487 Chap. xxix. 18, 19, 20.

488 Jerem. xliii. 12.

489 Herod. l. ii. c. 163, 169. Diod. l. i. p. 62.

490 Ezek. xxx. 22.

491 Ezek. xxx. 24.

492 Ezek. xxx. 25.

493 Ver. 14, 17.

494 I have given the names of these towns as they stand in our English version. In the margin are printed against Zoan, Tanis; against Sin, Pelusium; against Aven, Heliopolis; against Phibeseth, Pubastum, (Bubastus;) and by these last names they are mentioned in the original French of M. Rollin.—Trans.

495 Jerem. xliv. 30.

496 Ezek. xxx. 13

497 Jerem ch. xliii. xliv.

M95 A.M. 3435. Ant. J.C. 569.

498 In Tim.

499 Herod. l. ii. c. 172.

500 Herod. l. ii. c. 73.

501 The cubit is one foot and almost ten inches. Vide supra.—Trans.

502 Or, 58,125l. sterling.—Trans.

503 Ἐπῆρξε δὲ καὶ Ἑλλήνων τῶν ἐν τῆ Ἀσίᾳ, καταβὰς δὲ ἐπὶ Θάλατταν, καὶ Κυπρίωι καὶ Αἰγυπτίων, p. 5. edit. Hutchinsoni.—Trans.

M96 A.M. 3479. Ant. J.C. 525.

504 Bochart, part II. l. ii. c. 16.

505 The first scene of the fifth act, translated into Latin by Petit, in the second book of his Miscellanies.—Trans.

506 Herod. l. iii. c. 17-19.

507 Polyb. 944. Q. Curt. l. iv. c. 2, 3.

508 Liv. l. xxi. n. 1. Ibid. n. 21.

509 Liv. l. xxiii. n. 1.

510 Lib. vii. p. 502.

511 Apolog. c. 23.

512 In Psalm xcviii.

513 Jer. vii. 18. and xliv. 17-25.

514 Plut. de Superstit. p. 171.

515 Παρειστήκει δὲ ἡ μήτηρ ἄτεγκτος καὶ ἀστένακτος, &c. The cruel and pitiless mother stood by as an unconcerned spectator; a groan or a tear falling from her, "would have been punished by a fine;" and still the child must have been sacrificed. Plut. de Superstitione.—Trans.

516 Tertul. in Apolog.

517 Minut. Felix.

518 Q. Curt. l. iv. c. 5.

519 It appears from Tertullian's Apology, that this barbarous custom prevailed in Africa long after the ruin of Carthage. Infantes penes Africam Saturno immolabantur palam usque ad proconsulatum Tiberii, qui eosdem sacerdotes in eisdem arboribus templi sui obumbratricibus scelerum votivis crucibus exposuit, teste militia patriae nostrae, quae id ipsum munus illi proconsuli functa est, i.e. Children were publicly sacrificed to Saturn, down to the proconsulship of Tiberius, who hanged the sacrificing priests themselves on the trees which shaded their temple, as on so many crosses, raised to expiate their crimes, of which the militia of our country are witnesses, who were the actors of this execution at the command of this proconsul. Tertul. Apolog. c. 9. Two learned men are at variance about the proconsul, and the time of his government. Salmasius confesses his ignorance of both; but rejects the authority of Scaliger, who, for proconsulatum, reads proconsulem Tiberii, and thinks Tertullian, when he writ his Apology, had forgot his name. However this be, it is certain that the memory of the incident here related by Tertullian was then recent, and probably the witnesses of it had not been long dead.—Trans.

520 Plut. de sera vindic. deorum, p. 552.

521 Herod. l. vii. c. 167.

522 In ipsos quos adolebat sese praecipitavit ignes, ut eos vel cruore suo extingueret, quos sibi nihil profuisse cognoverat. S. Amb.—Trans.

523 Cum peste laborarent, cruenta sacrorum religione et scelere pro remedio usi sunt. Quippe homines ut victimas immolabant, et impuberes (quae aetas etiam hostium misericordiam provocat) aris admovebant, pacem deorum sanguine eorum exposcentes, pro quorum vita dii maxime rogari solent. Justin, l. xviii. c. 6. The Gauls as well as Germans used to sacrifice men, if Dionysius and Tacitus may be credited.—Trans.

524 Lib. xx. p. 756.

525 De Superstitione, p. 169-171.

526 Idem. in Camill. p. 132.

527 De Superstitione.

528 De Rep. l. ii. c. 11.

529 It is entitled, Carthago, sive Carthaginensium Respublica, &c. Francofurti ad Oderam, ann. 1664.—Trans.

530 Polyb. l. iv. p. 493.

531 This name is derived from a word, which, with the Hebrews and Phoenicians, signifies judges. Shophetim.—Trans.

532 Ut Romae consules, sic Carthagine quotannis annui bini reges creabantur. Corn Nep. in vita Annibalis, c. 7. The great Hannibal was one of the Suffetes.—Trans.

533 Senatum itaque Suffetes, quod velut consulare imperium apud eos erat, voca verunt. Liv. l. xxx. n. 7.—Trans.

534 Cum Suffetes ad jus dicendum consedissent. Id. l. xxxiv. n. 62.—Trans.

535 Lib. xxxiii. n. 46, 47.

536 Arist. loc. cit.

537 Lib. xv. p. 706, 707.

538 Polyb. l. vi. p. 494

M97 A.M. 3609. A. Carth. 487.

539 Lib. ix. c. 2.

540 Justin l. xix.

541 Lib. x. p. 824 edit Gionov.

542 Lib. xxvi. n. 51. Lib xxx. n. 16.

543 M. Rollin might have taken notice of some civil officers who were established at Carthage, with a power like that of the censors of Rome, to inspect the manners of the citizens. The chief of these officers took from Hamilcar, the father of Hannibal, a beautiful youth, named Asdrubal, on a report that Hamilcar was more familiar with this youth than was consistent with modesty. Erat praeterea cum eo [Amilcare] adolescens illustiis et formosus Hasdrubal, quem nonnulli diligi turpius quam par erat, ab Amilcare, loquebantur.—Quo factum est ut a praefecto morum Hasdrubal cum eo vetaretur esse. Corn. Nep. in vita Amalcaris.—Trans.

M98 A.M. 3082. A. Carth. 682.

544 Παρὰ Καρχηδονίοις οὐδὲν αἰσχρὸν τῶν ἀνηκόντων πρὸς κέρδας. Polyb. l. vi. p. 497.—Trans.

545 Lib. iv. p. 312, &c.

546 Diod. l. iv. p. 312, &c.

547 Lib. iii. p. 147

548 25,000 drachmas.—An Attic drachma, according to Dr. Bernard=8-1/4d. English money, consequently 25,000=859l. 7s. 6d.—Trans.

549 As Syphax and Masinissa.

550 King of the Massylians in Africa.—Trans.

551 Nepos, in vita Annibalis.

552 Cic. l. i. De Orat. n. 249. Plin. l. xviii. c. 3.

553 These books were written by Mago in the Punic language, and translated into Greek by Cassius Dionysius of Utica, from whose version, we may probably suppose, the Latin was made.—Trans.

554 Voss. de Hist. Gr. l. iv.

555 Plut. de fort. Alex. p. 328. Diog. Laert. in Clitom.

556 Clitomachus, homo et acutus ut Poenus et valde studiosus ac diligens. Academ. Quaest. l. iv. n. 98.—Trans.

557 Tusc. Quaest. l. lii. n. 54.

558 Suet. in vit. Terent.

559 Factum senatus consultum ne quis postea Carthaginensis aut literis Graecis aut sermoni studeret; ne aut loqui cum hoste, aut scribere sine interprete posset. Justin, l. xx. c. 5. Justin ascribes the reason of this law to a treasonable correspondence between one Suniatus, a powerful Carthaginian, and Dionysius the tyrant of Sicily; the former, by letters written in Greek, (which afterwards fell into the hands of the Carthaginians,) having informed the tyrant of the war designed against him by his country, out of hatred to Hanno the general, to whom he was an enemy.—Trans.

560 Quam volumus licet ipsi nos amemus, tamen nec numero Hispanos, nec robore Gallos, nec calliditate Poenes, &c. sed pietate ac religione, &c. omnes gentes nationesque superavimus. De Arusp. Resp. n. 19.—Trans.

561 Carthaginenses fraudulenti et mendaces—multis et variis mercatorum advenarumque sermonibus ad studium fallendi quaestus cupiditate vocabantur. Cic. Orat. ii. in Rull. n. 94.—Trans.

562 Magistratus senatum vocare, populus in curiae vestibulo fremere, ne tanta ex oculis manibusque amitteretur praeda. Consensum est ut, &c. Liv. l. xxx. n. 24.—Trans.

563 A mountebank had promised the citizens of Carthage to discover to them their most secret thoughts, in case they would come, on a day appointed, to hear him. Being all met, he told them, they were desirous to buy cheap and sell dear. Every man's conscience pleaded guilty to the charge; and the mountebank was dismissed with applause and laughter. Vili vultis emere, et care vendere; in quo dicto levissimi scenici omnes tamen conscientias invenerunt suas, eique vera et tamen improvisa dicenti admirabili favore plauserunt. S. August. l. xiii. de Trinit. c. 3.—Trans.

564 Plut. de gen. Rep. p. 799.

565 Lib. xxii. n. 61.

566 Utica et Carthago, ambae inclytae, ambae a Phoenicibus conditae; illa fato Catonis insignis, haec suo. Pompon. Mel. c. 67. Utica and Carthage, both famous, and both built by Phoenicians; the first renowned by Cato's fate, the last by its own.—Trans.

567 Our countryman Howel endeavours to reconcile the three different accounts of the foundation of Carthage, in the following manner. He says, that the town consisted of three parts, viz. Cothon, or the port and buildings adjoining to it, which he supposes to have been first built; Megara, built next, and in respect of Cothon, called the New Town, or Karthada; and Byrsa, or the citadel, built last of all, and probably by Dido.

Cothon, to agree with Appian, was built fifty years before the taking of Troy; Megara, to correspond with Eusebius, was built a hundred ninety-four years later; Byrsa, to agree with Menander, (cited by Josephus,) was built a hundred sixty-six years after Megara.—Trans.

568 Liv. Epit. l. ii.

569 Justin, l. xviii. c. 4-6. App. de bello Pun. p. 1. Strab. l. xvii. p. 832. Paterc. l. i. c. 6.

570 120 Stadia. Strab. l. xiv. p. 687.—Trans.

571 Some authors say, that Dido put a trick on the natives, by desiring to purchase of them, for her intended settlement, only so much land as an ox's hide would encompass. The request was thought too moderate to be denied. She then cut the hide into the smallest thongs; and, with them, encompassed a large tract of ground, on which she built a citadel called Byrsa, from the hide. But this tale of the hide is generally exploded by the learned; who observe that the Hebrew word Bosra, which signifies a fortification, gave rise to the Greek word Byrsa, which is the name of the citadel of Carthage.—Trans.

572 Kartha Hadath or Hadtha.—Trans.

573 Effodere loco signum, quod regia Juno Monstrarat, caput acris equi; nam sic fore bello Egregiam, et facilem victu per secula gentem.

Virg. AEn. l. i. ver. 447.

The Tyrians landing near this holy ground, And digging here, a prosp'rous omen found: From under earth a courser's head they drew, Their growth and future fortune to foreshew: This fated sign their foundress Juno gave, Of a soil fruitful, and a people brave.

Dryden.—Trans.

574 The story, as it is told more at large in Justin, (l. xviii. c. 6.) is this—Iarbas, king of the Mauritanians, sending for ten of the principal Carthaginians, demanded Dido in marriage, threatening to declare war against her in case of a refusal: the ambassadors being afraid to deliver the message of Iarbas, told her, (with Punic honesty,) "that he wanted to have some person sent him, who was capable of civilizing and polishing himself and his Africans; but that there was no possibility of finding any Carthaginian, who would be willing to quit his native place and kindred, for the conversation of Barbarians, who were as savage as the wildest beasts." Here the queen, with indignation, interrupting them, and asking, "if they were not ashamed to refuse living in any manner which might be beneficial to their country, to which they owed even their lives?" they then delivered the king's message; and bid her "set them a pattern, and sacrifice herself to her country's welfare." Dido being thus ensnared, called on Sichaeus with tears and lamentations, and answered, "that she would go where the fate of her city called her." At the expiration of three months, she ascended the fatal pile; and with her last breath told the spectators, that she was going to her husband, as they had ordered her.—Trans.

575 Justin, l. xix. c. 1.

576 Justin, l. xix. c. 2.

577 Afri compulsi stipendium urbis conditae Carthageniensibus remittere. Justin, l. xix. c 2.—Trans.

578 Sallust. de bello Jugurth. n. 77. Valer. Max. l. v. c. 6.

579 These altars were not standing in Strabo's time. Some geographers think Arcadia to be the city which was anciently called Philaenorum Arae; but others believe it was Naina or Tain, situated a little west of Arcadia, in the gulf of Sidra.—Trans.

580 Strab. l. v. p. 224. Diod. l. v. p. 296.

581 Liv. l. xxviii. n. 37.

582 Diod. l. v. p. 298. and l. xix. p. 742. Liv. loco citato.

583 Liquescit excussa glans funda, et attritu aeris, velut igne, distillat. i.e. The ball, when thrown from the sling, dissolves; and, by the friction of the air, runs as if it was melted by fire. Senec. Nat. Quaest. l. ii. c. 57.—Trans.

584 Strab. l. iii. p. 167.

585 Bochart derives the name of these islands from two Phoenician words, Baal-jare, or master of the art of slinging. This strengthens the authority of Strabo, viz. that the inhabitants learnt their art from the Phoenicians, who were once their masters. Σφενδονῆται ἄριστοι λέγονται—ἐξότε Φοίνικες κατέσχον τὰς νήσες. And this is still more probable, when we consider that both the Hebrews and Phoenicians excelled in this art. The Balearian slings would annoy an enemy either near at hand, or at a distance. Every slinger carried three of them in war. One hung from the neck, a second from the waist, and a third was carried in the hand. To this, give me leave to add two more observations, (foreign indeed to the present purpose, but relating to these islands,) which I hope will not be unentertaining to the reader. The first is, that these islands were once so infested with rabbits, that the inhabitants of it applied to Rome, either for aid against them, or otherwise desired new habitations, ἐκβάλλεσθαι γὰρ ὑπὸ τῶν ζώων τέτων, those creatures having ejected them out of their old ones. Vide Strab. Plin. l. viii. c. 55. The second observation is, that these islanders were not only expert slingers, but likewise excellent swimmers, which they are to this day, by the testimony of our countryman Biddulph, who, in his Travels, informs us, that being becalmed near these islands, a woman swam to him out of one of them, with a basket of fruit to sell.—Trans.

586 Cluver, l. ii. c. 2.

587 Guadalquivir.

588 Strab. l. iii. p. 171.

589 Strab. l. iii. p. 139-142.

590 Seville.

591 Duero.

592 Guadiana.

593 Tarragona.

594 Barcelona.

595 Ebro.

596 Lib. v. p. 312.

597 Justin, l. xliv. c. 5. Diod. l. v. p. 300.

598 Lib. iii. p. 158.

599 Such a division of Britain retarded, and at the same time facilitated, the conquest of it to the Romans. Dum singuli pugnant universi vincuntur. Tacit.—Trans.

600 Hispania, prima Romanis inita Provinciarum quae quidem continentis sint, postrema omnium perdomita est. Liv. l. xxviii. p. 12.—Trans.

601 Polyb. l. iii. p. 192. l. i. p. 9.

602 Passaro.

603 Il Faro.

604 Cape Boeo.

605 Strab. l. vi. p. 267.

606 This is Strabo's calculation; but there must be a mistake in the numeral characters, and what he immediately subjoins, is a proof of this mistake. He says, that a man, whose eye-sight was good, might, from the coast of Sicily, count the vessels that came out of the port of Carthage. Is it possible that the eye can carry so far as 60 or 75 leagues? This passage of Strabo, therefore, must be thus corrected. The passage from Lilybaeum to Africa, is only 25 leagues.—Trans.

M99 A.M. 3501. A. Carth. 343. Rome, 245. Ant. J.C. 503.

607 Polyb. l iii. p. 245, et seq. edit. Gronov.

608 The reason of this restraint, according to Polybius, was, the unwillingness of the Carthaginians to let the Romans have any knowledge of the countries which lay more to the south, in order that this enterprising people might not hear of their futility. Polyb. l. iii. p. 247. edit. Gronov.—Trans.

609 Idem, p. 246.

M100 A.M. 3520. Ant. J.C. 484.

610 Diod. l. xi. p. 1, 16, & 22.

611 This city is called in Latin Panormus.—Trans.

612 Besides the 300 Spartans, the Thespians, a people of Boeotia, to the number of 700, fought and died with Leonidas in this memorable battle. Herod. l. vii. c. 202-222.—Trans.

613 An Attic silver talent, according to Dr. Bernard, is 206l. 5s., consequently 2000 talents is 412,500l.—Trans.

M101 A.M. 3592. A. Carth. 434. A. Rom. 336. Ant. J.C. 412.

614 Diod. l. xiii. p. 169-171. 179-186.

615 Diod. l. xiii. p. 201-203. 206-211. 226-231.

616 The very sepulchral monuments showed the magnificence and luxury of this city, being adorned with statues of birds and horses. But the wealth and boundless generosity of Gellias, one of its inhabitants, is almost incredible. He entertained the people with spectacles and feasts; and, during a famine, prevented the citizens from dying with hunger: he gave portions to poor maidens, and rescued the unfortunate from want and despair: he had built houses in the city and the country purposely for the accommodation of strangers, whom he usually dismissed with handsome presents. Five hundred shipwrecked citizens of Gela, applying to him, were bountifully relieved; and every man supplied with a cloak and a coat out of his wardrobe. Diod. l. xiii. Valer. Max. l. iv. c. ult. Empedocles the philosopher, born in Agrigentum, has a memorable saying concerning his fellow citizens: That the Agrigentines squandered their money so excessively every day, as if they expected it could never be exhausted; and built with such solidity and magnificence, as if they thought they should live for ever.—Trans.

617 This bull, with other spoils here taken, was afterwards restored to the Agrigentines by Scipio, when he took Carthage in the third Punic war. Cic. Orat. iv. in Verrem. c. 33.—Trans.

618 The Sicanians and Sicilians were anciently two distinct people.—Trans.

M102 A.M. 3600. A. Carth. 412. A. Rom. 344. Ant. J.C. 404.

619 Diod. l. xiv. p. 268-278.

620 Triremes.

621 Honos alit artes.

622 The curious reader will find a very particular account of it in book xxii. art. ii. sect. ii.—Trans.

623 Diod. l. xiv. p. 279-295. Justin, l. xix. c. 2, 3.

624 Panormus.—Trans.

625 Some authors say but thirty thousand foot, which is the more probable account, as the fleet which blocked up the town by sea was so formidable.—Trans.

626 Diodorus.

627 About 61,800l. English money.—Trans.

628 This Leptines was brother to Dionysius.—Trans.

629 About 206,000l.—Trans.

630 Justin, l. xx. c. 5.

631 Diod. l. xv. p. 344.

632 This is the Dionysius who invited Plato to his court; and who, being afterwards offended with his freedom, sold him for a slave. Some philosophers came from Greece to Syracuse in order to redeem their brother, which having done, they sent him home with this useful lesson: That philosophers ought very rarely, or very obligingly, to converse with tyrants. This prince had learning, and affected to pass for a poet: but could not gain that name at the Olympic games, whither he had sent his verses, to be repeated by his brother Thearides. It had been happy for Dionysus, had the Athenians entertained no better an opinion of his poetry; for on their pronouncing him victor, when his poems were repeated in their city, he was raised to such a transport of joy and intemperance, that both together killed him; and thus, perhaps, was verified the prediction of the oracle, viz. that he should die when he had overcome his betters.—Trans.

M103 A.M. 3656. A. Carth. 498. A. Rom. 400. Ant. J.C. 348.

633 Diod. l. xvi. p. 459-472. Polyb. l. iii. p. 178. Plut. in Timol.

634 Here he preserved some resemblance of his former tyranny, by turning schoolmaster; and exercising a discipline over boys, when he could no longer tyrannize over men. He had learning, and was once a scholar to Plato, whom he caused to come again into Sicily, notwithstanding the unworthy treatment he had met with from Dionysius's father. Philip, king of Macedon, meeting him in the streets of Corinth, and asking him how he came to lose so considerable a principality as had been left him by his father; he answered, that his father had indeed left him the inheritance, but not the fortune which had preserved both himself and that.—However, fortune did him no great injury in replacing him on the dunghill, from which she had raised his father.—Trans.

635 Plut. p. 248-250.

636 Plut. p. 248-250.

637 This river is not far from Agrigentum. It is called Lycus, by Diodorus and Plutarch; but this is thought a mistake.—Trans.

638 Justin, l. xvi. c. 4.

639 Diod. l. xix. p. 651-656-710-712-737-743-760. Justin, l. ii. c. 1-6.

M104 A.M. 3685. A. Carth. 527. A. Rom. 429. Ant. J.C. 319.

640 He was, according to most historians, the son of a potter; but all allow him to have worked at the trade. From the obscurity of his birth and condition, Polybius raises an argument to prove his capacity and talents, in opposition to the slanders of Timaeus. But his greatest eulogium was the praise of Scipio. That illustrious Roman being asked who, in his opinion, were the most prudent in the conduct of their affairs, and most judiciously bold in the execution of their designs; answered, Agathocles and Dionysius. Polyb. l. xv. p. 1003. edit. Gronov. However, let his capacity have been ever so great, it was exceeded by his cruelties.—Trans.

641 The battle was fought near the river and city of Himera.—Trans.

642 50,000 French crowns, or 11,250l. sterling.—Trans.

643 Agathocles wanting arms for many of his soldiers, provided them with such as were counterfeit, which looked well at a distance. And perceiving the discouragement his forces were under on sight of the enemy's horse, he let fly a great many owls, (privately procured for that purpose,) which his soldiers interpreted as an omen and assurance of victory. Diod. l. xx. p. 754.—Trans.

644 Liv. l. xxvii. n. 43.

645 Diod. l. xvii. p. 519. Quint. Curt. l. iv. c. 3.

646 Τῶν τέκνων καὶ γυναικῶν μέρος, some of their wives and children. Diod. l. xvii. p. 519.—Trans.

647 And the most forward of all the rest was Antander, the brother of Agathocles, left commander in his absence; who was so terrified with the report, that he was eager for having the city surrendered; and expelled out of it eight thousand inhabitants who were of a contrary opinion.—Trans.

648 Diod. p. 767-769.

649 He was cruelly tortured till he died, and so met with the fate which his fellow-citizens, offended at his conduct in Sicily, had probably allotted for him at home. He was too formidable to be attacked at the head of his army; and therefore the votes of the senate (whatever they were) being, according to custom, cast into a vessel, it was immediately closed, with an order not to uncover it, till he was returned, and had thrown up his commission. Justin, l. xxii. c. 3.—Trans.

650 Diod. p. 779-781. Justin, l. xxii. c. 7.

651 It would seem incredible that any man could so far triumph over the pains of the cross, as to talk with any coherence in his discourse; had not Seneca assured us, that some have so far despised and insulted its tortures, that they spit contemptuously upon the spectators. Quidam ex patibulo suos spectatores conspuerunt. De vita beata, c. 19.—Trans.

652 Diod. p. 777-779-791-802. Justin, l. xxii. c. 7, 8

653 He was poisoned by one Maenon, whom he had unnaturally abused. His teeth were putrified by the violence of the poison, and his body tortured all over with the most racking pains. Maenon was excited to this deed by Archagathus, grandson of Agathocles, whom he designed to defeat of the succession, in favour of his other son Agathocles. Before his death, he restored the democracy to the people. It is observable, that Justin (or rather Trogus) and Diodorus disagree in all the material part of this tyrant's history.—Trans.

654 Justin, l. xxi. c. 6.

M105 A.M. 3727. A. Carth. 569. A. Rom. 471. Ant. J.C. 277.

655 Polyb. l. iii. p. 250. edit. Gronov.

656 Justin, l. xviii. c. 2.

657 Idem.

658 Plut. in Pyrrh. p. 398.

659 Οἵαν ἀπολείπομεν, ὦ φίλοι, Καρχηδονίοις καὶ Ῥωμαίοις παλαίστραν. The Greek expression is beautiful. Indeed Sicily was a kind of Palaestra, where the Carthaginians and Romans exercised themselves in war, and for many years seemed to play the part of wrestlers with each other. The English language, as well as the French, has no word to express the Greek term.—Trans.

M106 A.M. 3724. A. Carth. 566. A. Rom. 468. Ant. J.C. 280.

660 Polyb. l. i. p. 8. edit Gronov.

661 Polyb. l. i. p. 12-15. edit. Gronov.

M107 A.M. 3741. A. Carth. 583. A. Rom. 485. Ant. J.C. 263.

662 Frontin.

663 The Chevalier Folard examines this question in his remarks upon Polybius, l. i. p. 16.—Trans.

M108 A.M. 3743. A. Rom. 487.

664 Polyb. l. i. p. 15-19.

665 Id. p. 20.

M109 A.M. 3745. A. Rom. 489.

666 Polyb. l. i. p. 22.

667 Polyb. l. i. p. 22.

668 A different person from the great Hannibal.—Trans.

669 These pillars were called Rostratae, from the beaks of ships with which they were adorned; Rostra.—Trans.

670 Polyb. l. i. p. 24.

M110 A.M. 3749. A. Rom. 493.

671 Polyb l. i. p. 25.

672 Id. p. 30.

M111 A.M. 3750. A. Rom. 494.

673 Val. Max. l. iv. c. 4.

674 Polyb. l. i. p. 31-36.

675 In the interval betwixt the departure of Manlius and the taking of Tunis, we are to place the memorable combat of Regulus and his whole army, with a serpent of so prodigious a size, that the fabulous one of Cadmus is hardly comparable to it. The story of this serpent was elegantly written by Livy, but it is now lost. Valerius Maximus, however, partly repairs that loss; and in the last chapter of his first book, gives us this account of this monster from Livy himself.—He [Livy] says, that on the banks of Bragada (an African river) lay a serpent of so enormous a size, that it kept the whole Roman army from coming to the river. Several soldiers had been buried in the wide caverns of its belly, and many pressed to death in the spiral volumes of its tail. Its skin was impenetrable to darts: and it was with repeated endeavours that stones, slung from the military engines, at last killed it. The serpent then exhibited a sight that was more terrible to the Roman cohorts and legions than even Carthage itself. The streams of the river were dyed with its blood, and the stench of its putrified carcass infected the adjacent country, so that the Roman army was forced to decamp. Its skin, one hundred and twenty feet long, was sent to Rome: and, if Pliny may be credited, was to be seen (together with the jaw-bone of the same monster, in the temple where they were first deposited,) as late as the Numantine war.—Trans.

676 Δεῖ τοὺς ἀγαθοὺς ἤ νικᾷν, ἤ εἴκειν τοῖς ὑπερέχουσιν. Diod. Eclog. l. xxiii. c. 10.—Trans.

677 De Bell. Pun. p. 30.

678 This perfidious action, as it is related by Appian, may possibly be true, when we consider the character of the Carthaginians, who were certainly a cruel and treacherous people. But if it be fact, one would wonder why Polybius should reserve for another occasion, the relation of an incident which comes in most properly here, as it finishes at once the character and life of Xanthippus. His silence therefore in this place makes me think, that he intended to bring Xanthippus again upon the stage; and to exhibit him to the reader in a different light from that in which he is placed by Appian. To this let me add, that it showed no great depth of policy in the Carthaginians, to take this method of despatching him, when so many others offered which were less liable to censure. In this scheme formed for his destruction, not only himself, but all his followers, were to be murdered, without the pretence of even a storm, or loss of one single Carthaginian, to cover or excuse the perpetration of so horrid a crime.—Trans.

679 Lib. i. p. 36, 37.

680 Inter pauca felicitatis virtutisque exempla M. Atilius quondam in hac eadem terra fuisset, si victor pacem petentibus dedisset patribus nostris. Sed non statuendo tandem felicitati modum, nec cohibendo efferentem se fortunam, quanto altius elatus erat, eo foedius corruit. Liv. l. xxx. n. 30.—Trans.

681 Ὡς ἕν σοφὸν βούλευμα τὰς πολλὰς χεῖρας νικᾶ. It may not be improper to take notice in this place (as it was forgotten before) of a mistake of the learned Casaubon, in his translation of a passage of Polybius concerning Xanthippus. The passage is this, Ἐν οἷς καὶ Ξάνθιππόν τινα Λακεδαιμόνιον ἄνδρα τὴς Λακωνικῆς ἀγωγῆς μετεχηκότα, καὶ τριβὴν ἐν τοῖς πολεμικοῖς ἔχοντα σύμμετρον. Which is thus rendered by Casaubon: In queis [militibus sc. Graecia allatis] Xanthippus quidam fuit Lacedaemonius, vir disciplina Laconica imbutus, et qui rei militaris usum mediocrem habebat. Whereas, agreeably with the whole character and conduct of Xanthippus, I take the sense of this passage to be, "a man formed by the Spartan discipline, and proportionably [not moderately] skilful in military affairs."—Trans.

682 This silence of Polybius has prejudiced a great many learned men against many of the stories told of Regulus's barbarous treatment, after he was taken by the Carthaginians. M. Rollin speaks no further of this matter; and therefore I shall give my reader the substance of what is brought against the general belief of the Roman writers, (as well historians as poets,) and of Appian on this subject. First, it is urged, that Polybius was very sensible that the story of these cruelties was false; and therefore, that he might not disoblige the Romans, by contradicting so general a belief, he chose rather to be silent concerning Regulus after he was taken prisoner, than to violate the truth of history, of which he was so strict an observer. This opinion is further strengthened (say the adversaries of this belief) by a fragment of Diodorus, which says, that the wife of Regulus, exasperated at the death of her husband in Carthage, occasioned, as she imagined, by barbarous usage, persuaded her sons to revenge the fate of their father, by the cruel treatment of two Carthaginian captives (thought to be Bostar and Hamilcar) taken in the sea-fight against Sicily, after the misfortune of Regulus, and put into her hands for the redemption of her husband. One of these died by the severity of his imprisonment; and the other, by the care of the senate, who detested the cruelty, survived, and was recovered to health. This treatment of the captives, and the resentment of the senate on that account, form a third argument or presumption against the truth of this story of Regulus, which is thus argued. Regulus dying in his captivity by the usual course of nature, his wife, thus frustrated of her hopes of redeeming him by the exchange of her captives, treated them with the utmost barbarity in consequence of her belief of the ill usage which Regulus had received. The senate being angry with her for it, to give some colour to her cruelties, she gave out among her acquaintance and kindred, that her husband died in the way generally related. This, like all other reports, increased gradually; and, from the national hatred betwixt the Carthaginians and Romans, was easily and generally believed by the latter. How far this is conclusive against the testimonies of two such weighty authors as Cicero and Seneca (to say nothing of the poets) is left to the judgment of the reader.—Trans.

M112 A.M. 3755. A. Rom. 499.

683 Appian, de Bella Pun. p. 2, 3. Cic. de Off. l. iii. n. 99, 100. Aul. Gel. l. vi. c. 4. Senec. Ep. 99.

684 Horat. l. iii. Od. 3.

685 Polyb. l. i. p. 37.

686 Or Clypea.—Trans.

687 Polyb. l. i. p. 38-40.

688 P. 41, 42.

689 Ibid. l. i. p. 44-50.

690 Polyb. p. 50.

M113 A.M. 3756. A. Rom. 500.

691 Ibid. p. 51.

692 Ibid. p. 54-59.

693 A city and mountain of Sicily.—Trans.

694 Polyb. l. i. p. 59-62.

M114 A.M. 3763. A. Rom. 507.

695 These islands are also called AEgates.—Trans.

696 This sum amounts to near six millions one hundred and eighty thousand French livres, or 515,000l. English money.

697 Polyb. l. iii. p. 182.

M115 A.M. 3763. A. Carth. 605. A. Rom. 507. Ant. J.C. 241.

698 Polyb. l. i. p. 65-89.

699 The same year that the first Punic war ended.—Trans.

700 And sometimes ξενικὸν, or the war with the mercenaries.—Trans.

701 Ibid. p. 66.

702 Matho was an African, and free born; but as he had been active in raising the rebellion, an accommodation would have ruined him. He, therefore, despairing of a pardon, embraced the interests of Spendius with more zeal than any of the rebels; and first insinuated to the Africans the danger of concluding a peace, as this would leave them alone, and exposed to the rage of their old masters. Polyb. p. 98. edit. Gronov.—Trans.

703 Bellis Punicis omnibus, cum saepe Carthaginenses et in pace et per inducias multa nefanda facinora fecissent, nunquam ipsi per occasionem talia fecere: magis quod se dignum foret, quam quod in illos jure fieri posset, quaerebant. Sallust. in Bell. Gatilin.—Trans.

M116 A.M. 3767. A. Carth. 609. A. Rom. 511. Ant. J.C. 237.

704 Liv. l. xxi. n. 1.

705 Lib. iii. p. 162-168.

706 Angebant ingentis spiritus virum Sicilia Sardiniaque amissae: Nam et Siciliam nimis celeri desperatione rerum concessam; et Sardiniam inter motum Africae fraude Romanorum, stipendio etiam superimposito, interceptam. Liv. l. xxi. n. 1.—Trans.

707 Polyb. l. ii. p. 90.

708 Polyb. l. iii. p. 167. Liv. l. xxi. n. 1.

M117 A.M. 3776. A. Rom. 520.

709 Polyb. l. ii. p. 101.

710 Polyb. l. ii. p. 123. Liv. l. xxi. n. 2.

711 The murder was an effect of the extraordinary fidelity of this Gaul, whose master had fallen by the hand of Asdrubal. It was perpetrated in public; and the murderer being seized by the guards, and put to the torture, expressed so strong a satisfaction in the thoughts of his having executed his revenge so successfully, that he seemed to ridicule all the terror of his torments. Eo fuit habitu oris, ut superante laetitia dolores, ridentis etiam speciem praebuerit. Liv. l. xxi. n. 1.—Trans.

M118 A.M. 3783. A. Rom. 530.

712 Liv. l. xxi. n. 3, 4.

M119 A.M. 3784. A. Carth. 626. A. Rom. 528.

713 Polyb. l. iii. p. 168, 169. Liv. l. xxi. n. 3-5.

714 In vit. Annib. c. 7.

715 Hic, ut rediit, Praetor factus est, postquam rex fuerat anno secundo et vigesimo.—Trans.

716 This city lay on the Carthaginian side of the Iberus, very near the mouth of that river, and in a country where the Carthaginians were allowed to make war, but Saguntum, as an ally of the Romans, was excepted from all hostilities, by virtue of the late treaty.—Trans.

717 Ibi large partiendo praedam, stipendia praeterita cum fide exsolvendo, cunctos civium sociorumque animos in se firmavit. Liv. l xxi. n. 5.—Trans.

718 Polyb. l. iii. p. 170-173. Liv. l. xxi. n. 6-15.

719 Polyb. p. 174, 175. Liv. l. xxi. n. 16, 17.

720 Sanctitate disciplinae, qua fidem socialem usque ad perniciem suam coluerunt. Liv. l. xxi. n. 7.—Trans.

721 Polyb. p. 187. Liv. l. xxi. n. 18, 19.

722 Polyb. l. iii. p. 184, 185.

M120 A.M. 3787. A. Carth. 629. A. Rom. 531. Ant. J.C. 217.

723 Polyb. l. iii. p. 187. Liv. l. xxi. n. 21, 22.

724 Lib. iii. p. 192, 193.

725 275 miles.

726 Polybius makes the distance from New Carthage to be 2600 furlongs; consequently, the whole number of furlongs will be 8400, or (allowing 625 feet to the furlong) 944 English miles, and almost one-third. See Polybius, edit. Gronov. p. 267.—Trans.

727 Lib. iii. p. 199.

728 200 miles.

729 200 miles.

730 175 miles.

731 150 miles.

732 1000 miles.

733 Polyb. l. iii. p. 188, 189.

734 Audierunt praeoccupatos jam ab Annibale Gallorum animos esse: sed ne illi quidem ipsi satis mitem gentem fore, ni subinde anro, cujus avidissima gens est, principum animi concilientur. Liv. l. xxi. n. 20.—Trans.

735 Polyb. p. 189, 190. Liv. l. xxi. n. 22-24.

736 A little above Avignon.—Trans.

737 Polyb. l. iii. p. 270-274. edit. Gronov. Liv. l. xxi. ii. 26-28.

738 It is thought this was betwixt Roquemaure and Pont St. Esprit.—Trans.

739 Polyb. l. iii. p. 200-202, &c. Liv. l. xxi. n. 31, 32.

740 Hoc principium simulque omen belli, ut summa rerum prosperum eventum, ita haud sane incruentam ancipitisque certaminis victoriam Romanis portendit. Liv. l. xxi. n. 29.—Trans.

741 The text of Polybius, as it has been transmitted to us, and that of Livy, place this island at the meeting of the Saone and the Rhone, that is, in that part where the city of Lyons stands. But this is a manifest error. It was Σκώρας in the Greek, instead of which ὁ Ἄραρος has been substituted. J. Gronovius says, that he had read, in a manuscript of Livy, Bisarar, which shows, that we are to read Isara Rhodanusque amnes, instead of Arar Rhodanusque; and, that the island in question is formed by the conflux of the Isere and the Rhone. The situation of the Allobroges, here spoken of, proves this evidently.—Trans.

742 In Dauphine.—Trans.

743 Polyb. l. iii. p. 203-208. Liv. l. xxi. n. 32-37.

744 Of Piedmont.—Trans.

745 Many reject this incident as fictitious. Pliny takes notice of a remarkable quality in vinegar; viz. its being able to break rocks and stones. Saxa rumpit infusum, quae non ruperit ignis antecedens, l. xxiii. c. 1. He therefore calls it, Succus rerum domitor, l. xxxiii. c 2. Dion, speaking of the siege of Eleutherae, says, that the walls of it were made to fall by the force of vinegar, l. xxxvi. p. 8. Probably, the circumstance that seems improbable on this occasion, is, the difficulty of Hannibal's procuring, in those mountains, a quantity of vinegar sufficient for this purpose.—Trans.

746 Polyb. l. iii. p. 209 & 212-214. Liv. l. xxi. c. 39.

747 Taurini.—Trans.

748 A small river (now called Tesino) in Lombardy.—Trans.

749 Polyb. l. iii. p. 214-218. Liv. l. xxi. n. 39-47.

750 These two ill omens were, first, a wolf had stolen into the camp of the Romans, and cruelly mangled some of the soldiers, without receiving the least harm from those who endeavoured to kill it: and secondly, a swarm of bees had pitched upon a tree near the Praetorium or general's tent. Liv. l. xxi. c. 46.—Trans.

751 The Numidians used to ride without saddle or bridle.—Trans.

752 Polyb. l. iii. p. 220-227. Liv. l. xxi. n. 51-56.

753 Polyb. l. iii. pp. 228, 229. Liv. l. xxi. n. 60, 61.

754 Or Ebro.—Trans.

755 Polyb. p. 229.

756 Liv. l. xxi. n. 58.

757 Polyb. l. iii. p. 229. Liv. l. xxii. n. 1. Appian. in Bell. Annib. p. 316.

M121 A.M. 3788. A. Rom. 532.

758 Polyb. pp. 230, 231. Liv. l. xxii. n. 2.

759 Polyb. l. iii. p. 231-238. Liv. l. xxii. n. 3-8.

760 Apparebat ferociter omnia ac praepiopere acturum. Quoque pronior esset in sua vitia, agitare eum atque irritare Poenus parat. Liv. l. xxii. n. 3.—Trans.

761 Polyb. l. iii. p. 239-255. Liv. l. xxii. n. 9-30.

762 A small town, which gave its name to the Adriatic sea.—Trans.

763 Nec Annibalem lefellit suis se artibus peti. Liv.—Trans.

764 Satis fidens haudquaquam cum imperii jure artem imperandi aequatam. Liv. l. xxii. n. 26.—Trans.

765 Polyb. l. iii. p. 245-250. Liv. l. xxii. n. 19-22.

M122 A.M. 3789. A. Rom. 533.

766 Polyb. l. iii. p. 255-268. Liv. l. xxii. n. 34-54.

767 Polybius supposes only two hundred horse in each legion: but J. Lipsius thinks that this is a mistake either of the author or transcriber.—Trans.

768 A violent burning wind, blowing south-south-east, which, in this flat and sandy country, raised clouds of hot dust, and blinded and choked the Romans.—Trans.

769 Livy lessens very much the number of the slain, making them amount but to about forty-three thousand. But Polybius ought rather to be believed.—Trans.

770 Duo maximi exercitus caesi ad hostium satietatem, donec Annibal diceret militi suo: Parce ferro. Flor. l. 1. c. 6.—Trans.

771 Tum Maharbal: Non omnia nimirum eidem Dii dedere. Vincere scis, Annibal, victoria uti nescis. Liv. l. xxii. n. 51.—Trans.

772 Liv. l. xxii. n. 9. Ibid. l. xxiii. n. 18.

773 Casilinum.—Trans.

774 Liv. l. xxiii. n. 11-14.

775 Pliny, l. xxxiii. c. 1, says, that there were three bushels sent to Carthage. Livy observes, that some authors make them amount to three bushels and a half; but he thinks it most probable that there was but one, l. xxxiii. n. 12. Florus, l. ii. c. 16, makes it two bushels.—Trans.

776 De St. Evremond.

777 Liv. l. xxiii. n. 4-18.

778 Caeterum quum Graeci omnem fere oram maritimam Coloniis suis, e Graecia deductis, obsiderent, &c. But after the Greeks had, by their colonies, possessed themselves of almost all the maritime coast, this very country (together with Sicily) was called Graecia Magna, &c. Cluver. Geograph. l. iii. c. 30.—Trans.

779 Ibi partem majorem hiemis exercitum in tectis habuit; adversus omnia humana mala saepe ac diu durantem, bonis inexpertum atque insuetum. Itaque quos nulla mali vicerat vis, perdidere nimia bona ac voluptates immodicae, et eo impensius quo avidius ex insolentia ineas se merserant. Liv. l. xxiii. n. 18.—Trans.

780 Illa enim cunctatio distulisse modo victoriam videri potuit, hic error vires ademisse ad vincendum. Liv. l. xxiii. n. 18.—Trans.

781 Capuam Annibali Cannas fuisse: ibi virtutem bellicam, ibi militarem disciplinam, ibi praeteriti temporis famam, ibi spem futuri extinctam. Liv. l. xxiii. n. 45.—Trans.

782 Liv. l. xxiii. n. 13.

783 Ibid. n. 32.

M123 A.M. 3790. A. Rom. 534.

784 Liv. l. xxiii. n. 26-30. and n. 32, 40, 41.

785 Not Hannibal's brother.—Trans.

M124 A.M. 3791. A. Rom. 535.

786 Liv. l. xxiii. n. 41-46. l. xxv. n. 22. l. xxvi. n. 5-16.

M125 A.M. 3793. A. Rom 537. M126 A.M. 3794. A. Rom. 538.

787 Flagitiosum esse terreri ac circumagi ad omnes Annibalis comminationes. Liv. l. xxvi. n. 8.—Trans.

788 Audita vox Annibalis fertur, Potiundae sibi urbis Romae, modo mentem non dari, modo fortunam. Liv. l. xxvi. n. 11.—Trans.

789 Feronia was the goddess of groves, and there was one, with a temple in it, dedicated to her, at the foot of the mountain Soracte. Strabo, speaking of the grove where the goddess was worshipped, says, that a sacrifice was offered annually to her in it; and that her votaries, inspired by this goddess, walked unhurt over burning coals. There are still extant some medals of Augustus, in which this goddess is represented with a crown on her head.—Trans.

790 Vilius Virius, the chief of this conspiracy, after having represented to the Capuan senate, the severe treatment which his country might expect from the Romans, prevailed with twenty-seven senators to go with him to his own house, where, after eating a plentiful dinner, and heating themselves with wine, they all drank poison. Then taking their last farewell, some withdrew to their own houses, others staid with Virius; and all expired before the gates were opened to the Romans. Liv. l. xxvi. n. 13, 14.—Trans.

791 Confessio expressa hosti, quanta vis in Romanis ad expetendas poenas ab infidelibus sociis, et quam nihil in Annibale auxilii ad receptos in fidem tuendos esset. Liv. l. xxvi. n. 16.—Trans.

M127 A.M. 3793. A. Rom. 537.

792 Liv. xxv. n. 32-39.

793 Id quidem cavendum semper Romanis ducibus erit, exemplaque haec vere pro documentis habenda. Ne ita externis credant auxiliis, ut non plus sui roboris suarumque proprie virium in castris habeant. Liv. n. 33.—Trans.

794 He attacked the Carthaginians, who had divided themselves into two camps, and were secure, as they thought, from any immediate attempt of the Romans; killed thirty-seven thousand of them; took one thousand eight hundred prisoners and brought off immense plunder. Liv. l. xxv. n. 39.—Trans.

M128 A.M. 3798. A. Rom. 542.

795 Polyb. l. xi. p. 622-625. Liv. l. xxvii. p. 35-51.

796 No general was allowed to leave his own province, to go into that of another.—Trans.

797 Now called Metaro.—Trans.

798 According to Polybius, the loss amounted but to ten thousand men, and that of the Romans to two thousand, l. xi. p. 870, edit. Gronov.—Trans.

799 Horace makes him speak thus, in the beautiful ode where this defeat is described:

Carthagini jam non ego nuntios Mittara superbos. Occidit, occidit Spes omnis, et fortuna nostri Nominis, Asdrubale interempto. Lib. iv. Od. 4.—Trans.

M129 A.M. 3799. A. Rom. 543.

800 Polyb. l. xi. p. 650. & l. xiv. p. 677-687. & l. xv. p. 689-694. Liv. l. xxviii. n. 1-4. 16. 38. 40-46. l. xxix. n. 24-36. l. xxx. n. 20-28.

M130 A.M. 3800. A. Rom. 544. M131 A.M. 3802. A. Rom. 516.

801 Raro quenquam alium patriam exilii causa relinquentem magis moestum abiisse ferunt, quam Annibalem hostium terra excedentem. Respexisse saepe Italiae littora, et deos hominesque accusantem, in se quoque ac suum ipsius caput execratum. Quod non cruentum ab Cannensi victoria militem Romam duxisset. Liv. l. xxx. n. 20.—Trans.

802 Livy supposes, however, that this delay was a capital error in Hannibal, which he himself afterwards regretted.—Trans.

803 Ἐσκοπεῖτο παρ᾽ αὐτῷ συλλογιζόμενος, οὐχ οὕτω τί δέον παθεῖν Καρχηδονίους, ὡς τί δέον ἦν πράξει Ῥωμαίους. Polyb. l. xv. p. 965. edit. Gronov.

Quibus Scipio. Etsi nou induciarum modo fides, sed etiam jus gentium in legatis violatum esset; tamen se nihil nec institutis populi Romani nec suis moribus indignum in iis facturum esse. Liv. l. xxx. n. 25.—Trans.

M132 A.M. 3803. A. Rom. 547.

804 Polyb l. xv. p. 694-703. Liv. l. xxx. n. 29-35.

805 Celsus haec corpore, vultuque ita laeto, ut vicisse jam crederes, dicebat. Liv. l. xxx. n. 32.—Trans.

806 Polyb. l. xv. p. 704-707. Liv. l. xxx. n. 36-44.

807 Ten thousand Attic talents make thirty millions French money. Ten thousand Euboic talents make something more than twenty-eight millions, thirty-three thousand livres; because, according to Budaeus, the Euboic talent is equivalent but to fifty-six minae and something more, whereas the Attic talent is worth sixty minae.

Or otherwise thus calculated in English money:

According to Budaeus, the Euboic talent is 56 Minae 56 Minae reduced to English money is 175l. Consequently, 10,000 Euboic talents make 1,750,000l. So that the Carthaginians paid annually 35,000l.

This calculation is as near the truth as it can well be brought; the Euboic talent being something more than 56 minae.—Trans.

808 Raro simul hominibus bonam fortunam bonamque mentem dari. Populum Romanum eo invictum esse, quod in secundis rebus sapere et consulere meminerit. Et hercle mirandum fuisse si aliter facerent. Ex insolentia, quibus nova bona fortuna sit, impotentes laetitiae insanire: populo Romano usitata ac prope obsoleta ex victoria gaudia esse; ac plus pene parcendo victis, quam vincendo, imnerium auxisse. Liv. l. xxx n. 42.—Trans.

M133 A.M. 3804. A. Carth. 646. A. Rom. 548. Ant. J.C. 200.

809 Lib. vi. p. 493, 494.

810 Liv. l. xxiv. n. 8, 9.

811 Quilibet nautarum rectorumque tranquillo mari gubernare potest: Ubi saeva orta tempestas est, ac turbato mari rapitur vento navis, tum viro et gubernatore opus est. Non tranquillo navigamus, sed jam aliquot procellis submersi pene sumus. Itaque quis ad gubernacula sedeat, summa cura providendum ac praecavendum nubis est.—Trans.

812 Corn. Nep. in Annib. c. 7.

813 Liv. l. xxxiii. n. 46.

814 Liv. l. xxiii. n. 46, 47.

815 Tum vero isti quos paverat per aliquot annos publicus peculatus, velut bonis ereptis, non furto eorum manibus extorto, infensi et irati, Romanos in Annibaleim, et ipsos causam odii quaerentes, instigabant. Liv.—Trans.

816 Liv. l. xxiii. n. 45-49.

817 It is probable that we should read suos.—Trans.

M134 A.M. 3812. A. Rom. 556.

818 Cic. de Orat. l. ii. n. 75, 76.

819 Hic Poenus libere respondisse fertur, multos se deliros senes saepe vidisse: Sed qui magis quam Phormio deliraret vidisse neminem. Stobaeus, Serm. lii. gives the following account of this matter: Ἀννίβας ἀκούσας Στοικοῦ τίνος ἐπιχειροῦντος, ὅτι ὁ σοφὸς μόνος στρατηγὸς ἐστὶν, ἐγέλασε, νομίζων ἀδύνατον εἶναι ἐκτὸς τῆς δι᾽ ἔργων ἐμπειρίας τὴν ἐν τούτοις ἑπιστήμην ἔχειν. i.e. Hannibal hearing a Stoic philosopher undertake to prove that the wise man was the only general, laughed, as thinking it impossible for a man to have any skill in war without having long practised it.—Trans.

820 They did more, for they sent two ships to pursue Hannibal, and bring him back; they sold off his goods, rased his house; and, by a public decree, declared him an exile. Such was the gratitude the Carthaginians showed to the greatest general they ever had. Corn. Nep. in vita Hannib. c. 7.—Trans.

821 Liv. l. xxxiv. n. 60.

822 Ib. n. 61.

M135 A.M. 3813. A. Rom. 557.

823 Liv. l. xxxv. n. 14. Polyb. l. iii. p. 166, 167.

824 Polybius represents this application of Villius to Hannibal, as a premeditated design, in order to render him suspected to Antiochus, because of his intimacy with a Roman. Livy owns, that the affair succeeded as if it had been designed; but, at the same time, he gives, for a very obvious reason, another turn to this conversation, and says, that no more was intended by it, than to sound Hannibal, and to remove any fears or apprehensions he might be under from the Romans.—Trans.

825 Liv. l. xxxv. n. 14. Plut. in vita Flamin. &c.

826 Plut. in Pyrrho, p. 687.

827 Liv. l. xxxv. n. 19.

828 Liv. l. xxxv. n. 42, 43.

829 Nulla ingenia tam prona ad invidiam sunt, quam eorum qui genus ac fortunam suam animis non aequant: Quia virtutem et bonum alienum oderunt. Methinks it is better to read ut bonum alienum.—Trans.

830 Ib. l. xxxvi. n. 7.

831 Liv. l. xxxvi. n. 41.

832 Corn. Nep. in Annib. c. 9, 10. Justin, l. xxxii. c. 4.

M136 A.M. 3820. A. Rom. 564.

833 These statues were thrown out by him, in a place of public resort, as things of little value. Corn. Nep.—Trans.

834 Corn. Nep. in Annib. c. 10, 11. Justin, l. xxxiii c. 4.

835 Justin, l. xxxii. c. 4. Corn. Nep. in vit. Annib.

M137 A.M. 3882. A. Rom. 566.

836 Liv. l. xxxix. n. 51.

837 Plutarch, according to his custom, assigns him three different deaths. Some, says he, relate, "that having wrapped his cloak about his neck, he ordered his servant to fix his knees against his buttocks, and not to leave twisting till he had strangled him." Others say, that, in imitation of Themistocles and Midas, he drank bull's blood. Livy tells us, that Hannibal drank a poison which he always carried about him; and taking the cup into his hands, cried, "Let us free," &c. In vita Flaminini.—Trans.

838 Of the Method of Studying and Teaching the Belles Lettres, vol. ii.—Trans.

839 Quintil.—Trans.

840 Atque hic tantus vir, tantisque bellis districtus, nonnibil temporis tribuit litteris, &c. Corn. Nep in vita Annib. cap. 13.—Trans.

841 Lib. xxi. n, 4.

842 Excerpt. e Polyb. p. 33.

843 Excerpt. e Diod. p. 282. Liv. l. xxv. n. 17.

844 Lib. xxxii. c. 4.

845 Cibi potionisque, desiderio naturali, non voluptate, modus finitus. Liv. l. xxi. n. 4.

Constat Annibalem, nec tum cum Romano tonantem bello Italia contremuit, nec cum reversus Carthaginem summum imperium tenuit, aut cubantem coenasse, aut plus quam sextario vini indulsisse. Justin, l. xxxii. c. 4.—Trans.

846 Except e Polyb. p. 34 & 37.

847 AEn. l. iv. ver. 41.—Trans.

848 Liv. l. xxiv. n. 48, 49.

849 Id. l. xxix. n. 29-34.

850 Id. l. xxix. n. 23.

851 Id. l. xxx n. 11, 12.

852 Liv. l. xxx. n. 44.

853 Id. l. xxxiv. n. 62.

M138 A.M. 3823. A. Rom. 567.

854 Id. l. xl. n. 17.

M139 A.M. 3833. A. Rom. 577.

855 Id. l. xlii. n. 23, 24.

856 Polyb. p. 951.

M140 A.M. 3848. A. Rom. 592.

857 App. de bell. Pun. p. 37.

858 App. p. 38.

859 App. de bell. Pun. 40.

860 Emporium, or Emporia, was a country of Africa, on the Lesser Syrtis, in which Leptis stood. No part of the Carthaginian dominions was more fruitful than this. Polybius, l. i. says, that the revenue that arose from this place was so considerable, that all their hopes were almost founded on it, ἐν ἁῖς (viz. their revenues from Emporia) εἶχον τὰς μεγίστας ἔλπιδας. To this was owing their care and state-jealousy above mentioned, lest the Romans should sail beyond the Fair Promontory, that lay before Carthage; and become acquainted with a country which might induce them to attempt the conquest of it.—Trans.

861 App. de bell. Pun. 40.

862 Ils furent tous passes sous le joug: Sub jugum missi; a kind of gallows (made by two forked sticks, standing upright) was erected, and a spear laid across, under which vanquished enemies were obliged to pass. Festus.—Trans.

M141 A.M. 3855. A. Carth. 697. A. Rom. 599. Ant. J.C. 149.

863 Appian, p. 41, 42.

864 The foreign forces were commanded by leaders of their respective nations, who were all under the command of a Carthaginian officer, called by Appian Βοήθαρχος.—Trans.

865 Plut. in vit. Cat. p. 352.

866 Plin. l. xv. c. 18.

867 Plut. ibid. in vita Cat.

868 Ubi Carthago, et aemula imperii Romani ab stirpe interiit, Fortuna saevire ac miscere omnia coepit. Sallust. in bell. Catilin.

Ante Carthaginem deletam populus et senatus Romanus placide modesteque inter se Remp. tractabant.—Metus hostilis in bonis artibus civitatem retinebat. Sed ubi formido illa mentibus decessit, illicet ea, quae secundae res amant, lascivia atquae superbia incessere. Idem in bello Jugurthino.—Trans.

869 Potentiae Romanorum prior Scipio viam aperuerat, luxuriae posterior aperuit. Quippe remoto Carthaginis metu, sublataque imperii aemula, non gradu, sed praecipiti cursu a virtute descitum, ad vitia transcursum. Vel. Paterc. l. ii. c. 1.—Trans.

870 App. p. 42.

M142 A.M. 3856. A. Rom. 600.

871 Ibid.

872 Polyb. excerpt. legat.. p. 972

873 To the Romans.—Trans.

874 Polyb. excerpt. legat. p. 972.

875 Polyb. p. 975. Appian, p. 44-46.

876 Appian, p. 46.

877 Balistae or Catapultae.—Trans.

878 Four leagues, or twelve miles.—Trans.

879 Appian, p. 46-53.

880 Appian, p. 53, 54.

881 Polyb. l. xiii. p. 671, 672.

882 Appian, p. 55. Strabo, l. xvii. p. 833.

883 Appian, p. 55.

884 Appian, p. 55-63.

M143 A.M. 3857. A. Rom. 601.

885 Appian, p. 63.

886 Appian, p. 65.

887 Page 66.

888 Andriscus.—Trans.

889 Page 68.

M144 A.M. 3858. A. Rom. 602.

890 Appian, p. 69.

891 Page 70.

892 A sort of movable bridge.—Trans.

893 Appian, p. 56, 57. Strabo, l. xvii. p. 832.

894 Νεωσοίκους, Strabo.—Trans.

895 Boch. in Phal. p. 512.

896 Appian, p. 72.

897 It was he who had first commanded without the city, but having caused the other Asdrubal, Masinissa's grandson, to be put to death, he got the command of the troops within the walls.—Trans.

898 Page 73.

899 Four miles and three quarters.—Trans.

900 Appian, p. 74.

901 Appian, p. 75.

902 Ibid. p. 78.

M145 A.M. 3859. A. Rom. 603.

903 Appian, p. 79.

904 Ibid. p. 81.

905 Appian, p. 82.

906 Ecclus, x. 8.

M146 A.M. 3859. A. Carth. 701. A. Rom. 603. Ant. J.C. 145.

907 Appian, p. 83.

908 Ibid.

909 Quem taurum Scipio cum redderet Agrigentinis, dixisse dicitur, aequum esse illos cogitare utrum esset Siculis utilius, suisne servire, au populo R. obtemperare, cum idem monumentum et domesticae crudelitatis, et nostrae mansuetudinis haberent. Cicer. Verr. vi. n. 73.—Trans.

910 Ibid.

911 Appian, p. 84.

912 We may guess at the dimensions of this famous city, by what Florus says, viz. that it was seventeen days on fire, before it could be all consumed. Quanta urbs deleta sit, ut de caeteris taceam, vel ignium mora probari potest: quippe per continuos decem et septem dies vix potuit incendium extingui. Lib. ii. c. 15.—Trans.

913 Neque se Roma, jam terrarum orbe superato, securam speravit fore, si nomen usquam maneret Carthaginis. Adeo odium certaminibus ortum, ultra metum durat, et ne in victis quidem deponitur, neque ante invisum esse desinit, quam esse desiit. Vel. Paterc. l. i. c. 12.—Trans.

914 Ut ipse locus eorum, qui cum hac urbe de imperio certarunt, vestigia calamitatis ostenderet. Cic. Agrar. ii. n. 50.—Trans.

915 Ibid.

916 Appian, p. 85. Plut. in vit. Gracch p. 839.

917 Marius cursum in Africam direxit, inopemque vitam in tugurio ruinarum Carthaginensium toleravit: cum Marius aspiciens Carthaginem, illa intuens Marium, alter alteri possent esse solatio. Vel. Paterc. l. ii c. 19.—Trans.

918 Appian, p. 85.

919 Strabo, l. xvii. p. 833.

920 Ibid. 831.

921 Page 733.

922 Scipio AEmilianus, vir avitis P. Africani paternisque L. Pauli virtutibus simillimus, omnibus belli ac togae dotibus, ingeniique ac studiorum eminentissimus seculi sui, qui nihil in vita nisi laudandum aut fecit aut dixit aut seusit. Vel. Paterc. l. i. c. 12.—Trans.

923 Neque enim quisquam hoc Scipione elegantius intervalla negotiorum otio dispunxit: semperque aut belli aut pacis serviit artibus, semper inter arma ac studia versatus, aut corpus periculis, aut animum disciplinis exercuit. Vel. Paterc. l. i. c. 13.—Trans.

924 Africanus semper Socraticum Xenophontem in manibus habebat. Tusc. Quaest. l. ii. n. 62.—Trans.

925 Plut. in vit. AEmil. Paul. p. 258.

926 Excerpt. e Polyb. p. 147-163.

927 She was sister of Paulus AEmilius, father of the second Scipio Africanus.—Trans.

928 Or, 11,250l. sterling.—Trans.

929 Κατεγνωκότες τῆς αὐτῶν μικρολογίας.—Trans.

930 Or, 13,500l. sterling.—Trans.

931 Or, 5375l. sterling.—Trans.

932 Pausan. in Arcad. l. xiii. p. 505.

M147 A.M. 3857. A. Rom. 601.

933 Appian, p. 65. Val. Max. l. v. c. 2.

934 Appian, p. 65.

935 Cicero introduces Cato, speaking as follows of Masinissa's vigorous constitution: Arbitror te audire, Scipio, hospes tuus Masinissa quae faciat hodie nonaginta annos natus; cum ingressus iter pedibus sit, in equum omnino non ascendere; cum equo, ex equo non descendere; nullo imbre, nullo frigore adduci, ut capite operto sit; summam esse in eo corporis siccitatem. Itaque exequi omnia regis officia et munera. De Senectute.—Trans.

936 An seni gerenda sit Resp. p. 791.

937 Appian ibid. Val. Max. l. v. c. 2.

938 All this history of Jugurtha is extracted from Sallust.—Trans.

939 Terrebat eum natura mortalium avida imperii, et praeceps ad explendam animi cupidinem: praeterea opportunitas suae liberorumque aetatis, quae etiam mediocres viros spe praedae transversos agit. Sallust.—Trans.

940 Ac sane, quod difficillimum imprimis est, et praelio strenuus erat, et bonus consilio: quorum alterum ex providentia timorem, alterum ex audacia temeritatem adferre plerumque solet.—Trans.

941 Non exercitus, neque thesauri, praesidia regni sunt, verum amici: Quos neque armis cogere, neque auro parare queas; officio et fide pariuntur. Quis autem amicior quam frater fratri? aut quem alienum fidum invenies, si tuis hostis fueris?—Trans.

M148 A.M. 3887. A. Rom. 631. M149 A.M. 3888. A. Rom. 632.

942 He chose two of the nimblest of those who had followed him into Cirtha; and these, induced by the great rewards he promised them, and pitying his unhappy circumstances, undertook to pass through the enemy's camp, in the night, to the neighbouring shore, and from thence to Rome. Ex iis qui una Cirtam profugerant, duos maxime impigros delegit: eos, multa pollicendo, ac miserando casum suum, confirmat, ubi per hostium munitiones noctu ad proximum mare, dein Romam pergerent. Sallust.—Trans.

M150 A.M. 3894. A. Rom. 683. Ant. J.C. 110.

943 Multae bonaeque artes animi et corporis erant, quas omnes avaritia praepediebat.—Trans.

944 Magnitudine pecuniae a bono honestoque in pravum abstractus est.—Trans.

945 Postquam Roma egressus est, fertur saepe tacitus eo respiciens, postremo dixisse. Urbem venalem et mature perituram, si emptorem invenerit.—Trans.

946 For electing magistrates. Sal.—Trans.

947 In Numidiam proficiscitur, magma spe civium, cum propter artes bonas, tum maxime quod adversum divitias invictum animum gerebat.—Trans.

948 Quibus rebus supra bonum atque honestum perculsus, neque lacrymas tenere, neque moderari linguam: vir egregius in aliis artibus, nimis molliter aegritudinem pati.—Trans.

M151 A.M. 3898. A. Rom. 642.

949 Now comprehending Fez, Morocco, &c.—Trans.

950 Plut. in vit. Marii.

951 Οἶα νέος φιλότιμος, ἄρτι δόξης γεγευμένος, οὐκ ἤνεγκε μετρίως τό εὐτύχημα. Plut. Praecept. reip. gerend. p. 806.—Trans.

M152 A.M. 3901. A. Rom. 615. Ant. J.C. 103.

952 Plut. in vit. Marii.

M153 A.M. 3959. A. Rom. 703. M154 A.M. 3974. A. Rom. 719. Ant. J.C. 30.

953 In voce Ἰόβας.—Trans.

954 Vol. IV of the Memoirs of the Academy of Belles Lettres, p. 457.—Trans.

955 They that are curious to make deeper researches into this matter, may read the dissertations of Abbe Banier and M. Freret upon the Assyrian empire, in the Memoirs of the Academy of Belles Lettres; for the first, see tome 3, and for the other, tome 5; as also what Father Tournemine has written upon this subject in his edition of Menochius.—Trans.

956 Porphyr. apud Simplic. in l. ii. de coelo.

957 Here I depart from the opinion of Archbishop Usher, my ordinary guide, with respect to the duration of the Assyrian empire, which he supposes, with Herodotus, to have lasted but 520 years; but the time when Nimrod lived and Sardanapalus died I take from him.—Trans.

M155 Nimrod. A.M. 1800. Ant. J.C. 2204.

958 Belus or Baal signifies Lord.—Trans.

959 Gen. x. 9.

960 Lib. ii. p. 90.

961 Ibid.

962 Gen. x. 10.

963 Semiramis eam condiderat, vel, ut plerique tradidere, Belus, enjus regia ostenditar. Q. Curt. l. v. c. 1.—Trans.

964 Gen. xi. 4.

965 Hist. Jud. l. i. c. 4.

966 Lib. i. c. 181.

967 Gen. x. 11.

968 Mic. v. 6.

969 Gen. x. 11, 12.

970 Diod. l. ii. p. 90.

971 Fecerunt civitates duas amores duo: terrenam scilicet amor sui usque ad contemptum Dei; coelestem vero amor Dei usque ad contemptum sui. S. Aug. de Civ. Dei, l. xiv. c. 28.—Trans.

M156 Ninus.

972 Diod. l. ii. p. 90-95.

973 Diodorus says it was on the bank of the Euphrates, and speaks of it as if it was so, in many places; but he is mistaken.—Trans.

974 Jon. iii. 3.

975 It is hard to believe that Diodorus does not speak of the extent of Nineveh with some exaggeration; therefore some learned men have reduced the stadium to little more than one half, and reckon fifteen of them to the Roman mile instead of eight, the usual computation.—Trans.

976 Plut. in Mor. p. 753.

M157 Semiramis.

977 Diod. l. ii. p. 95.

978 We are not to wonder, if we find the founding of a city ascribed to different persons. It is common, even among the profane writers, to say, Such a prince built such a city, whether he was the person that first founded it, or that only embellished or enlarged it.—Trans.

979 Herod. l. i. c. 178, 180. Diod. l. ii. p. 95, 96. Q. Curt. l. v. c. 1.

980 I relate things as I find them in the ancient authors, which Dean Prideaux has also done; but I cannot help believing that great abatements are to be made in what they say as to the immense extent of Babylon and Nineveh.—Trans.

981 Isa. xlv. 2.

982 Quint. Curt. l. v. c. 1.

983 Herod. l. i. c. 180 and 186. Diod. l. ii. p. 96.

984 Diodorus says, this bridge was five furlongs in length, which can hardly be true, since the Euphrates was but one furlong broad. Strab. l. xvi. p 738.—Trans.

985 Strab. l. xvi. p. 740. Plin. l. v. c. 26.

986 Abyd. ap Eus. Proep. Evang. l. ix.

987 Abyd. ib. Herod. l. i. c. 185.

988 The author follows Herodotus, who makes it four hundred and twenty furlongs, or fifty-two miles square; but I choose to follow Dean Prideaux, who prefers the account of Megasthenes.—Trans.