AEsop, the author of the Fables, was then at the court of this prince, by whom he was very kindly entertained. He was concerned at the unhandsome treatment Solon received, and said to him by way of advice: "Solon, we must either not come near princes at all, or speak things that are agreeable to them." "Say rather," replied Solon, "that we should either never come near them at all, or else speak such things as may be for their good."(1104)

In Plutarch's time some of the learned were of opinion, that this interview between Solon and Croesus did not agree with the dates of chronology. But as those dates are very uncertain, that judicious author did not think this objection ought to prevail against the authority of several credible writers, by whom this story is attested.

What we have now related of Croesus is a very natural picture of the behaviour of kings and great men, who for the most part are seduced by flattery; and shows us at the same time the two sources from whence that blindness generally proceeds. The one is, a secret inclination which all men have, but especially the great, of receiving praise without any precaution, and of judging favourably of all that admire them, and show an unlimited submission and complaisance to their humours. The other is, the great resemblance there is between flattery and a sincere affection, or a reasonable respect; which is sometimes counterfeited so exactly, that the wisest may be deceived, if they are not very much upon their guard.

Croesus, if we judge of him by the character he bears in history, was a very good prince, and worthy of esteem in many respects. He had a great deal of good-nature, affability, and humanity. His palace was a receptacle for men of wit and learning, which shows that he himself was a person of learning, and had a taste for the sciences. His weakness was, that he laid too great stress upon riches and magnificence, thought himself great and happy in proportion to his possessions, mistook regal pomp and splendour for true and solid greatness, and fed his vanity with the excessive submissions of those that stood in a kind of adoration before him.

Those learned men, those wits and other courtiers, that surrounded this prince, ate at his table, partook of his pleasures, shared his confidence, and enriched themselves by his bounty and liberality, took care not to thwart the prince's taste, and never thought of undeceiving him with respect to his errors or false ideas. On the contrary, they made it their business to cherish and fortify them in him, extolling him perpetually as the most opulent prince of his age, and never speaking of his wealth, or the magnificence of his palace, but in terms of admiration and rapture; because they knew this was the sure way to please him, and to secure his favour. For flattery is nothing else but a commerce of falsehood and lying, founded upon interest on one side, and vanity on the other. The flatterer desirous to advance himself, and make his fortune; the prince to be praised and admired, because he is his own first flatterer, and carries within himself a more subtile and better prepared poison than any adulation gives him.

That maxim of AEsop, who had formerly been a slave, and still retained somewhat of the spirit and character of slavery, though he had varnished it over with the address of an artful courtier; that maxim of his, I say, which recommended to Solon, "That we should either not come near kings, or say what is agreeable to them," shows us with what kind of men Croesus had filled his court, and by what means he had banished all sincerity, integrity, and duty, from his presence. In consequence of which, we see he could not bear that noble and generous freedom in the philosopher, upon which he ought to have set an infinite value; as he would have done, had he but understood the worth of a friend, who, attaching himself to the person, and not to the fortune of a prince, has the courage to tell him disagreeable truths; truths unpalatable, and bitter to self-love at the present, but that may prove very salutary and serviceable for the future. Dic illis, non quod volunt audire, sed quod audisse semper volent. These are Seneca's own words, where he is endeavouring to show of what great use a faithful and sincere friend may be to a prince; and what he adds further seems to be written on purpose for Croesus: "Give him,"(1105) says he, "wholesome advice. Let a word of truth once reach those ears, which are perpetually fed and entertained with flattery. You will ask me, what service can be done to a person arrived at the highest pitch of felicity? That of teaching him not to trust in his prosperity; of removing that vain confidence he has in his power and greatness, as if they were to endure for ever; of making him understand, that every thing which belongs to and depends upon fortune, is as unstable as herself; and that there is often but the space of a moment between the highest elevation and the most unhappy downfall."

It was not long before Croesus experienced the truth of what Solon had told him.(1106) He had two sons, one of which, being dumb, was a perpetual subject of affliction to him; the other, named Atys, was distinguished by every good quality, and his great consolation and delight. The father one night had a dream, which made a great impression upon his mind, that this beloved son of his was to perish by iron. This became a new source of anxiety and trouble, and care is taken to remove out of the young prince's way every thing made of iron, as partisans, lances, javelins, &c. No mention is made of armies, wars, or sieges, before him. But one day there was to be an extraordinary hunting-match, for the killing of a wild boar, which had committed great ravage in the neighbourhood. All the young lords of the court were to be at this hunting. Atys very earnestly importuned his father that he would give him leave to be present, at least as a spectator. The king could not refuse him that request, but intrusted him to the care of a discreet young prince, who had taken refuge in his court, and was named Adrastus. And this very Adrastus, as he was aiming his javelin at the boar, unfortunately killed Atys. It is impossible to express either the affliction of the father, when he heard of this fatal accident, or of the unhappy prince, the innocent author of the murder, who expiated his fault with his blood, stabbing himself in the breast with his own sword, upon the funeral pile of the unfortunate Atys.

Two years were spent on this occasion in deep mourning,(1107) the afflicted father's thoughts being wholly taken up with the loss he had sustained. But the growing reputation, and great qualities of Cyrus, who began to make himself known, roused him out of his lethargy. He thought it behoved him to put a stop to the power of the Persians, which was enlarging itself every day. As he was very religious in his way, he would never enter upon any enterprise without consulting the gods. But, that he might not act blindly, and in order to be able to form a certain judgment on the answers he should receive, he was willing to assure himself beforehand of the truth of the oracles. For which purpose, he sent messengers to all the most celebrated oracles both of Greece and Africa, with orders to inquire, every one at his respective oracle, what Croesus was doing on such a day, and such an hour, before agreed on. His orders were punctually observed; and of all the oracles none gave a true answer but that of Delphi. The answer was given in Greek hexameter verses, and was in substance as follows: "I know the number of the grains of sand on the sea-shore, and the measure of the ocean's vast extent. I can hear the dumb, and him that has not yet learnt to speak. A strong smell of a tortoise boiled in brass, together with sheep's flesh, has reached my nostrils, brass beneath, brass above." And indeed the king, thinking to invent something that could not possibly be guessed at, had employed himself on the day and hour set down, in boiling a tortoise and a lamb in a brass pot, which had a brass cover. St. Austin observes in several places, that God, to punish the blindness of the Pagans, sometimes permitted the devils to give answers conformable to the truth.

Croesus, thus assured of the veracity of the god whom he designed to consult, offered three thousand victims to his honour, and ordered an infinite number of vessels, tripods, and golden tables, to be melted down, and converted into ingots of gold, to the number of a hundred and seventeen, to augment the treasures of the temple of Delphi. Each of these ingots weighed at least two talents; besides which, he made several other presents: amongst others Herodotus mentions a golden lion, weighing ten talents, and two vessels of an extraordinary size, one of gold, which weighed eight talents and a half and twelve minae; the other of silver, which contained six hundred of the measures called amphorae. All these presents, and many more, which for brevity's sake I omit, were to be seen in the time of Herodotus.

The messengers were ordered to consult the god upon two points: first, whether Croesus should undertake a war against the Persians; secondly, if he did, whether he should require the succour of any auxiliary troops. The oracle answered, upon the first article, that if he carried his arms against the Persians, he would subvert a great empire; upon the second, that he would do well to make alliances with the most powerful states of Greece. He consulted the oracle again, to know how long the duration of his empire would be. The answer was, that it should subsist till a mule came to possess the throne of Media; which he considered as an assurance of the perpetual duration of his kingdom.

Pursuant to the direction of the oracle, Croesus entered into alliance with the Athenians, who at that time had Pisistratus at their head, and with the Lacedaemonians, who were indisputably the two most powerful states of Greece.

A certain Lydian, much esteemed for his prudence, gave Croesus, on this occasion, very judicious advice.(1108) "O prince, (says he to him,) why do you think of turning your arms against such a people as the Persians, who, being born in a wild, rugged country, are inured from their infancy to every kind of hardship and fatigue, who, being coarsely clad, and coarsely fed, can content themselves with bread and water; who are absolute strangers to all the delicacies and conveniencies of life; who, in a word, have nothing to lose if you conquer them, and every thing to gain if they conquer you; and whom it would be difficult to drive out of our country, if they should once come to taste the sweets and advantages of it? So far therefore from thinking of beginning a war against them, it is my opinion we ought to thank the gods that they have never put it into the heads of the Persians to come and attack the Lydians." But Croesus had taken his resolution and would not be diverted from it.

What remains of the history of Croesus will be found in that of Cyrus, which I am now going to begin.



MAPS.

[Map: The World.]

Plate I, part A.

[Map: The World.]

Plate I, part B.

[Map: Egypt with Lybia.]

Plate II, part A.

[Map: Egypt with Lybia.]

Plate II, part B.

[Map: The Carthaginian Empire in Africa.]

Plate III, part A.

[Map: The Carthaginian Empire in Africa.]

Plate III, part B.

[Map: The Carthaginian Empire in Africa.]

Plate III, part C.

[Map: The Expedition of Hannibal.]

Plate IV, part A.

[Map: The Expedition of Hannibal.]

Plate IV, part B.

[Map: The Expedition of Hannibal.]

Plate IV, part B.

[Map: The Assyrians, Babylonians, Medes and Persians.]

Plate V, part A.

[Map: The Assyrians, Babylonians, Medes and Persians.]

Plate V, part B.



FOOTNOTES

1 Of the Method of Teaching and Studying the Belles Lettres, &c. vol. iii. and iv.—Trans.

2 Pietate ac religione, atque hac una sapientia quod deorum immortalium numine omnia regi gubernarique perspeximus, omnes gentes nationesque superavimus. Orat. de Arusp. resp. n. 19.—Trans.

3 Ecclus. x. 8

4 The ancients themselves, according to Pindar, (Olymp. Od. vii.) had retained some idea, that the dispersion of men was not the effect of chance, but that they had been settled in different countries by the appointment of Providence.—Trans.

5 Gen. xi. 8, 9.

6 "When the Most High divided the nations, and separated the sons of Adam, he set the bounds of the people according to the number of the children of Israel" (whom he had in view.) This is one of the interpretations (which appears very natural) that is given to this passage. Deut. xxxii. 8.—Trans.

7 Ecclus. xxxvi. 17, xxxix. 19.

8 Acts xv. 18.

9 I will bring you out from under the burdens of the Egyptians, and I will rid you out of their bondage. Exod. vi. 6. Out of the iron furnace, even out of Egypt. Deut. iv. 20.—Trans.

10 Isaiah v. 26, 30, x. 28, 34, xiii. 4, 5.

11 Sennacherib.—Trans.

12 Ibid. x. 13, 14.

13 Isaiah x. 5.

14 Ibid. ver. 7.

15 Ibid. ver. 12.

16 Because thy rage against me, and thy tumult is come up into mine ears, therefore I will put my hook into thy nose, and my bridle in thy lips, and I will turn thee back by the way by which thou camest. 2 Kings xix. 28.—Trans.

17 Ezek. xxi. 19, 23.

18 Ibid. xxvi. xxvii. xxviii.

19 Ezek. xxviii. 2.

20 Ibid. xxix. 18, 20.

21 Dan. iv. 1-34.

22 This incident is related more at large in the history of the Egyptians, under the reign of Amasis.—Trans.

23 Ibid. iv. 30.

24 Dan. iv. 31, 32.

25 Thus saith the Lord to his anointed, to Cyrus, whose right hand I have holden, to subdue nations before him and I will loose the loins of kings to open before him the two-leaved gates, and the gates shall not be shut.

I will go before thee, and make the crooked places straight: will break in pieces the gates of brass, and cut in sunder the bars of iron.

And I will give thee the treasures of darkness, and hidden riches of secret places, that thou mayest know, that I the Lord which shall call thee by thy name, am the God of Israel. Isa. xlv. 1-3.—Trans.

26 Isa. xlv. 13, 14.

27 Ibid. 13, 4.

28 Ibid. 4, 5.

29 Dan. iv. 7, 9.

30 Ἐδυνήθη ἐπιθυμίαν ἐμβαλεῖν τοσαύτην τοῦ πάντας αὐτῷ χαριζεσθαι, ὤσι ἀεὶ τ᾽ αὐτοῦ γνώμη ἀξιοῦν κυβερνᾶσθαι.—Trans.

31 Dan. vii.

32 Ezek. xix. 3, 7.

33 Joseph. 1. iii. c. 46.

34 Gen. i. 2.

35 Ibid. vi. 11.

36 Psal. cxliv. 15.

37 Laus ipsa, qua Platonem vel Platonicos seu Academicos philosophos tantum extuli, quantum impios homines non oportuit, non immerito mihi displicuit; praesertim quorum contra errores magnes defendenda est Christiana doctrina. Retract. 1. i. c. 1.—Trans.

38 Id in quoque corrigendum, quod pravum est; quod autem rectum est, approbandum. De Bapt. cont. Donat. 1. vii. c. 16.—Trans.

39 Lib. v. c. 19, 21, &c.

40 De Civitate Dei, 1. v. c. 19.

41 Vol. iv. p. 385.

42 This Mr Rollin has done admirably in the several volumes of his Ancient History.—Trans.

43 The Method of Teaching and Studying the Belles Lettres, &c. The English translation (in four volumes) of this excellent piece of criticism, was first printed for A. Bettesworth and C. Hitch, in Paternoster-Row.—Trans.

44 Arborum flos, est pleni veris indicium, et anni renascentis; flos gaudium arborum. Tunc se novas, aliasque quam sunt, ostendunt, tunc variis colorum picturis in certamen usque luxuriant. Sed hoc negatum plerisque. Non enim omnes florent, et sunt tristes quaedam, quaeque non sentiant guadia annorum; nec ullo flore exhilarantur, natalesve pomorum recursus annuos versicolori nuntio promittunt. Plin. Hist. Nat. 1. xvi. c. 25.—Trans.

45 As the fig-trees.—Trans.

46 Mons. Bossuet.—Trans.

47 Former editions of this Work were printed in ten volumes.—Trans.

48 Xenoph. in Cyrop. 1. i. p. 25, 27.—Trans.

49 Quos ad fastigium nujus majestatis non ambitio popularis, sed spectata inter bonos moderatio provebebat. Justin, 1. i. c. 1.—Trans.

50 Fines imperii tueri magis quam proferre mos erat. Intra suam cuique patriam regna finiebantur. Justin, 1. i. c. 1.—Trans.

51 Domitis proximis, cum accessione virium fortior ad alios transiret, et proxima quaeque victoria instrumentum sequentis esset, totius orientis populos subegit. Justin, 1. i. c. 1.—Trans.

52 Sit hoc jam a principio persuasum civibus: dominos esse omnium rerum ac moderatores deos, eaque quae geruntur eorum geri judicio ac numine; eosdemque optime de genere hominum mereri; et, qualis quisque sit, quid agat, quid in se admittat, qua mente, qua pietate religiones colat, intueri; piorumque et impiorem habere rationem—Ad divos adeunto caste. Pietatem adhibento, opes amovento. Cic. de leg. l. ii. n. 15, 19.—Trans.

53 Manner of Teaching, &c. vol. i.—Trans.

54 Ἀθήνη.—Trans.

55 Οὐχὶ προειρημένον ἡμερῶν ἀριθμὸν ἁγνεύειν μόνον, ἀλλὰ τὸν βιον ὅλον ἡγνευκέναι. Demost. in extrema Aristocratia.—Trans.

56 Vol. ii. c. 3. 2.—Trans.

57 Ληνός.

58 Dionysius.

59 Goats were sacrificed, because they spoiled the vines.—Trans.

60 From this fury of the Bacchanalians these feasts were distinguished by the name of Orgia, Ὀργὴ, ira, furor.—Trans.

61 Πάσαν ἐθεασάμην τὴν πόλιν περὶ τὰ Διονύσια μεθύουσαν. Lib. i. de leg. p. 637.—Trans.

62 Liv. 1. xxxix. n. 8, 18.

63 Nihil in speciem fallacius est quam prava religio, ubi deorum numen praetenditur sceleribus. Liv. xxxix. n. 16.—Trans.

64 Multa eximia divinaque videntur Athenae tuae peperisse, atque in vitam hominum attulisse; tum nihil melius illis mysteriis, quibus ex agresti immanique vita, exculti ad humanitatem et mitigati sumus, initiaque ut appellautur, ita re vera principia vitae cognovimus. Cic. 1. ii. de leg. n. 36.

Teque Ceres, et Libera, quarum sacra, sicut opiniones hominum ac religiones ferunt, longe maximis atque occultissimis ceremoniis continentur: a quibus initia vitae atque victus, legum, morum, mansuetudinis, humanitatis exempla hominibus et civitatibus data ac dispertita esse dicuntur. Cic. in Verr. de supplic. n. 186.—Trans.

65 Οἴδεν Ἐλευσὶν ταῦτα, καὶ οἱ τῶν σιωπωένων καὶ σιωπῆς; ὄντων ἀξιον ἐτόπται. Orat de sacr. lumin.—Trans.

66 Δαδοῦχος.

67 Κῆρυξ.

68 Βασιλεὺς

69 Ἐπιμελήται

70 Ἱεροποιοὶ.

71 Diogen. Laert. l. vi. p. 389.

72 Liv. l. xxxi. n. 14.

73 Est et fideli tuta silentio Merces. Vetabo, qui Cereris sacrum Vulgarit arcana, sub iisdem Sit trabibus, fragilemque mecum Solvat phaselum.

Hor. Od. 2. l. iii.

Safe is the silent tongue, which none can blame The faithful secret merit fame; Beneath one roof ne'er let him rest with me, Who "Ceres' mysteries" reveals; In one frail bark ne'er let us put to sea, Nor tempt the jarring winds with spreading sails.

—Trans.

74 Lib. i. p. 26, 71.

75 Tardaque Eleusinae matris volventia plaustra.

Virg. Georg. l. i. ver. 163.

The Eleusinian mother's mystic car Slow rolling——

—Trans.

76 Herod. l. viii. c. 65.

77 Lib. ix. p. 305.

78 Plut. in vit. Alex. p. 671.

79 Zosim. Hist. l. iv.

80 Sympos. l. ii. quaest. 3. p. 635.

81 Errabat multis in rebus antiquitas: quam vel usu jam, vel doctrina, vel vetustate immutatam videmus. Retinetur autem et ad opinionem vulgi, et ad magnas utilitates reip. mos, religio, disciplina, jus augurum, collegii auctoritas. Nec vero non omni supplicio digni P. Claudius, L. Junius consules, qui contra auspicia navigarunt. Parendum enim fuit religioni, nec patrius mos tam contumaciter repudiandus Divin. l. ii. n. 70, 71.—Trans.

82 Certain instruments were fastened to the tops of oaks, which, being shaken by the wind, or by some other means, gave a confused sound. Servius observes, that the same word, in the Thessalian language, signifies dove and prophetess, which had given room for the fabulous tradition of doves that spoke. It was easy to make those brazen basins sound by some secret means, and to give what signification they pleased to a confused and inarticulate note.—Trans.

83 Pausan. l. ix. p. 602, 604.

84 Plut. de gen. Socr. p. 590.

85 Herod, l. i. c. 157. Strab. l. xiv p. 634.

86 Tacit. Annal. l. ii. c. 54.

87 Lib. xiv. p. 427, 428.

88 Corium.

89 Προφήται.

90 Ἀνίκητος εἶ, ὦ παῖ.—Trans.

91 ——Cui talia fanti Ante fores, subito non vultus, non color unus, Non comptae mansere comae: sed pectus anhelum, Et rabie fera corda tument; majorque videri, Nec mortale sonans: afflata est numine quando Jam propiore dei.

Virg. AEn. l. vi. v. 46-51.—Trans.

92 Among the various marks which God has given us in the Scriptures to distinguish his oracles from those of the devil, the fury or madness, attributed by Virgil to the Pythia, et rabie fera corda tument, is one. It is I, saith God, that show the falsehood of the diviners' predictions, and give to such as divine, the motions of fury and madness; or according to Isa. xliv. 25, "That frustrateth the tokens of the liar, and maketh diviners mad." Instead of which, the prophets of the true God constantly gave the divine answers in an equal and calm tone of voice, and with a noble tranquillity of behaviour. Another distinguishing mark is, that the daemons gave their oracles in secret places, by-ways, and in the obscurity of caves; whereas God gave his in open day, and before all the world. "I have not spoken in secret, in a dark place of the earth," Isa. xlv. 19. "I have not spoken in secret from the beginning," Isa. xlviii. 16. So that God did not permit the devil to imitate his oracles, without imposing such conditions upon him, as might distinguish between the true and false inspiration.—Trans.

93 Lib. v.

94 Ἐγγαστρίμυθος.

95 Quod si aliquis dixerit multa ab idolis esse praedicta; hoc sciendum, quod semper mendacium junxerint veritati, et sic sententias temperarint, ut, seu boni seu mali quid accidisset, utrumque possit intelligi. Hieronym. in cap. xlii. Isaiae. He cites the two examples of Croesus and Pyrrhus.—Trans.

96 One method of consulting the oracle was by sealed letters, which were laid upon the altar of the god unopened.—Trans.

97 Macrob. l. i. Saturnal. c. 23.

98 Omnis spiritus ales. Hoc et angeli et daemones. Igitur momento ubique sunt; totus orbis illis locus unus est: quid ubi geratur tam facile sciunt, quam enuntiant. Velocitas divinitas creditur, quia substantia ignoratur.—Caeterum testudinem decoqui cum carnibus pecudis Pythius eo modo renunciavit, quo supra diximus. Momento apud Lydiam fuerat. Tertul in Apolog.—Trans.

99 Plut. in Demosth. p. 854.

100 Tertull. in Apolog.

101 Lib. de vera sapient., c. 27.

102 Tam barbaros, tam immanes fuisse homines, ut parricidium suum, id est tetrum atque execrabib humano generi facinus, sacrificium vocarent. Cum teneras atque innocentes animas, quae maxime est aetas parentibus dulcior, sine ullo respectu pietatis extinguerunt, immanitatemque omnium bestiarum, quae tamen foetus suos amant, seritate superarent. O dementiam insanabilem! Quid illis isti dii amplius facere possent si essent iratissimi, quam faciunt propitii? Cum suos cultores parricidiis inquinant, orbitatibus mactant, humanis sensibus spoliant. Lactant. l. i. c. 21.—Trans.

103 Herod l. ii. c 180; l. v. c. 62.

104 About 44,428l. sterling.—Trans.

105 Ibid. l. i. c. 50, 51.

106 About 33,500l. sterling.—Trans.

107 Diod. l. xvi p. 453.

108 About 1,300,000l.—Trans.

109 Plut. de Pyth. orac. p. 401.

110 Vol. iii.

111 Several reasons are given for this name.—Trans.

112 Pausan. l. ii. p. 88.

113 Apium.

114 Herod. l. viii. c. 26.

115 Παπαὶ, Μαρδόνιε, κόιους ἐπ᾽ ἄνδρας ἤγαγες μαχησομένους ἡμέας, οἵ οὐ περ᾽ χρημάσων τὸν αγῶνα ποιεῦνται, ἀλλά περὶ ἀρετῆς.—Trans.

116 Plin. l. xvi. c. 4.

117 Pausan. l. v. p. 297.

118 Pausan. l. vi. p. 382.

119 Olympiorum victoria, Graecis consulatus ille antiquus videbatur. Tuscul. Quaest. l. ii. n. 41.—Trans.

120 Olympionicam esse apud Graecos prope majus fuit et gloriosius quam Romae triumphasse. Pro Flacco, n. 31.—Trans.

121 ——Palmaque nobilis Terrarum dominos evehit ad deos.

Od. i. l. i.

Sive quos Elea domum reducit Palma coelestes

Od. ii. l. i.—Trans.

122 Art. Poet. v. 412.

123 Nempe enim et Athletae segregantur ad strictiorem disciplinam, ut robori aedificando vacent; continentui a luxuria, a cibis laetioribus, a potu jucundiore; coguntur, cruciantur, fatigantur. Tertul. ad Martyr.—Trans.

124 The persons employed in this office were called Aliptae.—Trans.

125 Dolus an virtus, quis in noste requirat?—Trans.

126 Gen. xxxii. 24.

127 Captat pedes primum, luctator dolosus est.—Trans.

128 Iliad. l. xxiii v. 708, &c. Ovid. Metam. l. ix. v. 31, &c. Phars. l. iv. v. 612. Stat. l. vi. v. 847.

129 Dioscoi. Idyl. xxii. Argonautic, l. ii. AEneid. l. v. Thebaid. l. vii. Argonaut. l. iv.

130 Πᾶν κράτος.

131 Quid tam distortum et elaboratum, quam est ille Discobolos Myronis? Quintil. l. ii. c. 13.—Trans.

132 The Stadium was a measure of distance among the Greeks, and was, according to Herodotus, l. ii. c. 149, six hundred feet in length. Pliny says, l. ii. c. 23, that it was six hundred and twenty-five. Those two authors may be reconciled by considering the difference between the Greek and Roman foot; besides which, the length of the Stadium varies, according to the difference of times and places.—Trans.

133 Hom. lv. in Matth. c. 16.—Trans.

134 ——Tunc rite citatos Explorant, acuuntque gradus, variasque per artes Instimulant docto languentia membra tumultu. Poplite nunc flexo sidunt, nunc lubrica forti Pectora collidunt plausu; nunc ignea tollunt Crura, brevemque fugam nec opino fine reponunt.

Stat. Theb. l. vi v. 587, &c.

They try, they rouse their speed, with various arts; Their languid limbs they prompt to act their parts. Now with bent hams, amidst the practis'd crowd, They sit; now strain their lungs, and shout aloud Now a short flight with fiery steps they trace, And with a sudden stop abridge the mimic race.

—Trans.

135 Plin. l. vii. c. 20.

136 57 leagues.

137 60 leagues.

138 Herod. l. vi. c. 106.

139 30 leagues.

140 More than 53 leagues.

141 Val. Max. l. v. c. 5.

142 67 leagues.

143 He had only a guide and one officer with him.—Trans.

144 Nec omnes Numidae in dextro locati cornu, sed quibus desultorum in modum binos trahentibus equos, inter acerrimam saepe pugnam, in recentem equum ex fesso armatis transultare mos erat; tanta velocitas ipsis, tamque docile equorum genus est. Liv. l. xxiii.—Trans.

145 Plut. in Alex. p. 666.

146 Metaque fervidis Evitata rotis. Horat. Od. i. 1. i.

The goal shunn'd by the burning wheels.

—Trans.

147 Hom. Il. l. xxiii. v. 334, &c.

148 Plut. in Alex. p. 666.

149 Ibid. in Themist. p. 124.

150 Ibid. in Alcib. p. 196.

151 Pausan. l. iii. p. 172.

152 Ibid. p. 188.

153 Ibid. p. 172.

154 Ibid. l. v. p. 309.

155 Pausan. l. vi. p. 344.

156 Sympos. l. viii. quaest. 4.

157 Plut. in Alcib. p. 196.

158 Lib. i. p. 3.

159 Diog. Laert. in Solon, p. 37.

160 About 11l.

161 About 2l.

162 Cic. de Orat. l. ii. n. 352, 353. Phaed. l. ii. fab. 24. Quintil. l. xi. c 2.

163 Lib. vi. p. 368.

164 Lucian. in vit. Demonact. p. 1014.

165 It was Demonax, a celebrated philosopher, whose disciple Lucian had been. He flourished in the reign of Marcus Aurelius.—Trans.

166 Plut. in Quaest. Rom. p. 273.

167 Ὅτι τοῦ χρόνου τἀ σεμεῖα τῆς πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους διαφορᾶς ἀμαυροῦντος, αὐτοὺς ἀν λαμβάνειν καὶ καινοποιεῖν ἐπιφθονόν ἐστι καὶ φιλαπεχθῆμον.—Trans.

168 Plut. in Lacon. Apophthegm. p. 211.

169 Lucian. in Herod. p. 622.

170 Plut. de vit Orat. p. 836.

171 Diod. l. xiv. p. 318.

172 Ibid. l. xv. p. 384.

173 Attica anus Theophrastum, hominem alioqui disertissimum, annotata unius affectatione verbi, hospitem dixit. Quint. l. viii. c. 1.—Trans.

174 AElian, l ii. c. 8.

175 Boileau, Art. Poet. chant. iii.

176 Ignotum tragicae genus invenisse camoenae Dicitur, et plaustris vexisse poemata Thespis, Quae canerent agerentque peruncti faecibus ora.

Hor. de Art. Poet.

When Thespis first expos'd the tragic Muse, Rude were the actors, and a cart the scene, Where ghastly faces, smear'd with lees of wine, Frighted the children, and amus'd the crowd.

Roscom. Art of Poet.

—Trans.

177 Boileau, Art. Poet. chant. iii.

M1 A.M. 3440. Ant. J.C. 564.

178 Plut. in Solon p. 95.

M2 A.M. 3464. Ant. J.C. 540. M3 A.M. 3514. Ant. J.C. 490.

179 Post hunc personae pallaeque repertor honestae AEschylus, et modicis instravit pulpita tignis, Et docuit magnumque loqui, nitique cothurno.

Hor. de Art. Poet.

This, AEschylus (with indignation) saw, And built a stage, found out a decent dress, Brought vizards in (a civiler disguise), And taught men how to speak and how to act.

Roscom. Art of Poet.—Trans.

180 Boileau, Art. Poet.

181 Actoris partes chorus officiumque virile Defendat, neu quid medios intercinat actus, Quod non proposito conducat, et haereat apte. Ille bonis faveatque, et concilietur amicis, Et regat iratos, et amet peccare timentes. Ille dapes laudet mensae brevis; ille salubrem Justitiam, legesque, et apertis otia portis. Ille tegat commissa, deosque precetur et oret, Ut redeat miseris, abeat fortuna superbis.

Hor. de Art. Poet.

The chorus should supply what action wants, And hath a generous and manly part; Bridles wild rage, loves rigid honesty, And strict observance of impartial laws, Sobriety, security, and peace, And begs the gods to turn blind Fortune's wheel, To raise the wretched, and pull down the proud; But nothing must be sung between the acts, But what someway conduces to the plot.

Roscom. Art of Poet. translat.—Trans.

182 Vol. iv.

183 Manner of Teaching, &c. vol. iv.

184 Quo melius nostri illi senes, qui personatum, ne Roscium quidem, magnopere laudabant. Lib. iii. de Orat. n. 221.—Trans.

M4 A.M. 3509. Ant. J.C. 495. M5 A.M. 3534. Ant. J.C. 470. M6 A.M. 3599. Ant. J.C. 405. M7 A.M. 3524. Ant. J.C. 480.

185 Sententiis densus, et in iis quae a sapientibus sunt, pene ipsis est par. Quintil. l. x. c. 1.—Trans.

186 Cui (Euripidi) tu quantum credas nescio; ego certe singulos ejus versus singula testimonia puto. Epist. viii. l. 14. ad Famil.—Trans.

187 Ipse autem socer (Caesar) in ore semper Graecos versus Euripidis de Phoenissis habebat, quos dicam ut potero, incondite fortasse, sed tamen ut res possit intelligi:

Nam, si violandum est jus, regnandi gratia Violandum est; aliis rebus pietatem colas.

Capitalis Eteocles, vel potius Euripides, qui id unum, quod omnium sceleratissimum fuerat, exceperit. Offic. l. iii. n. 82.—Trans.

188 Plut. in vit. x. orat. p. 841.

189 I know not whether the idea of "a canal, that flows gently through delicious gardens," is well adapted to designate the character of Sophocles, which is peculiarly distinguished by nobleness, grandeur, and elevation. That of an impetuous and rapid stream, whose waves, from the violence of their motion, are loud, and to be heard afar off, seems to me a more suitable image of that poet.—Trans.

190 Tragaedias primus in lucem AEschylus protulit: sublimis et gravis, et grandiloquus saepe usque ad vitium; sed rudis in plerisque et incompositus. Quintil. l. x. c. 1.—Trans.

191 Corneille and Racine.—Trans.

192 Φόβος καὶ ἔλεος.

193 Homo sum: humani nihil a me alienum puto. Ter.—Trans.

194 Successit vetus his comoedia non sinc multa Laude. Hor. in Art. Poet.—Trans.

195 Plutus.

196 The Birds.

197 The Knights.

198 The Peace.

199 Quem illa non attigit, vel potius quem non vexavit? Esto, populares homines, improbos, in remp. seditiosos, Cleonem, Cleophontem, Hyperbolum laesit: patiamur—Sed Periclem, cum jam suae civitati maxima auctoritate plurimos annos domi et belli praefuisset, violari versibus, et eos agi in scena, non plus decuit, quam si Plautus noster voluisset, aut Naevius, P. et Cn. Scipioni, aut Caecilius M. Catoni maledicere. Ex fragm. Cic. de Rep. l. iv.—Trans.

200 Aristophan. in Acharn.

201 Eupolis, atque Cratinus, Aristophanesque poetae, Atque alii, quorum comoedia prisca virorum est, Si quis erat dignus describi, quod malus, aut fur, Quod moechus foret, aut sicarius, aut alioqui Famosus; multa cum libertate notabant.

Hor. Sat. iv. l. i.

With Aristophanes' satiric rage, When ancient comedy amus'd the age, Or Eupolis's or Cratinus' wit, And others that all-licens'd poem writ; None, worthy to be shown, escap'd the scene, No public knave, or thief of lofty mien; The loose adult'rer was drawn forth to sight; The secret murd'rer trembling lurk'd the night; Vice play'd itself, and each ambitious spark; All boldly branded with the poet's mark.

—Trans.

202 Antiqua comoedia sinceram illam sermonis Attici gratiam prope sola retinet. Quintil.—Trans.

203 Nimium risus pretium est, si probitatis impendio constat. Quintil. l. vi. c. 3.—Trans.

204 Non pejus duxerim tardi ingenii esse, quam mali. Quintil. l. i. c. 3.—Trans.

205 Boileau, Art. Poet., chant. iii.

206 Atque ille quidem omnibus ejusdem operis auctoribus abstulit nomen, et fulgore quodam suae claritatis tenebras obduxit. Quintil. l. x. c. 1.—Trans.

207 Quidam, sicut Menander, justiora posterorum quam suae aetatis, judicia sunt consecuti. Quintil. l. iii. c. 6.—Trans.

208 Memoirs of the Acad. of Inscript. &c. vol i. p. 136, &c.

209 Strab. l. ix. p. 395. Herod. l. viii. c. 65.

210 Ὀρχεῖσθαι.

211 It is not certain whether this piece was prior or posterior to the death of Socrates.—Trans.

212 Plut. in Aristid. p. 320.

213 Plut. in Philipoem. p. 362.

214 Cic. in Orat. pro. Sext. n. 120, 123.

215 O ingratifici Argivi, inanes Graii, immemores beneficii, Exulare sivistis, sivistis pelli, pulsum patimini.

—Trans.

216 Cic. ad Attic. l. ii. Epist. 19. Val. Max. l. vi. c. 2.

217 Justin, l. vi. c. 9.

218 Plut. de glor. Athen. p. 349.

219 Plut. Sympos. l. vii. quaest. vii. p. 719.

220 Ἀμαρτάνουσιν Ἀθηναῖοι μεγάλα. τὴν σπουδὴν εὶς τὴν παιδιὰν καταναλίσκοντες, τουτεστι μεγάλων ἀποστόλων δαπάνας καὶ στρατευμάτων ἐφύδια καταχορηγοῦντες εἰς τὸ θέατρον.—Trans.

221 Quibus rebus effectum est, ut inter otia Graeecorum, sordidum et obscurum antea Macedonum nomen emergeret; et Philippus, obses triennio Thebis habitus, Epaminondae et Pelopidae virtutibus eruditus, regnum Macedoniae, Graeciae et Asiae cervicibus, velut jugum servitutis, imponeret. Just. l. vi. c. 9.—Trans.

222 Atheniensium res gestae, sicuti ego existimo, satis amplae magnificaeque fuerunt verum aliquanto minores tamen, quam fama feruntur. Sed quia provenere ibi scriptorum magna ingenia, per terrarum orbem Atheniensiam facta pro maximis celeorantur. Ita eorum, quae fecere, virtus tanta habetur, quantum eam verbis potuere extollere praeclara ingenia. Sallust. in Bell. Catilin.—Trans.

223 In Cim. p. 479, 480.

224 Ἐλλείμματα μᾶλλον ἀρετῆς τινος ἢ κακίας πόνηρεύματα.—Trans.

225 Habet in pictura speciem tota facies. Apelles tamen imaginem Antigoni latere tantum altero ostendit, ut amissi oculi deformitas lateret. Quintil. l. ii. c. 13.—Trans.

226 Exequi sententias haud institui, nisi insignes per honestum, aut notabili dedecore: quod praecipuum munus annalium reor, ne virtutes sileantur, utque pravis dictis factisque ex posteritate et infamia motus sit. Tacit. Annal. l. iii. c. 65.—Trans.

M8 A.M. 2900. Ant. J.C. 1104.

227 Lib. vi. c. 52.

228 Lib. viii. p. 365. Plut. in Lycurg. p. 40.

229 Plut. in Lycurg. p. 40.

230 Herod. l. i. c. 82.

M9 A.M. 3261. Ant. J.C. 743.

231 Pausan. l. iv. p. 216-242. Justin, l. iii. c. 4.

232 Pausan. l. iv. p. 225, 226.

233 Ibid. l. iv. 227-234.

234 Diod. l. xv. p. 378.

235 Et regnata petam Laconi rura Phalanto. Hor. Od. vi. l. 2.—Trans.

236 Pausan. l. iv. p. 234, 235. Diod. in Frag.

237 Pausan. l. iv. p. 235, 241.

238 Memoirs of the Academy of Inscriptions, vol. ii. p. 84-113.—Trans.

239 Clem. Alex. in Protrep. p. 20. Euseb. in Proep. l. iv. c. 16.

240 Pausan. l. iv. p. 241-242.

M10 A.M. 3281. Ant. J.C. 723.

241 Ibid. p. 242, 261. Justin, l. iii. c. 5.

242 Cum per complures annos gravia servitutis verbera, plerumque ac vincula, caeteraque captivitatis mala perpessi essent, post longam paenarum patientiam bellum instaurant. Justin, l. iii. c. 5.—Trans.

M11 A.M. 3320. Ant. J.C. 684.

243 According to several historians, there was another Aristomenes in the first Messenian war. Diod. l. xv. p. 378.—Trans.

244 Plat. l. i. de Legib. p. 629. Plut. in Agid. et Cleom. p. 805.

245 Tyrtaeusque mares animos in martia bella Versibus exacuit.

Hor. in Art. Poet.—Trans.

M12 A.M. 3334. Ant. J.C. 670. M13 A.M. 3704. Ant. J.C. 300. M14 A.M. 3680. M15 A.M. 3718. M16 3758. M17 3783. M18 3800. M19 3824. M20 A.M. 3704. M21 3724. M22 3743. M23 3758. M24 3778. M25 3781. M26 3817. M27 3829. M28 A.M. 3707. M29 3710. M30 A.M. 3723. M31 3724. M32 3726. M33 3728. M34 3762. M35 3772. M36 3784. M37 3824. M38 3686.

246 Lib. v. p. 310.—Trans.

M39 A.M. 3726. M40 3820. M41 A.M. 3721. Ant. J.C. 283. M42 A.M. 3741. Ant. J.C. 263. M43 A.M. 3763. Ant. J.C. 241. M44 A.M. 3807. Ant. J.C. 197. M45 A.M. 3845. Ant. J.C. 159. M46 A.M. 3866. Ant. J.C. 138. M47 A.M. 3871. Ant. J.C. 133. M48 A.M. 3490. Ant. J.C. 514. M49 A.M. 3600. Ant. J.C. 404. M50 A.M. 3641. Ant. J.C. 363. M51 A.M. 3667. Ant. J.C. 337. M52 A.M. 3702. Ant. J.C. 302. M53 A.M. 3819. Ant. J.C. 185. M54 A.M. 3880. Ant. J.C. 124.

247 Strab. l. xii. p. 534.

M55 A.M. 3682. Ant. J.C. 322.

248 Diod. l. xvi. p. 465. Justin, l. viii. c. 6. Plut. in Pyrrho.

249 Quanto doctior majoribus, tanto et gratioi populo fuit. Justin, l. xvii. c. 3.—Trans.

M56 A.M. 3733. Ant. J.C. 271.

250 Justin, l. xvi. c. 3-5. Diod. l. xv. p. 390.

251 Heraclienses honestiorem beneficii, quam ultionis occasionem rati, instructos commeatibus auxiliisque aimittunt; bene agrorum suorum populationem impensam existimantes, si, quos hostes habuerant, amicos reddidissent. Justin.—Trans.

M57 A.M. 3640. Ant. J.C. 364. M58 A.M. 3652. Ant. J.C. 352.

252 l. xvi. p. 435.

M59 A.M. 3667. Ant. J.C. 337.

253 Ibid. p. 478.

M60 A.M. 3700. Ant. J.C. 304.

254 Diod. l. xx. p. 833.

M61 A.M. 3735. Ant. J.C. 269. M62 A.M. 3789. Ant. J.C. 215. M63 A.M. 3791. Ant. J.C. 213.

255 It is related, that under Amasis there were twenty thousand inhabited cities in Egypt. Herod 1. ii c. 177.—Trans.

256 A day's journey is twenty-four eastern, or thirty-three English miles and a quarter.—Trans.

257 Strabo, 1 xvii. p. 787.

258 Hom. Il. i. ver. 381.

259 Strab. 1. xvii. p. 816.

260 Tacit. Ann. 1. ii. c. 60.

261 Thevenot's Travels.

262 Lib. xvii. p. 805.

263 P. 816.

264 Germanicus alus quoque miraculis intendit animum, quorum praecipua fuere Memnonis saxea effigies, ubi radiis solis icta est, vocalem sonum reddens, &c. Tacit Annal. 1. ii. c. 61.—Trans.

265 Thevenot.

266 L. xvii. p. 807.

267 Diod. lib. i. p. 37.

268 It is proper to observe, once for all, that an Egyptian cubit, according to Mr. Greaves, was one foot nine inches, and about 3/4 of our measure.—Trans.

269 Plin. l. xxxvi. c. 8, 9.

270 Plin. l. xxxvi c. 9.

271 Rafts are pieces of flat timber put together to carry goods on rivers.—Trans.

272 Herod. l. ii c. 124, &c. Diod. l. i. p. 39-41. Plin. lib. xxxvi. c. 12.

273 About 200,000l. sterl.—Trans.

274 Strabo mentions the sepulchre, lib. xvii. p. 808.—Trans.

275 Diod. lib. i. p. 40.

276 Lib. xxxvi. c. 12.

277 Herod. l. ii. c. 148. Diod. l. i. p. 42. Plin. l. xxxvi. c. 13. Strab. l. xvii. p. 811.

278 AEneid, l. v. ver. 588, &c.

279 l. vi. ver. 27, &c.

280 Herod. l. ii. c. 140. Strab. l. xvii. p. 787. Diod. l. i p. 47. Plin. l. v. c. 9. Pomp. Mela, l. i.

281 Vide Herod. et Diod. Pliny agrees almost with them.—Trans.

282 Mela, l. i.

283 Eighty-five stadia.—Trans.

284 11,250l. sterling.—Trans.

285 Seneca (Nat. Quaest. l. iv. c. 2.) ascribes these verses to Ovid, but they are Tibullus's.—Trans.

286 Excipiunt eum (Nilum) cataractae, nobilis insigni spectaculo locus.—Illic excitatis primum aquis, quas sine tumultu leni alveo duxerat, violentus et toriens per malignos transitus prosilit, dissimilis sibi—tandemque eluctatus obstantia, in vastam altitudinem subito destitutus cadit, cum ingenti circumjacentium regionum strepitu; quem perferre gens ibi a Persis collocata non potuit, obtusis assiduo fragore auribus, et ob hoc sedibus ad quietiora translatis. Inter miracula fluminis incredibilem incolarum audaciam accepi. Bini parvula navigia conscendunt, quorum alter navem regit, alter exhaurit. Deinde multum inter rapidam insaniam Nili et reciprocos fluctus volutati, tandem tenuissimos canales tenent, per quos angusta rupium effugiunt: et cum toto flumine effusi navigium ruens manu temperant, magnoque spectantium metu in caput nixi, cum jam adploraveris, mersosque atque obrutos tanta mole credideris, longe ab eo in quem ceciderant loco navigant, tormenti modo missi. Nec mergit cadens unda, sed planis aquis tradit. Senec. Nat. Quaest. l. iv. c. 2.—Trans.

287 Herod. l. ii. c. 19-27. Diod. l. i. p. 35-39. Senec. Nat. Quaest. l. iv. 1 & 2.

288 Lib. xvii. p. 789.

289 Herod. l. ii. c. 19. Diod. l. i. p 32.

290 Justum incrementum est cubitorum xvi. Minores aquae non omnia rigant: ampliores detinent tardius recedendo. Hae serendi tempora absumunt solo madente: illae non dant sitiente. Utrumque reputat provincia. In duodecim cubitis famem sentit, in tredecim etiamnum esurit: quatuordecim cubita hilaritatem afferunt, quindecim securitatem, sexdecim delicias. Plin. l. v. c. 9.—Trans.

291 Jul. Epist. 50.

292 Diod. l. i. p 33.

293 Lib. xvii. p. 817.

294 Socrat. l. i. c. 18. Sozom. l. v. c. 3.

295 Lib. i. p. 30. & lib. v. p. 313.

296 Cum caeteri amnes abluant terras et eviscerent; Nilus adeo nihil exedit nec abradit, ut contra adjiciat vires.—Ita juvat agros duabus ex causis, et quod inundat, et quod oblimat. Senec. Nat. Quaest. l. iv. c. 2.—Trans.

297 Vol. ii.

298 Multiformis sapientia. Eph. iii. 10.

299 Deut. xi. 10-13.

300 Illa facies pulcherrima est, cum jam se in agros Nilus ingessit. Latent campi, opertaeque sunt valles: oppida insularum modo extant. Nullum in mediterraneis, nisi per navigia, commercium est: majorque est laetitia in gentibus, quo minus terrarum suarum vident. Senec. Nat. Quaest. l. iv. c. 2.—Trans.

301 Herod. l. ii. c. 158. Strab. l. xvii. p. 804. Plin l. vi. c. 29. Diod. l. i p. 29.

302 Plutar. de Isid. p. 354.

303 Strab. l. xvii. p. 805. Herod l. ii. c. 73. Plin. l. x. c. 2. Tacit. Ann. l. vi. c. 28.

304 Sat. vi.

305 Vir bonus tam cito nec fieri potest, nec intelligi—tanquam Phoenix, semel anno quingentesimo nascitur. Ep. 40.—Trans.

306 Od. iii. l. iv.

307 Strab. l. xvii. p. 805.

308 Or Myos Hormos.—Trans.

309 Strab. l. xvi p. 781.

310 2 Sam. viii. 14.

311 1 Kings ix. 26.

312 He got in one voyage 450 talents of gold, 2 Chron. viii. 18, which amounts to three millions two hundred and forty thousand pounds sterling. Prid. Connect., vol. i. ad ann. 740, not.—Trans.

313 Strab. l. xvi. p. 481.

314 Part I. i. p. 9.

315 Strab. l. xvii. p. 791. Plin. l. xxxvi. c. 12.

316 Eight hundred thousand crowns, or 180,000l. sterling.—Trans.

317 Magno animo Ptolemaei regis, quod in ea permiserit Sostrati Cnidii architecti structurae nomen inscribi. Plin.—Trans.

318 De scribend. Hist. p. 706.

319 Ne Alexandrinis quidem permittenda deliciis. Quintil.—Trans.

320 A quarter or division of the city of Alexandria.—Trans.

321 Plut. in Caes. p. 731. Seneca, de Tranquill. Amm. c. 9.

322 Acts vii. 22.

323 Diod. l. i. p. 63, &c.

324 De Isid. et Osir. p. 354.

325 Plat. in Tim. p. 656.

326 Diod. l. i. p. 70.

327 Pag. 69.

328 Ibid.

329 Ibid.

330 Ibid.

331 Herod. l. ii. c. 136

332 This law put the whole sepulchre of the debtor into the power of the creditor, who removed to his own house the body of the father: the debtor refusing to discharge his obligation, was to be deprived of burial, either in his father's sepulchre or any other; and whilst he lived, he was not permitted to bury any person descended from him. Μηδὲ αὐτῷ ἐκείνῳ τελευτήσαντι εἶναι ταφῆς κυρῆσαι—μήτ᾽ ἄλλον μηδένα τὸν ἑαυτοῦ ἀπὸ γενόμενον θάψαι. Herod.—Trans.

333 Diod. l. i. p. 71.

334 Ibid. p. 72.

335 Diod. l. i. p. 22.

336 Herod. l. ii. c. 20.

337 Gen. xlvii. 26.

338 Herod. l. ii. c. 60.

339 Ibid. c. 39.

340 Diod. l. i. p. 88.

341 Plut. de Isid. et Osir. p. 354.

342 Plut. Sympos. l. iv. p. 670

343 Id. de Isid. p. 355.

344 Or Egyptian stork.—Trans.

345 De Nat. Deor. l. i. n. 82. Tusc. Quaest. l. v. n. 78.

346 Herod. l. ii. c. 65.

347 Diod. l. i. p. 74. 75.

348 Herod. l. iii. c. 27, &c. Diod. l. i. p. 76. Plin. l. viii. c. 46.

349 Pliny affirms, that he was not allowed to exceed a certain term of years; and was drowned in the priests' well. Non est fas eum certos vitae excedere annos, mersumque in sacerdotum fonte enecant. Nat. Hist. l. viii. c. 46.—Trans.

350 Above 11,250l. sterling.—Trans.

351 Quis nescit, Volusi Bithynice, qualia demens AEgyptus portenta colat? Crocodilon adorat Pars haec: illa pavet saturam serpentibus Ibin. Effigies sacri nitet aurea Cercopitheci, Dimidio magicae resonant ubi Memnone chordae, Atque vetus Thebe centum jacet obruta portis. Illic coeruleos, hic piscem fluminis, illic Oppida tota canem venerantur, nemo Dianam. Porrum et coepe nefas violare, ac frangere morsu. O sanctas gentes, quibus haec nascuntur in hortis Numina!

Juven. Sat. xv.—Trans.

352 Diodorus affirms, that in his time, the expense amounted to no less than one hundred thousand crowns, or 22,500l. sterling. Lib. i. p. 76.—Trans.

353 Imag.

354 Diod. l. i. p. 77, &c.

355 Ipsi qui irridentur AEgyptii, nullam belluam nisi ob aliquam utilitatem, quam ex ea caperent, consecraverunt. Cic. lib. i. De Nat. Deor. n. 101.—Trans.

356 Which, according to Herodotus, is more than 17 cubits in length: l. ii. c. 68.—Trans.

357 P. 382.

358 P. 377 and 378.

359 Rom. i. ver. 22, 25.

360 Tom. v. pp. 25, 26.

361 Herod. l. ii. c. 85, &c.

362 About 137l. 10s. sterling.—Trans.

363 Diod. l. i. p. 81.

364 Twelve Arourae. An Egyptian Aroura was 10,000 square cubits, equal to three roods, two perches, 55-1/4 square feet of our measure.—Trans.

365 The Greek is, οἴνου τέσσαρες ἀρυστῆρες, which some have made to signify a determinate quantity of wine, or any other liquid: others, regarding the etymology of the word ἀρυστὴρ, have translated it by haustrum, a bucket, as Lucretius, lib. v. 51, others by haustus, a draught or sup. Herodotus says, this allowance was given only to the two thousand guards who attended annually on the kings. Lib. ii. c. 168.—Trans.

366 Lib. i. p. 67.

367 Herod. l. ii. c. 164, 168.

368 Cant. i. 8. Isa. xxxvi. 9.

369 Diod. p. 76.

370 Ψυχῆς ἰατρεῖον.—Trans.

371 It will not seem surprising that the Egyptians, who were the most ancient observers of the celestial motions, should have arrived to this knowledge, when it is considered, that the lunar year, made use of by the Greeks and Romans, though it appears so inconvenient and irregular, supposed nevertheless a knowledge of the solar year, such as Diodorus Siculus ascribes to the Egyptians. It will appear at first sight, by calculating their intercalations, that those who first divided the year in this manner, were not ignorant, that, to three hundred sixty-five days, some hours were to be added, to keep pace with the sun. Their only error lay in the supposition, that only six hours were wanting; whereas an addition of almost eleven minutes more was requisite.—Trans.

372 Lib. ii. c. 84.

373 Diod. l. i. p. 73.

374 Τὴν δὲ μουσικὴν νομίζουειν οὐ μόνον ἄχρηστον ὑπάρχειν, ἀλλὰ καὶ βλαβερὰν, ὡς ἄι ἐκθηλύνουσαν τὰς τῶν ἀνδρῶν ψυχάς.—Trans.

375 Diod. l. i. pp. 67, 68.

376 Or Ham.—Trans.

377 Diod. l. i. p. 67.

378 Tom. ii. p. 64.

379 Lib. x. c. 54.

380 Swineherds, in particular, had a general ill name throughout Egypt, as they had the care of so impure an animal. Herodotus (l. ii. c. 47.) tells us, that they were not permitted to enter the Egyptian Temples, nor would any man give them his daughter in marriage.—Trans.

381 Xiphilin. in Apophthegm. Tib. Caes. Κείρεσθαί μου τὰ πρόβατα, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἀπαξύρεσθαι βούλομκι.

382 Plin. l. xiii. c. 11.

383 The Papyrus was divided into thin flakes, (into which it naturally parted,) which being laid on a table, and moistened with the glutinous waters of the Nile, were afterwards pressed together, and dried in the sun.—Trans.

384 Postea promiscue patuit usus rei, qua cons ... immortalitas hominum.—Chartae ... maxime humanitas constat in memoria.—Trans.

385 Plin. l. xix. c. 1.

386 Isa. xiv. 9.

387 Exod. ix. 31.

388 Plin. lib. xix. c. 1.

389 Proximus Byssino mulierum maxime deliciis genito: inventum jam est etiam [scilicet Linum] quod ignibus non absumetur, vivum id vocant, ardentesque in focis conviviorum ex eo vidimus mappas, sordibus exustis splendescentes igni magis, quam possent aquis: i.e. A flax is now found out, which is proof against the violence of fire; it is called living flax; and we have seen table napkins of it glowing in the fires of our dining rooms; and receiving a lustre and a cleanness from flames, which no water could have given it.—Trans.

390 Ezek. xxvii. 7.

391 Των δ οστις λωτοιο φαγοι μελιηδεα καρπον, Ουκ ετ απαγγειλαι παλιν ηθελεν, ουδε νεεσθαι. Μη πω τις λωτοιο φαγων, νοστοιο λαθηται.

Odyss. ix. ver. 94, 95, 102.

—Trans.

392 AEgyptus frugum quidem fertilissima, sed ut prope sola iis carere possit, tanta est ciborum ex herbis abundantia. Plin. l. xxi. c. 15.—Trans.

393 Numb. xi. 4, 5.

394 Exod. xvi. 3.

395 Inundatione, id est, ubertate regio fraudata, sic opem Caesaris invocavit, ut solet amnem suum.—Trans.

396 Percrebuerat antiquitus urbem nostram nisi opibus AEgypti ali sustentarique non posse. Superbiebat ventosa et insolens natio, quod victorem quidem populum pasceret tamen, quodque in suo flumine, in suis manibus, vel abundantia nostra vel fames esset. Refudimus Nilo suas copias. Recepit frumenta quae miserat, deportatasque messes revexit.—Trans.

397 Nilus AEgypto quidem saepe. sed gloriae nostrae nuaquam largior fluxit.—Trans.

398 Ezek. xxix. 3, 9.

399 Gen. xii. 10-26.

400 Diod. l. i. p. 41.

401 An historian of Cyrene.—Trans.

402 Sir John Marsham's Canon Chronic. Father Pezron; the Dissertations of F. Tournemine, and Abbe Sevin, &c.—Trans.

403 Or Ham.

M64 A.M. 1816. Ant. J.C. 2188.

404 Or Cush, Gen. x. 6.

405 The footsteps of its old name (Mesraim) remain to this day among the Arabians, who call it Mesre; by the testimony of Plutarch, it was called χημία, Chemia, by an easy corruption of Chamia, and this for Cham or Ham.—Trans.

406 Herod. l. ii. p. 99. Diod. l. i. p. 42.

407 Diod. l. i. pp. 44, 45.

408 Three thousand two hundred myriads of Minae.—Trans.

409 See Sir Isaac Newton's Chronology, p. 30.

410 Diod. p. 46.

M65 A.M. 1920. Ant. J.C. 2084. M66 A.M. 2084. Ant. J.C. 1920.

411 Gen. xii. 10-20.

M67 A.M. 2179. Ant. J.C. 1825. M68 A.M. 2276. Ant. J.C. 1728.

412 Lib. xxxvi. c. 2.

413 Justin ascribes this gift of heaven to Joseph's skill in magical arts: Cum magicas ibi artes (Egypto) solerti ingenio percepisset, &c.—Trans.

M69 A.M. 2298. Ant. J.C. 1706.

414 Exod. i. 8.

M70 A.M. 2427. Ant. J.C. 1577.

415 Heb. urbes thesaurorum. LXX. urbes munitas. These cities were appointed to preserve, as in a storehouse, the corn, oil, and other products of Egypt. Vatab.—Trans.

416 Exod. i. 11, 13, 14.

M71 A.M. 2494. Ant. J.C. 1510. M72 A.M. 2513. Ant. J.C. 1491.

417 This name bears a great resemblance to Pharaoh, which was common to the Egyptian kings.—Trans.

418 Lib. iii. p. 74.

419 Herod. l. ii. c. 102, 110. Diod. l. i. pp. 48, 54.

420 Τὰ νοήματα ἐκμενσώθηναι, lib. xii. c. 4.

M73 A.M. 2513. Ant. J.C. 1491.

421 2 Chron. viii. 9. But of the children of Israel did Solomon make no servants for his work.—Trans.

422 150 stadia, about 18 miles English.—Trans.

423 Tacit. Ann. l. ii. c. 60.

424 Legebantur indicta gentibus tributa—haud minus magnifica quam nunc vi Parthorum aut potentia Romana jubentur—Inscribed on pillars, were read the tributes imposed on vanquished nations, which were not inferior to those now paid to the Parthian and Roman powers.—Trans.

M74 A.M. 2448. M75 A.M. 2530. M76 A.M. 2533. M77 A.M. 2549.

425 The reader may consult, on this subject, two learned dissertations of Abbe Renaudot, inserted in the second volume of The History of the Academy of Inscriptions.—Trans.

426 The sixteen letters brought by Cadmus into Greece, are α, β, γ, δ, ε, ι, κ, λ, μ, ν, ο, π, ρ, σ, τ, υ. Palamedes, at the siege of Troy, i.e. upwards of two hundred and fifty years lower than Cadmus, added the four following, ξ, θ, φ, χ; and Simonides, a long time after, invented the four others, namely, η, ω, ζ, ψ.—Trans.

M78 A.M. 2517. Ant. J.C. 1547.

427 Herod. l. ii. c. 111. Diod. l. i. p. 54.

M79 A.M. 2800. Ant. J.C. 1204.

428 I do not think myself obliged to enter here into a discussion, which would be attended with very perplexing difficulties, should I pretend to reconcile the series, or succession of the kings, as given by Herodotus, with the opinion of archbishop Usher. This last supposes, with many other learned men, that Sesostris is the son of that Egyptian king who was drowned in the Red-Sea, whose reign must consequently have begun in the year of the world 2513, and continued till the year 2547, since it lasted thirty-three years. Should we allow fifty years to the reign of Pheron his son, there would still be an interval of above two hundred years between Pheron and Proteus, who, according to Herodotus, was the immediate successor of the former; since Proteus lived at the time of the siege of Troy, which, according to Usher, was taken An. Mun. 2820. I know not whether his almost total silence on the Egyptian kings after Sesostris, was owing to his sense of this difficulty. I suppose a long interval to have occurred between Pheron and Proteus; accordingly, Diodorus (lib. i. p. liv.) fills it up with a great many kings; and the same must be said of some of the following kings.—Trans.

429 Herod. l. ii. c. 112, 120.

430 Ὡς τῶν μεγαλων ἀδικημάτον μεγάλαι εἰσὶ καὶ αἱ τιμωρὶαι παρὰ τῶν Θεῶν.—Trans.

431 L. ii. c. 121, 123.

432 Herod. l. ii. c. 124, 128. Diod. l. i. p. 57.

433 Herod. l. ii. p. 139. 140. Diod. p. 58.

434 Herod. l. ii. c. 136.

435 The remainder of the inscription, as we find it in Herodotus, is—for men plunging long poles down to the bottom of the lake, drew bricks (πλίνθος εἴρυσαν) out of the mud which stuck to them, and gave me this form.—Trans.

M80 A.M. 2991. Ant. J.C. 1013.

436 1 Kings iii. 1.

M81 A.M. 3026. Ant. J.C. 978.

437 1 Kings xi. 40. and xii.

M82 A.M. 3033. Ant. J.C. 971.

438 2 Chron. xii. 1-9.

439 The English version of the Bible says, The Lubims, the Sukkiims, and the Ethiopians.—Trans.

440 Or, of the kingdoms of the earth.—Trans.

M83 A.M. 3063. Ant. J.C. 941.

441 2 Chron. xiv. 9-13.

442 Herod. l. ii. c. 137. Diod, l. i. p. 59.

M84 A.M. 3279. Ant. J.C. 725.

443 2 Kings xvii. 4.

M85 A.M. 3285. Ant. J.C. 719.

444 Ἐς ἐμέ τις ὁρέων. εὐσεβης ἔστω—Trans.

445 Chap. xvii.

446 The Vulgate calls that city Alexandria, to which the Hebrew gives the name of No-Amon, because Alexandria was afterwards built in the place where this stood. Dean Prideaux, after Bochart, thinks that it was Thebes, surnamed Diospolis. Indeed, the Egyptian Amon is the same with Jupiter. But Thebes is not the place where Alexandria was since built. Perhaps there was another city there, which also was called No-Amon.—Trans.

447 Nahum iii. 8, 10.

448 Herod. l. ii. c. 142.

M86 A.M. 3299. Ant. J.C. 705.

449 Afric. apud Syncel. p. 74. Diod l. i. p. 59.

M87 A.M. 3319. Ant. J.C. 685.

450 Herod. l. ii. c. 147, 152.

451 He was one of the twelve.—Trans.

M88 A.M. 3334. Ant. J.C. 670.

452 Herod. l. ii. c. 153, 154.

453 This revolution happened about seven years after the captivity of Manasseh, king of Judah.—Trans.

454 Lib. i. p. 61.

455 Herod. l. ii. c. 157.

456 Isa. xx. 1.

457 Herod. l. i. c. 105.

458 Herod. l. ii. c. 2, 3.

M89 A.M. 3388. Ant. J.C. 616.

459 He is called Necho in the English version of the Scriptures.—Trans.

460 Herod. l. ii. c. 158.

461 Allowing 625 feet (or 125 geometrical paces) to each stadium, the distance will be 118 English miles, and a little above one-third of a mile. Herodotus says, that this design was afterwards put in execution by Darius the Persian, b. ii. c. 158.—Trans.

462 Herod. l. iv. c. 42.

463 Joseph. Antiq. l. x. c. 6. 2 Kings, xxiii. 29, 30. 2 Chron. xxxv. 20-25.

464 2 Kings xxiii. 33, 35. 2 Chron. xxxvi. 1, 4.

465 The Hebrew silver talent, according to Dr. Cumberland, is equivalent to 353l. 11s. 10-1/2d. so that 100 talents, English money, make L35,359 7s. 6d. The gold talent, according to the same source, is 5075l. 15s. 7-1/2d., so the amount of the whole tribute was 40,435l. 3s. 1-1/2d.—Trans.

466 Lib. ii c. 159.

467 Megiddo.—Trans.

468 From the time that Solomon, by means of his temple, had made Jerusalem the common place of worship to all Israel, it was distinguished from the rest of the cities by the epithet Holy, and in the Old Testament was called Air Hakkodesh, i.e. the city of holiness, or the holy city. It bore this title upon the coins, and the shekel was inscribed Jerusalem Kedusha, i.e. Jerusalem the holy. At length Jerusalem, for brevity's sake, was omitted, and only Kedusha reserved. The Syriac being the prevailing language in Herodotus's time, Kedusha, by a change in that dialect of sh into th, was made Kedutha; and Herodotus giving it a Greek termination, it was writ Κάδυτις or Cadytis. Prideaux's Connection of the Old and New Testament, ol. i. part i. p. 80, 81. 8vo. Edit.—Trans.

M90 A.M. 3397. Ant. J.C. 607.

469 Jer. xlvi. 2.

470 2 Kings, xxiv. 7.

471 A rivo AEgypti.

472 This little river of Egypt, so often mentioned in Scripture as the boundary of Palestine towards Egypt, was not the Nile, but a small river, which, running through the desert that lay betwixt those two nations, was anciently the common boundary of both. So far the land, which had been promised to the posterity of Abraham, and divided among them by lot, extended. Gen. xv. 18. Josh. xv. 4.—Trans.

M91 A.M. 3404. Ant. J.C. 600.

473 Herod. l. ii. c. 160.

474 Herod. c. 160.

M92 A.M. 3410. Ant. J.C. 594.

475 Jer. xliv. 30.

476 Herod. l. ii. c. 161. Diod. l. i. p. 62.

477 Ezek. xxix. 3.

478 Ezek. xvii. 15.

479 Isa. xxxi. 1, 3.

480 Ezek. xxix. 2, 3, 4.

481 Ezek. xxix. 8, 9.

482 Chap. xxix. xxx. xxxi. xxxii.

M93 A.M. 3416. Ant. J.C. 588.

483 Jer. xxxvii. 6, 7.

M94 A.M. 3430. Ant. J.C. 574.

484 Herod. l. ii. c. 161, &c. Diod. l. i. p. 62.

485 The baldness of the heads of the Babylonians was owing to the pressure of their helmets; and their peeled shoulders to their carrying baskets of earth, and large pieces of timber, to join Tyre to the continent. Baldness was itself a badge of slavery; and joined to the peeled shoulders, shows that the conqueror's army sustained even the most servile labours in this memorable siege.—Trans.

486 For the better understanding of this passage, we are to know that Nabuchodonosor sustained incredible hardships at the siege of Tyre; and that when the Tyrians saw themselves closely attacked, the nobles conveyed themselves and their richest effects on shipboard, and retired into other islands. So that when Nabuchodonosor took the city, he found nothing to recompense the toil which he had undergone in this siege. S. Jerom.—Trans.