harney, William S. Harris, Benjamin James Hayne, Governor Hedding Henrico county, Va. Heyward, Nathaniel Hughes, Philip O. Hutchinson Hypocrite woman Indecency of Jones Jones, Henry Lewis, Benjamin Lewis, Isham Lewis, Lilburn Lewis, Rev. Mr. Long, Lucy Long, Reuben L., of Bath, Ky. Maclay, John Martin, Rev. James Matthews' Bend M'Coy M'Cue, John Methodist Methodist Preachers M'Neilly Moresville Morgan Mosely, William Murderer Mushat, Rev. John Nansemond, Va. Natchez planter Nelson, Alexander Nichols, of Connecticut North Carolina Owens, Judge Painter Physician Pinckney, H.L. Presbyterian Presbyterian minister, Huntsville " " North Carolina " preacher Professing Christian Puryar, "the Devil" Randolph, John Reiks, Micajah Rodney Ruffner Shepherd, S.C. Sherrod, Ben Slaughter, Smith, Judge Sophistry of South Carolina Sparks, William Stallard, David Starky, Swan, John Teacher at Charleston Thompson Thorpe Tripp, James Truly, James Turner, Fielding S. Turner, uncle of Virginian, Wall Watkins, Billy Watkins, Robert H. Watson, A. W., Colonel Webb, Carroll " Pleasant West's uncle Widow and daughter, Savannah river Willis, Robert Wilson, William Woman Woman, professor of religion, Slaveholders justify their cruelties by example " possess absolute power " sophistry of Slaveholding amusements " brutality " indecency " murderers " religion Slave-mothers, " plantations second only to hell Slavery among Christians SLAVERY ILLUSTRATED— Slave-auctions " blocks with nails " boys fight to amuse their drivers, " branding " breeding " burner " burning Slave-cabins " " at night Slave-children nursed " choking " clothing " collars " cookery Slave-ditty " dogs " driver's death " " licentiousness of " driving " fetters " food " gagging " gangs " handcuffs " herding Slaveholders, civilization and morality of " declarations of " habits of " heart of " hospitality of " interest of " sophistry of " "treat their slaves well" Slaveholding professor "Slaveholding religion" Slave-hovels " hunting " " by Christians Slave imprisoned " in chains " in the stocks " kicking " killed, and put in the bill " killing with impunity " labor " manacles " martyr " meals " mothers " murderers, tried and acquitted " patrol " physicians " punishments of Slave quarters, Slavery, code of law respecting " among Christians " domestic " guilt of " of whites " public opinion and effects of " unmixed cruelty Slave selling Slaves aversion of to their oppressors " backs of, putrid " blind " books of searched for " branded " brutality to " burial of " carded " cat-hauling of " comfort of disregarded " deaf " dead or alive " deformed " deprived of every safeguard of the law " described " diseased " dread to be sold for the South " dumb " dying " evidence of against white persons null " exchanged " reported from Virginia " fear their only motive " feasted and flogged " hired " idiots " incorrigible " infant " in the stocks " " U.S. treatment of " lunatics " maimed " merchandise " multiply " murdered by cottonseed " " overwork " " piece-meal " " starvation " " every seven years " " frequently " " with impunity " naked " not treated as human beings " outlawed " overworked " prayers of " privations of " protection of " sale of " stock " surgeons of " taking medicine " tantalized " starvation of " teeth of knocked out " tied up all night " toe cut off " torments of " travelling in droves " treated worse as they are farther South " treatment of by Christians " under overseers " watching of " without redress " " shelter " working animals " worn out " worse treated than brutes " wounded by gun-shot Slave testimony excluded " torturing hypocrite " trade with Africa " trading " " honorable " traffic Slave Murderers Slave plantation Slave usage contrasted with that of animals Slave whipping Slave yokes Whipped Whipped and burnt Whipped to death Slaves treatment of Slave trade Sleeping in clothes Slitting of ears Smoothing iron on girl's backs Sophistry of slaveholders South Carolina laws of " " medical college Southern dogs and horses Spartan slavery Speece, Rev. Conrad opposed to emancipation Spirit of laws Springfield, S.C. Starvation of a female slave " " slaves Statement of a physician State, abuse of power in Stealing of freemen Stevenson, Andrew, letter by St. Helena, S.C. Stillman's, Dr. medical infirmary at Charleston Stocks for slaves "Stock without shelter: "Subject of prayer" Suffering of slaves " " " drives to despair and suicide Sugar-planters Suicide of slaves Suit for a dead slave " " " murdered slave Sunday morning in Kentucky Surgeon of slaves Surgery at Charleston "Susceptibility of pain"

T.

Tanner's oil poured on a slave Tantalising of slaves Tappan, Arthur Tarring of slaves Taskwork of slaves Teeth knocked out Tender regard of slaveholders for slave Tennessee TESTIMONY.— Allen, Rev. William T. Avery, George A. Caulkins, Nehemiah Channing, Dr. Chapin, Rev. William A. Chapman, Gordon Clergyman Cruelty to slaves Dickey, Rev. William Drayton, Colonel Gildersleeve, William C. Graham, Rev. John Grimke, Sarah M. Hawley, Rev. Francis Ide, Joseph Jefferson, Thomas Macy, F.C. " Reuben G. " Richard " T.D.M. Moulton, Rev. Horace Nelson, John M. New Orleans Of slaves excluded Paulding, James K. Poe, William Powel, Eleazar Sapington, Lemuel Scales, Rev. William Secretary of the Navy Smith, Rev. Phineas Summers, Mr. Virginian Westgate, George W. Weld, Angelina Grimke White, Hiram Wist, William Texas Theodosius the Great Thessalonica, massacre at Thumb-screws Tiberius Time for relaxation, not allowed Times of scarcity Titus Tobacco worms eaten Tooth knocked out Tortures " eulogized by a professor of religion Trading with negroes Traffic in slaves Trajan Treatment of sick slaves Treatment of slaves in the United States by professing Christians, " little better than that of brutes Trial of women,—"white and black," Trials for murdering slaves Turkish slavery Turner, Nat Twelve slaves killed by overwork Twenty-seven hundred thousands of free-born citizens in the United States Tying up of slaves at night "Tyrant"

"Uncle Jack," Baptist preacher Under garments not allowed to slaves United States, Laws of University of Virginia Untimely seasons Usage of slaves and brutes contrasted

Vapid babblings of slaveholders Vice, hypocrisy of Vicksburg, massacre of Virginia, a slave menagerie " exportation of slaves from " University of Visitors to slave states Vitellius

Washing for slaves Washington slavery " the national slave market West Indian slaves Whip, cracking of heard at a distance "Whipped to death"

WHIPPING— Children Every day Females On three plantations heard at one time Pregnant women Slaves Slaves after a feast " for praying With paddle Women with prayer Whipping-posts Whips equally common on plantations as ploughs "White or black;" trial of Whites in slavery White slave Wholesale murders Wife, purchase of a Will of John Randolph Wilmington, N.C. Witches of New-England

WITNESSES. Abbot, Jordan Abdie, P. Adams, Mr. African Observer Alexandria Gazette Allan, Rev. William T. Alston, J.A., Heirs of Alton Telegraph Alvis, J. Anderson, Benjamin Andrews, Professor Anthony, Julius C. Antram, Joshua Appleton, John James Arkansas Advocate Armstrong, William Artop, James Ashford, J.P. Augusta Chronicle Avery, George A. Aylethorpe, Thomas Bahi, P. Baker, William Baldwin, J.G. Baldwin, Jonathan F. Ballinger, A.S. Baltimore Sun Baptist Deacon Bardwell, Rev. William Barker, Jacob Barnard, Alonzo Barnes, George W. Barr, James " Mrs. " Rev. Hugh Barrer, B.G. Barton, David W. " Richard W. Bateman, William Baton Rouge, Agricultural Society of Bayli, P. Beall, Samuel Beasley, A.G.A. " John C. " Robert Beene, Jesse Bell, Abraham " Samuel Bennett, D.B. Besson, Jacob Bezon, Mr. Bingham, Joel S. Birdseye, Ezekiel Birney, James G. Bishop, J. Blackwell, Samuel Bland, R.J. Bliss Mayhew and Co " Philemon, Bolton, J.L. and W.H. Boudinot, Tobias Bouldin, T.T. Bourgoing, J.F. Bourne, George Bradley, Henry Bragg, Thomas Brasseale, W.H. Brewster, Jarvis Brothers, Menard Brove, A. Brown, J.A. " John " Rev. Abel " William Bruce Mr. Buchanan, Dr. Buckels, William D. Burvant, Madame Burwell Bush, Moses E. Buster, Mr. Butt, Moses Byrn, Samuel H. Calvert, Robert Carney, R.P. Carolina, History of Carter, Mrs. Elizabeth Caulkins, Nehemiah Channing, Dr. Chapin, Rev. William A. Chapman, B.F. " Gardon Charleston Courier " Mercury " Patriot Cherry, John W. Child, David L. " Mrs. Choules, Rev. John O. Citizens of Onslow Clark, W.G. Clarke John Clay, Henry, " Thomas Clenderson, Benjamin Clergyman Coates Lindley Cobb, W.D. Colborn, J.L. Cole, Nathan Coleman, H. Colonization Society Columbian Inquirer Comegys, Governor Congress, Member of Connecticut, Medical Society of Constant, Dr. Cooke, Owen Cook, Giles " H.L. Cooper, Thomas Cornelius, Rev. Elias Corner, Charles " L.E. Cotton plantere Cowles, Mrs. Mary " Rev. Sylvester Craige, Charles Crane, William Crutchfield, Thomas Cuggy, T. Curtis, Mr. " Rev. John H. Cuyler, J. Daniel and Goodman Darien Telegraph Davidson, Rev. Patrick Davis, John Davis, Benjamin Dean, Jethro " Thomas Demming, Dr. Denser, T.S. Derbigny, Judge Dew, Philip A. " President Dickey, Rev. James H. " William Dickinson, Mr. Dillahunty, John H. Doddridge, Philip Dorrah, James Downman, Mrs. Lucy M. Douglas, Rev. J.W. Drake and Thomson Drayton, Colonel Drown, William Dudley, Rev. John Duggan, John Dunn, John L. Dunham, Jacob Durell, Judge Durett, Francis Dustin, W. Dyer, William Eastman, Rev. D.B. Eaton, General William Edmunds, Nicholas Edwards, F.L.C. " President " Junior " Ellison, Samuel Ellis, Orren Ellsworth, Elijah Emancipation Society of N.C. English, Walter R. Evans, R.A. Everett, William Faulkner, Mr. Fayetteville Observer Fernandez and Whiting Finley, James C. " R.S. Fishers, E.H. and I. Fitzhugh, William H. Ford, John Foster, Francis Fox, John B. Foy, Enoch Francisville Chronicle Franklin Republican Frederick, John Friends, Yearly Meeting of Fuller, Isaac C. Fullerton, G.S. Furman, B. Gadsden, Thomas N. Gaines, Rev. Ludwell, G. Gales, Joseph Garcia, Henrico Y. Garland, Maurice H. Gates, Seth M. Gayle, John Georgetown Union Georgia Constitutionalist " Journal Georgian Gholson, Mr. Giddings, Mr. Gilbert, E.W. Gildersterre, William C. Glidden, Mr. Goode, Mr. Gourden and Co. Grace, Byrd M. Graham, Rev. John " Rev. Dr. Grand Gulf Advertiser Graham, Jehab Gray, Abraham Greene, R.A. Green, James R. Gregory, Ossian Gridley, H. Grimke, Sarah M. Grosvenor. Rev. Cyrus P. Guex, D.F. Gunnell, John J.H. Guthrie, A.A. Guyler, J. Halley, Preston Hall, Samuel Han, E. Hand, John H. Hansborough, William Hanson, Peter Harding, N.H. Harman, Samuel Harrison, General W.H. Hart, F.A. " Rev. Mr. Harvey, J. Hawley, David " Rev. Francis Hayne, General R.Y. Henderson, John " Judge Hendren, H. Herring, D. " Dr. Hitchcock, Judge Hite, S.N. Hodges, B.W. " Rev. Coleman S. Holcombe, John P. Holmes, George Home, Frederick Honerton, Philip Hopkins, Rev. Henry T. Horsey, Outerbridge Hough, Rev. Joseph Houstoun, Edward Hudnall, Thomas Hughes, Benjamin Hunt, John " Rev. Thomas P. Hussey, George P.C. Huston, Felix Hutchings, A.J. Ide, Joseph Indiana, Legislature of Jackson, Stephen M. " Telegraph James, Joseph Jarnett, James T. De Jarvett, James T. Jefferson, Thomas Jenkins, John Jett, Marshall Johnson, Bryant " Cornelius " Isaac " Josiah S. Jolley, J.L. Jones, Alexander " Anson " Hill " James " R.H. " W. Jefferson Jourdan, Green B. Judd, D. " Mrs. Nancy Keeton, G.W. Kennedy, John Kentucky, Synod of Kephart, George Kernin, Charles Keyes, Willard Kimball and Thome " George Kimborough, James King, Charles " John H. " Nehemiah Knapp, Henry E. " Isaac Kyle, Frederick " James Lacy, Theodore A. Ladd, William Lains, O.W. Lambeth, William L. Lambre, Mr. Lancette, R. Langhorne, Scruggs and Cook Larrimer, Thomas Latimer, W.K. Lawless, Judge Lawyer, Zadok Ledwith, Thomas Leftwich, William Lemes, Ferdinand Leverich and Co. Lewis, Kirkman Lexington Intelligencer " Observer Little, Mrs. Sophia Loflano, Hazlet Long, Joseph Loomis, Henry H. Loring, R. " Thomas Louisville Reporter Lowry, Mrs. Nancy Luminais, A. Lyman, Judge " Rev. H. Macoin, J. Macon Messenger " Telegraph Macy, F.C. " Reuben G. " Richard " T.D.M. Magee, William Males, Henry Maltby, Stephen E. Manning, P.T. Marietta College, student of Marks, James Marriott, Charles Marshall, John T. Martineau, Harriet Maryland Journal Maryville Intelligencer Mason, Samuel Mathieson, Rev. James May, Rev. Samuel J. McCue, Moses McDonnell, James McGehee, Edward J. McGregor, Henry M. McMurrain, John Mead Whitman Medical College of South Carolina Memphis Gazette " Inquirer Menefee, R.H. Menzies, Judge Mercer, Mr. Metcalf, Asa B. Middleton, Mr. Miles, Lemuel Milledgeville Journal " Recorder Miller, C. Minister from Texas, A. Jones Minor, W.I. Missouri Republican Mitchell, Dr. Robert Mitchell, Isaac M'Neilly Mobile Advertiser " Examiner " Register Mongin, R.P.T. Montesquieu Montgomery, W.H. Moore, Mr. Va. Moorhead, John H. Morris, E.W. Moulton, Rev. Horace Moyne Dr. F. Julius Le Muggridge, Matthew Muir J.G. Murat A. Murphy S.B. Napier T. and L. Natchez Courier " Daily Free Trade National Intelligencer Nelson Dr. David " John M. Nesbitt Wilson Newbern Sentinel " Spectator New Hampshire, legislature of Newman Mrs. B. New Orleans Argus " Bee " Bulletin " Courier " Kidnapping at " Mercantile Advertiser " Post New York American " Sun Neyle S. Nicholas Judge Nicoll Robert Niles Hezekiah Noe James Norfolk Beacon " Herald N.C. Literary and Commercial-Standard N.C. Journal Nourse Rev. James Nye Horace O'Byrne O'Connell Daniel Oliver Colonel O'Neill Peter Onslow, Citizens of Orme Moses O'Rorke John Overstreet, Richard Overstreet, William Owen, Captain N.F. Owen, John W. Owens, J.G.

Parrish, John Parrott, Dr. Patterson, Willie Paulding, James K. Peacock, Jesse Perry, Thomas C. Petersburg Constellation Philanthropist Pickard, J.S. Pinckney, H.L. Pinkney, William Planter's Intelligencer Planters of South Carolina Poe, William Porter, Mr. Portsmouth Times Powell, Eleazar Presbyterian elder President of the United States Pringle, Thomas Pritchard, William H. Probate sale Purdon, James

Ragland, Samuel Raleigh Register Ralston, Samuel Randall, J.B. Randolph, John Riadolph, Thomas Mann Rankin, Rev. John Rascoe, William D. Rawlins, Samuel Raworth, Egbert A. Redden J.V. Red River Whig Reed, Rev. Andrew Reed, William H. Reese, Enoch Reins, Richard Reeves, W.P. Renshaw Rev. C.S. Rhodes, Durant H. Rice, H.W. Rice, Rev. David Richardson, G.C. Richards, James K. Richards, Moses R. Richards, Stephen M. Richmond Compiler Richmond Inquirer Richmond Whig Ricks, Micajah Riley, W. Ripley, George B. Roach, Philip Robbins, Welcome H. Robarts, William Roberts, J.H. Robin, C.C. Robinson, N.M.C. Robinson, William Roebuck, George Rogers, N.P. Rogers, Thomas Ross, Abner Rowland, John A. Ruffin, Judge Russel, Benjamin Russel, W. Rymes, Littlejohn

Sadd, Rev. Joseph M. Salvo, Conrad Sapington, Lemuel Saunders, James Savage, Rev. Thomas Savannah Georgian Savannah Republican Savory, William Scales, Rev. William Schmidt, Louis Scott, Rev. Orange Scott, William Scrivener, J. Seabrook, Whitmarsh B. Secretary of the navy Selfer Senator of the United States Sevier, Ambrose H. Sewall, Stephen Shafter, M.M. Sheith, M.J. Shield and Walker Shields, Polly C. Shropshire, David Simmons, B.C. Simpson, John Sizer, R.W. Skinner, W. Slaveholders Smith, Bishop of Kentucky Smith, Gerrit Smith, Professor Smith, Rev. Phineas Smyth, Alexander Snow, Henry H. Snowden, J. Snowden, Rev. Samuel South Carolina, legislature of South Carolina, Medical College of South Carolina, Slaveholder of Southern Argus Southern Christian Herald Southerner Southmayd, Rev. Daniel S. Spillman, Mr. Stansell, William Staughton, Rev. Dr. Staunton Spectator Steams and Co. Stevenson, Andrew Stewart, Samuel Stillmam, Dr. Stith, W. and A. Stone, Asa A. Stone, Silas Stone, William L. Strickland, William Stroud, George M. Stuart, Charles Summers, Mr. Swain, B. Synod of South Carolina and Georgia

Tart, John Tate, Calvin H. Taylor, James H. " John " Lawton, and Co. Texan minister, Anson Jones Thatcher, Colonel Thome and Kimball Thome, James A. Thompson, Henry P. Thomson, Mr. " , Sandford Todd, R.S. Toler, William Tolin, Cornelius D. Townsend, Ely " , Samuel Tucker, Judge Turnbull, Robert Turner, John " , John D. " , L. Tarton, S.B. Tuscaloosa Flag of the Union Upsher, Judge Ustick, William A. Vance, John Van Buren, Martin Varillat, H. Vicksburg Register Virginia Minister Virginian Walker, John Walton, George " , John W. Walsh, Sarah Washington Globe Waugh, Dr. Jeremiah S. Weld, Angelina Grimke Wells, Thomas J. West Eli Western Luminary " Medical Journal " " Reformer " Review Westgate, George W. Whitbread, Samuel Whitefield, George " , Needham Whitehead, C.C. " , W.W. White, Hiram Wightman, Rev. William M. Wilberforce, W. Wilkins, C.W. Wilkinson, Alfred Williams, George W. Willis, Robert Willis, William Wilmington Advertiser Wilson, Rev. Joseph G. Winchester Virginian Wirt, William Wisner, F. Witherspoon, Dr. Woodward, Jeremiah Woolman, John Wotton, John Wright, Mr. Yampert, T.J. De Yearly meeting of Friends Woman dying " flogged because her child died " maniac " no respect for Women at childbirth " " the same labor with men " " work " miscarry under the whip " not breeding " pregnant whipped " severe whippers of slaves " slaves Workhouse at Charleston Working hours " of slaves Worn-out slaves "Worse and worse" Worship of God prohibited Wounds by gunshot Wright Isaac Yokes for slaves



THE

ANTI-SLAVERY EXAMINER.

No. 10.

* * * * *

SPEECH

of

HON. THOMAS MORRIS,

OF OHIO,

IN REPLY TO THE SPEECH OF

THE

HON. HENRY CLAY.

IN SENATE, FEBRUARY 9, 1839.



NEW YORK:

PUBLISHED BY THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY,

NO. 143 NASSAU STREET:

1839.

* * * * *

This No. contains 2-1/2 sheets.—Postage, under 100 miles, 4 cts. over 100, 7 cts.

Please Read and circulate.



SPEECH

* * * * *

MR. PRESIDENT—I rise to present for the consideration of the Senate, numerous petitions signed by, not only citizens of my own State, but citizens of several other States, New York, Pennsylvania, Michigan, Illinois, and Indiana. These petitioners, amounting in number to several thousand, have thought proper to make me their organ, in communicating to Congress their opinions and wishes on subjects which, to them, appear of the highest importance. These petitions, sir, are on the subject of slavery, the slave trade as carried on within and from this District, the slave trade between the different States of this Confederacy, between this country and Texas, and against the admission of that country into the Union, and also against that of any other State, whose constitution and laws recognise or permit slavery. I take this opportunity to present all these petitions together, having detained some of them for a considerable time in my hands, in order that as small a portion of the attention of the Senate might be taken up on their account as would be consistent with a strict regard to the rights of the petitioners. And I now present them under the most peculiar circumstances that have ever probably transpired in this or any other country. I present them on the heel of the petitions which have been presented by the Senator from Kentucky [Mr. Clay] signed by the inhabitants of this District, praying that Congress would not receive petitions on the subject of slavery in the District, from any body of men or citizens, but themselves. This is something new; it is one of the devices of the slave power, and most extraordinary in itself. These petitions I am bound in duty to present—a duty which I cheerfully perform, for I consider it not only a duty but an honor. The respectable names which these petitions bear, and being against a practice which I as deeply deprecate and deplore as they can possibly do, yet I well know the fate of these petitions; and I also know the time, place, and disadvantage under which I present them. In availing myself of this opportunity to explain my own views on this agitating topic, and to explain and justify the character and proceedings of these petitioners, it must be obvious to all that I am surrounded with no ordinary discouragements. The strong prejudice which is evinced by the petitioners of the District, the unwillingness of the Senate to hear, the power which is arrayed against me on this occasion, as well as in opposition to those whose rights I am anxious to maintain; opposed by the very lions of debate in this body, who are cheered on by an applauding gallery and surrounding interests, is enough to produce dismay in one far more able and eloquent than the lone and humble individual who now addresses you.

What, sir, can there be to induce me to appear on this public arena, opposed by such powerful odds? Nothing, sir, nothing but a strong sense of duty, and a deep conviction that the cause I advocate is just; that the petitioners whom I represent are honest, upright, intelligent and respectable citizens; men who love their country, who are anxious to promote its best interests, and who are actuated by the purest patriotism, as well as the deepest philanthropy and benevolence. In representing such men, and in such a cause, though by the most feeble means, one would suppose that, on the floor of the Senate of the United States, order, and a decent respect to the opinions of others, would prevail. From the causes which I have mentioned, I can hardly hope for this. I expect to proceed through scenes which ill become this hall; but nothing shall deter me from a full and faithful discharge of my duty on this important occasion. Permit me, sir, to remind gentlemen that I have been now six years a member of this body. I have seldom, perhaps too seldom, in the opinion of many of my constituents, pressed myself upon the notice of the Senate, and taken up their time in useless and windy debate. I question very much if I have occupied the time of the Senate during the six years as some gentlemen have during six weeks, or even six days. I hope, therefore, that I shall not be thought obtrusive, or charged with taking up time with abolition petitions. I hope, Mr. President, to hear no more about agitating this slave question here. Who has began the agitation now? The Senator from Kentucky [Mr. Clay.] Who has responded to that agitation, and congratulated the Senate and the country on its results? The Senator from South Carolina, Mr. [Calhoun.] And pray, sir, under what circumstances is this agitation begun? Let it be remembered, let us collect the facts from the records on your table, that when I, as a member of this body, but a few days since offered a resolution as the foundation of proceedings on these petitions, gentlemen, as if operated on by an electric shock, sprung from their seats and objected to its introduction. And when you, sir, decided that it was the right of every member to introduce such motion or resolution as he pleased, being responsible to his constituents and this body for the abuse of this right, gentlemen seemed to wonder that the Senate had no power to prevent the action of one of its members in cases like this, and the poor privilege of having the resolution printed, by order of the Senate, was denied.

Let the Senator from South Carolina before me remember that, at the last session, when he offered resolutions on the subject of slavery, they were not only received without objection, but printed, voted on, and decided; and let the Senator from Kentucky reflect, that the petition which he offered against our right, was also received and ordered to be printed without a single dissenting voice; and I call on the Senate and the country to remember, that the resolutions which I have offered on the same subject have not only been refused the printing, but have been laid on the table without being debated, or referred. Posterity, which shall read the proceedings of this time, may well wonder what power could induce the Senate of the United States to proceed in such a strange and contradictory manner. Permit me to tell the country now what this power behind the throne, greater than the throne itself, is. It is the power of SLAVERY. It is a power, according to the calculation of the Senator from Kentucky, which owns twelve hundred millions of dollars in human beings as property; and if money is power, this power is not to be conceived or calculated; a power which claims human property more than double the amount which the whole money of the world could purchase. What can stand before this power? Truth, everlasting truth, will yet overthrow it. This power is aiming to govern the country, its constitutions and laws; but it is not certain of success, tremendous as it is, without foreign or other aid. Let it be borne in mind that the Bank power, some years since, during what has been called the panic session, had influence sufficient in this body, and upon this floor, to prevent the reception of petitions against the action of the Senate on their resolutions of censure against the President. The country took instant alarm, and the political complexion of this body was changed as soon as possible. The same power, though double in means and in strength, is now doing the same thing. This is the array of power that even now is attempting such an unwarrantable course in this country; and the people are also now moving against the slave, as they formerly did against the Bank power. It, too, begins to tremble for its safety. What is to be done? Why, petitions are received and ordered to be printed, against the right of petitions which are not received, and the whole power of debate is thrown into the scale with the slaveholding power. But all will not do; these two powers must now be united: an amalgamation of the black power of the South with the white power of the North must take place, as either, separately, cannot succeed in the destruction of the liberty of speech and the press, and the right of petition. Let me tell gentlemen, that both united will never succeed; as I said on a former day, God forbid that they should ever rule this country! I have seen this billing and cooing between these different interests for some time past; I informed my private friends of the political party with which I have heretofore acted, during the first week of this session, that these powers were forming a union to overthrow the present administration; and I warned them of the folly and mischief they were doing in their abuse of those who were opposed to slavery. All doubts are now terminated. The display made by the Senator from Kentucky, [Mr. Clay,] and his denunciations of these petitioners as abolitionists, and the hearty response and cordial embrace which his efforts met from the Senator from South Carolina, [Mr. Calhoun,] clearly shows that new moves have taken place on the political chessboard, and new coalitions are formed, new compromises and new bargains, settling and disposing of the rights of the country for the advantage of political aspirants.

The gentleman from South Carolina [Mr. Calhoun] seemed, at the conclusion of the argument made by the Senator from Kentucky, to be filled not only with delight but with ecstasy. He told us, that about twelve months since HE had offered a resolution which turned the tide in favor of the great principle of State rights, and says he is highly pleased with the course taken by the Kentucky Senator. All is now safe by the acts of that Senator. The South is now consolidated as one man; it was a great epoch in our history, but we have now passed it; it is the beginning of a moral revolution; slavery, so far from being a political evil, is a great blessing; both races have been improved by it; and that abolition is now DEAD, and will soon be forgotten. So far the Senator from South Carolina, as I understand him. But, sir, is this really the case? Is the South united as one man, and is the Senator from Kentucky the great centre of attraction? What a lesson to the friends of the present Administration, who have been throwing themselves into the arms of the southern slave-power for support! The black enchantment I hope is now at an end—the dream dissolved, and we awake into open day. No longer is there any uncertainty or any doubt on this subject. But is the great epoch passed? is it not rather just beginning? Is abolitionism DEAD—or is it just awaking into life? Is the right of petition strangled and forgotten—or is it increasing in strength and force? These are serious questions for the gentleman's consideration, that may damp the ardor of his joy, if examined with an impartial mind, and looked at with an unprejudiced eye. Sir, when these paeans were sung over the death of abolitionists, and, of course, their right to liberty of speech and the press, at least in fancy's eye, we might have seen them lying in heaps upon heaps, like the enemies of the strong man in days of old. But let me bring back the gentleman's mind from this delightful scene of abolition death, to sober realities and solemn facts. I have now lying before me the names of thousands of living witnesses, that slavery has not entirely conquered liberty; that abolitionists (for so are all these petitioners called) are not all dead. These are my first proofs to show the gentleman his ideas are all fancy. I have also, sir, since the commencement of this debate, received a newspaper, as if sent by Providence to suit the occasion, and by whom I know not. It is the Cincinnati Republican of the 2d instant, which contains an extract from the Louisville Advertiser, a paper printed in Kentucky, in Louisville, our sister city; and though about one hundred and fifty miles below us, it is but a few hours distant. That paper is the leading Administration journal, too, as I am informed, in Kentucky. Hear what it says on the death of abolition:—

"ABOLITION—CINCINNATI—THE LOUISVILLE ADVERTISER.

"We copy the following notice of an article which we lately published, upon the subject of abolition movements in this quarter, from the Louisville Advertiser:—

"'ABOLITION.—The reader is referred to an interesting article which we have copied from the Cincinnati Republican—a paper which lately supported the principles of Democracy; a paper which has turned, but not quite far enough to act with the Adamses and Slades in Congress, or the Whig abolitionists of Ohio. It does not, however, give a correct view of the strength of the abolitionists in Cincinnati. There they are in the ascendant. They control the city elections, regulate what may be termed the morals of the city, give tone to public opinion, and "rule the roast," by virtue of their superior piety and intelligence. The Republican tells us, that they are not laboring Loco Focos—but "drones" and "consumers"—the "rich and well-born," of course; men who have leisure and means, and a disposition to employ the latter, to equalize whites and blacks in the slaveholding States. Even now, the absconding slave is perfectly safe in Cincinnati. We doubt whether an instance can be adduced of the recovery of a runaway in that place in the last four years. When negroes reach "the Queen city" they are protected by its intelligence, its piety, and its wealth. They receive the aid of the elite of the Buckeyes; and we have a strong faction in Kentucky, struggling zealously to make her one of the dependencies of Cincinnati! Let our mutual sons go on. The day of mutual retribution is at hand—much nearer than is now imagined. The Republican, which still looks with a friendly eye to the slaveholding States, warns us of the danger which exists, although its new-born zeal for Whiggery prompts it to insist, indirectly, on the right of petitioning Congress to abolish slavery. There are about two hundred and fifty abolition societies in Ohio at the present time, and, from the circular issued at head quarters, Cincinnati, it appears that agents are to be sent through every county to distribute books and pamphlets designed to inflame the public mind, and then organize additional societies—or, rather, form new clans, to aid in the war which has been commenced on the slaveholding States.'"

I do not, sir, underwrite for the truth of this statement as an entire whole; much of it I repel as an unjust charge on my fellow-citizens of Cincinnati; but, as it comes from a slaveholding State—from the State of the Senator who has so eloquently anathematized abolitionists that it is almost a pity they could not die under such sweet sounds—and as the South Carolina Senator pronounces them dead, I produce this from a slaveholding State, for the special benefit and consolation of the two Senators. It comes from a source to which, I am sure, both gentlemen ought to give credit. But suppose, sir, that abolitionism is dead, is liberty dead also and slavery triumphant? Is liberty of speech, of the press, and the right of petition also dead? True, it has been strangled here; but gentlemen will find themselves in great error if they suppose it also strangled in the country; and the very attempt, in legislative bodies, to sustain a local and individual interest, to the destruction of our rights, proves that those rights are not dead, but a living principle, which slavery cannot extinguish; and be my lot what it may, I shall, to the utmost of my abilities, under all circumstances, and at all times, contend for that freedom which is the common gift of the Creator to all men, and against the power of these two great interests—the slave power of the South, and banking power of the North—which are now uniting to rule this country. The cotton bale and the bank note have formed an alliance; the credit system with slave labor. These two congenial spirits have at last met and embraced each other, both looking to the same object—to live upon the unrequited labor of others—and have now erected for themselves a common platform, as was intimated during the last session, on which they can meet, and bid defiance, as they hope, to free principles and free labor.

With these introductory remarks, permit me, sir, to say here, and let no one pretend to misunderstand or misrepresent me, that I charge gentlemen, when they use the word abolitionists, they mean petitioners here such as I now present—men who love liberty, and are opposed to slavery—that in behalf of these citizens I speak; and, by whatever name they may be called, it is those who are opposed to slavery whose cause I advocate. I make no war upon the rights of others. I do no act but what is moral, constitutional, and legal, against the peculiar institutions of any State; but acts only in defence of my own rights, of my fellow citizens, and, above all, of my State, I shall not cease while the current of life shall continue to flow.

I shall, Mr. President, in the further consideration of this subject, endeavor to prove, first, the right of the people to petition; second, why slavery is wrong, and why I am opposed to it; third, the power of slavery in this country, and its dangers; next, answer the question, so often asked, what have the free States to do with slavery? Then make some remarks by way of answer to the arguments of the Senator from Kentucky, [Mr. Clay.]

Mr. President, the duty I am requested to perform is one of the highest which a Representative can be called on to discharge. It is to make known to the legislative body the will and the wishes of his constituents and fellow-citizens; and, in the present case, I feel honored by the confidence reposed in me, and proceed to discharge the duty. The petitioners have not trusted to my fallible judgment alone, but have declared, in written documents, the most solemn expression of their will. It is true these petitions have not been sent here by the whole people of the United States, but from a portion of them only; yet such is the justice of their claim, and the sure foundation upon which it rests, that no portion of the American people, until a day or two past, have thought it either safe or expedient to present counter petitions; and even now, when counter petitions have been presented, they dare not justify slavery, and the selling of men and women in this District, but content themselves with objecting to others enjoying the rights they practise, and praying Congress not to receive or hear petitions from the people of the States—a new device of slave power this, never before thought of or practiced in any country. I would have been gratified if the inventors of this system, which denies to others what they practise themselves, had, in their petition, attempted to justify slavery and the slave trade in the District, if they believe the practice just, that their names might have gone down to posterity. No, sir; very few yet have the moral courage to record their names to such an avowal; and even some of these petitioners are so squeamish on this subject, as to say that they might, from conscientious principles, be prevented from holding slaves. Not so, sir, with the petitioners which I have the honor to represent; they are anxious that their sentiments and their names should be made matter of record; they have no qualms of conscience on this subject; they have deep convictions and a firm belief that slavery is an existing evil, incompatible with the principles of political liberty, at war with our system of government, and extending a baleful and blasting influence over our country, withering and blighting its fairest prospects and brightest hopes. Who has said that these petitions are unjust in principle, and on that ground ought not to be granted? Who has said that slavery is not an evil? Who has said it does not tarnish the fair fame of our country? Who has said it does not bring dissipation and feebleness to one race, and poverty and wretchedness to another, in its train? Who has said, it is not unjust to the slave, and injurious to the happiness and best interest of the master? Who has said it does not break the bonds of human affection, by separating the wife from the husband, and children from their parents? In fine, who has said it is not a blot upon our country's honor, and a deep and foul stain upon her institutions? Few, very few, perhaps none but him who lives upon its labor, regardless of its misery; and even many whose local situations are within its jurisdiction, acknowledge its injustice, and deprecate its continuance; while millions of freemen deplore its existence, and look forward with strong hope to its final termination. SLAVERY! a word, like a secret idol, thought too obnoxious or sacred to be pronounced here but by those who worship at its shrine—and should one who is not such worshipper happen to pronounce the word, the most disastrous consequences are immediately predicted, the Union is to be dissolved, and the South to take care of itself.

Do not suppose, Mr. President, that I feel as if engaged in a forbidden or improvident act. No such thing. I am contending with a local and "peculiar" interest, an interest which has already banded together with a force sufficient to seize upon every avenue by which a petition can enter this chamber, and exclude all without its haven. I am not now contending for the rights of the negro, rights which his Creator gave him and which his fellow-man has usurped or taken away. No, sir! I am contending for the rights of the white person in the free States, and am endeavoring to prevent them from being trodden down and destroyed by that power which claims the black person as property. I am endeavoring to sound the alarm to my fellow-citizens that this power, tremendous as it is, is endeavoring to unite itself with the monied power of the country, in order to extend its dominion and perpetuate its existence. I am endeavoring to drive from the back of the negro slave the politician who has seated himself there to ride into office for the purpose of carrying out the object of this unholy combination. The chains of slavery are sufficiently strong, without being riveted anew by tinkering politicians of the free States. I feel myself compelled into this contest, in defence of the institutions of my own State, the persons and firesides of her citizens, from the insatiable grasp of the slaveholding power as being used and felt in the free States. To say that I am opposed to slavery in the abstract, are but cold and unmeaning words, if, however capable of any meaning whatever, they may fairly be construed into a love for its existence; and such I sincerely believe to be the feeling of many in the free States who use the phrase. I, sir, am not only opposed to slavery in the abstract, but also in its whole volume, in its theory as well as practice. This principle is deeply implanted within me; it has "grown with my growth and strengthened with my strength." In my infant years I learned to hate slavery. Your fathers taught me it was wrong in their Declaration of Independence: the doctrines which they promulgated to the world, and upon the truth of which they staked the issue of the contest that made us a nation. They proclaimed "that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that amongst these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." These truths are solemnly declared by them. I believed then, and believe now, they are self-evident. Who can acknowledge this, and not be opposed to slavery? It is, then, because I love the principles which brought your government into existence, and which have become the corner stone of the building supporting you, sir, in that chair, and giving to myself and other Senators seats in this body—it is because I love all this, that I hate slavery. Is it because I contend for the right of petition, and am opposed to slavery, that I have been denounced by many as an abolitionist? Yes; Virginia newspapers have so denounced me, and called upon the Legislature of my State to dismiss me from public confidence. Who taught me to hate slavery, and every other oppression? Jefferson, the great and the good Jefferson! Yes, Virginia Senators, it was your own Jefferson, Virginia's favorite son, a man who did more for the natural liberty of man, and the civil liberty of his country, than any man that ever lived in our country; it was him who taught me to hate slavery; it was in his school I was brought up. That Mr. Jefferson was as much opposed to slavery as any man that ever lived in our country, there can be no doubt; his life and his writings abundantly prove the fact. I hold in my hand a copy, as he penned it, of the original draft of the Declaration of Independence, a part of which was stricken out, as he says, in compliance with the wishes of South Carolina and Georgia. I will read it. Speaking of the wrongs done us by the British Government, in introducing slaves among us, he says: "He (the British King) has waged cruel war against human nature itself, violating its most sacred right of life and liberty in the persons of a distant people, who never offended him, captivating and carrying them into SLAVERY in another hemisphere, or to incur miserable death in their transportation thither. This piratical warfare, the opprobrium of infidel powers, is the warfare of the Christian King of Great Britain. Determined to keep open a market where MEN should be BOUGHT and SOLD, he has prostituted