The same feeling largely prevailed among leading Republicans outside of Congress. Henry J. Raymond, of the New York Times, in his Life of Lincoln, says that at that time "nearly all the original Abolitionists and many of the more decidedly Anti-Slavery members of the Republican party were dissatisfied with the President." More explicit testimony is the statement, in his Political Recollections, of George W. Julian, for many years a leading member of Congress from Indiana. He says:

"The nomination of Mr. Lincoln was nearly unanimous, only the State of Missouri opposing him, but of the more earnest and thoroughgoing Republicans in both Houses of Congress, probably not more than one in ten really favored it. It was not only very distasteful to a large majority of Congress, but to many of the more prominent men of the party throughout the country."

The writer had an opportunity of witnessing a peculiar manifestation of the feeling that has just been spoken of. He attended a conference of radical Anti-Slavery people that was held in a parlor of one of the old Pennsylvania Avenue hotels in Washington, a few months before the nominating convention. A number of well-known politicians were present, but probably the most prominent was Horace Greeley. The writer had never before seen the great editor, and was considerably amused by his unconventional independence on that occasion. He occupied an easy chair with a high back. Having given his views at considerable length, he laid his head back on its support and peacefully went to sleep; but the half-hour lost in slumber did not prevent him from joining vigorously in the discussion that was going on as soon as he awoke.

There seemed to be but one sentiment on that occasion. All entertained the opinion that, owing to Mr. Lincoln's peculiar views on reconstruction, and especially his manifest inclination to postpone actual freedom for the negro to remote periods, and other "unhappy idiosyncrasies," as one of the speakers expressed it, his re-election involved the danger of a compromise that would leave the root of slavery in the soil, and hence his nomination by the Republicans should be opposed. Chase was clearly the choice of those present, but no one had a plan to propose, and, while some committees were appointed, I never heard anything more of the matter. Two or three of those present on that occasion were in the nominating convention and quietly voted with the majority for Mr. Lincoln. The writer was the only one in both gatherings that maintained his consistency.

All this, it is well enough to remember, was long after the President's Emancipation Proclamation had appeared.

There was, however, another manifestation of the antagonism spoken of which the public, for some reason, never seemed to "get on to," that at one time threatened very serious consequences, and which, if it had gone a little farther, might have materially changed the history of the country. That was a movement, after Mr. Lincoln's nomination, to compel him to retire from the ticket, or to confront him with a strong independent Republican candidate. According to Messrs. Nicolay and Hay, Mr. Lincoln's private secretaries and his biographers, the movement started in New York City and had its ramifications in many parts of the country. One meeting was held at the residence of David Dudley Field, and was attended by such men as George William Curtis, Noyes, Wilkes, Opdyke, Horace Greeley, and some twenty-five others. In the movement were such prominent people as Charles Sumner, of Massachusetts, and Benjamin F. Wade, of Ohio. One of the men favorable to the proposition was Governor Andrew of Massachusetts. "He," says his biographer, Peleg W. Chandler, "was very busy in the movement in 1864 to displace the President." "The secrecy," he adds, "with which this branch of the Republican politics of that year has been ever since enveloped is something marvelous; there were so many concerned in it. When it all comes out, if it ever does, it will make a curious page in the history of the time." The signal for the abandonment of the movement, according to Mr. Chandler, was given by Mr. Chase.

Almost at the beginning of the movement the Missouri Democrat, doubtless because of its supposed opposition to Mr. Lincoln, was approached on the subject. If the statements made to it were anywhere near correct, the conspiracy, as it might be called, had the countenance of a surprisingly great number of weighty Republicans. The Democrat declined to become a party to the proposed insurrection. It held that after what had occurred in the Baltimore convention, it could not consistently and honorably do so.

There was another reason why it stood aloof. Before the nomination it was, naturally enough, looking out for some one who might be urged as a suitable competitor for Mr. Lincoln's place. Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, was then quite popular with a good many people of radical views. The writer prepared an article discussing his availability as presidential timber and suggested him as a good man for the nomination. The article appeared as a leader in the Democrat, and was followed by others in the same vein. The suggestion attracted attention and led to a good deal of newspaper discussion. Herein we have, according to the writer's opinion, the leading cause of Johnson's nomination for the Vice-Presidency. At all events, he was on the ticket with Lincoln, and the Democrat could not very well go back on its own man.

The new departure, as the proposition for another Republican candidate in case Mr. Lincoln resolved to stick might be called, that appeared so formidable at one time, faded away without the public knowing anything of its existence. The reason was that it had no candidate. It had relied on Chase, knowing the unfriendliness there was between him and the President, but Chase said "No," and that was the end of it.

The nomination of Mr. Chase for the Chief Justiceship has always been regarded as an act of great magnanimity on Mr. Lincoln's part, as well as a clear perception of merit. It was doubtless all that, but the actions of the two men at this time certainly make out a case of striking coincidence. Such things rarely come by accident.

From what has been stated, it will be seen that the Missouri Radicals were by no means alone in their opposition to the President's nomination, for which they are so sharply taken to task by some of his biographers and eulogists. They had plenty of company, the only difference being that they stood out in the open while the others acted covertly.

The Missouri Germans, who mostly approved the candidature of Fremont, and some of whom refused to vote for Lincoln, have been particularly assailed. Messrs. Nicolay and Hay, in their Lincoln biography, even go so far as to attack them on the ground of their religious, or rather anti-religious, beliefs, calling them "materialist Missourians," "Missouri agnostics," etc., etc.

Now, after having lived among the Missouri Germans at the time of our civil troubles, the writer is impelled to say a few words in their behalf. He does not hesitate to say that, in his opinion, there was no body of men of equal numerical strength in this country to whom, at that crisis, the Government and country had cause to feel under greater obligation, and justice would require its acknowledgment at this time. But for them the enemies of the Union would have captured the city of St. Louis with its great Government arsenal, and with the arms and ammunition thus secured would have overrun both the States of Missouri and Kansas. A large preponderance of the American-born citizens of St. Louis were Rebels. The Union people of that city who saved the day, were principally the "Dutch," as they were called.

A large army was needed at that point to protect the Government's interests, when it had practically no available forces. There was no law under which it could be organized on the spot. No man could be made to serve. No pay for service was assured, or even promised. The army, however, was created by the voluntary and patriotic action of its members. Nearly a dozen full regiments were organized and equipped. Nine tenths of their members were Germans. They did not wait for hostilities to begin. Foreseeing the emergency near at hand, they organized into companies and regiments, and put themselves on a war footing before a blow had been struck or a shot had been fired. They met by night to drill in factory lofts, in recreation halls, and in whatever other places were most available, the words of command being generally delivered in German. The writer has a lively recollection of the difficulties involved in trying to learn military evolutions from instructors speaking a language he did not understand.

Many of the Germans of Missouri had seen service in the Old World. They had served under Sigel in the struggle of 1848. They found themselves under Sigel again. It was with the step and bearing of veterans that they marched (the writer was an eye-witness) in May of 1861, only a few days after Sumter had been fired on, to open the military ball in the West at Camp Jackson, near St. Louis.

The same people went with Lyon to the State capital, from which the Rebel officials were driven, never to return. They were with Lyon at Wilson's Creek, and with him many of them laid down their lives on that bloody field. They were wherever hard fighting was to be done in that part of the country. The writer believes he is correct in saying they furnished more men to the Government's service than any other numerically equal body of citizens. So large was their representation in the Union's forces in that region, that the Rebels were accustomed to speak of the Union soldiers as "the Dutch."

The fact that the Germans were fighting for an adopted government makes their loyalty more conspicuous. What they did was not from a love of war, but because they were Abolitionists. They were opposed to slavery. They owned no slaves. They wanted the Government sustained, because they believed that meant the end of slaveholding. They supported Fremont largely because of his freedom proclamation.

And here the writer, before closing his work, wants to say something about Fremont. He believes no man in this country was made the victim of greater injustice than he was.

It has always been the opinion of the writer that, if Fremont had been permitted to take his own way in his Western command a little longer, he would have achieved a brilliant military success. He was a weak man in some respects, being over fond of dress parade. The financial management of his department was bad, or, rather, very careless. Of these shortcomings, which were considerably misrepresented and exaggerated, Fremont's enemies took advantage, and succeeded in effecting his overthrow in the Western Department. But, notwithstanding his admitted failings, he gave evidence of military ability. He showed that he possessed both physical and moral courage, and he knew how to plan a campaign. He undoubtedly formulated the movement that resulted in the capture of Forts Donelson and Henry in Tennessee, taking the initial steps, but of which Halleck got the credit. He was removed from command when in the field, and almost on the eve of battle. He had an enthusiastic army and the prospect of a decisive victory. His recall gave up nearly the whole of Missouri to the enemy, and was one of the causes of complaint that the Missouri Unionists had against the National Administration.

Not long afterwards, with no more than even chances, Fremont defeated Stonewall Jackson in Virginia—at Cross Keys—which was more than any of the other Union generals then in that department could do. His prompt removal made it sure that he should not do it again.

It was the misfortune of Fremont that his independence caused him to clash with selfish interests, and he was sacrificed. He was selected for the Trans-Mississippi command by the Blairs, evidently with the expectation that he would bend to their wishes. He soon showed that he was his own master, and the trouble began. The Union people of his department were mostly with him, but the Blairs had control of the administration in Washington.

As for his freedom proclamation, it was, to a certain extent, an act of insubordination, but it was right in principle and sound in policy. Its adoption by the General Government would have saved four years of contention and turmoil in Missouri, spent in upholding a tottering institution that was doomed from the first shot of the Rebellion. The President, however, for reasons elsewhere explained, did not at that time want slavery interfered with.

The story of Fremont's fall is best told by Whittier in four lines:

"Thy error, Fremont, simply was to act A brave man's part without the statesman's tact, And, taking counsel but of common-sense, To strike at cause as well as consequence."



CHAPTER XXII

SOME ABOLITION LEADERS

The references that have been made to General Frank P. Blair of Missouri have not been complimentary to that individual. They would indicate on the part of the writer no very exalted admiration for or estimate of the man. In that particular they are not altogether just. The stormy period of the Rebellion brought out few more picturesque figures than his, or in some respects more admirable characters. There is no question that, but for the efforts of Blair, the Rebels would have effected the capture of St. Louis at the beginning of the war, to be followed by the at least temporary control of the entire State of Missouri, and possibly of Kansas as well. To that end preparations had been carefully and skillfully made. The leader in the movement was none other than Missouri's Governor, Claiborne F. Jackson, who was justly looked upon as one of the most consummate and accomplished schemers of the time. He was a Rebel from head to foot. He had taken office with the deliberate purpose of swinging his State into the Confederate column, and without regard to the wishes of the majority of the people whom he officially represented. He was supported by a sympathetic corps of official assistants, including a majority of the Legislature of his State, who gave him whatever legislation he wanted. Every advantage seemed to be on his side. He would undoubtedly have succeeded but for the opposition of Blair. In him he encountered an equal in cunning, and more than a match in courage and energy.

When the Governor and his helpers were busy raising an army pursuant to the conditions of a law that had been enacted for the purpose, and which hampered their operations, Blair went ahead in raising and equipping an army on the other side without the slightest regard to law. The presence or absence of a statute did not trouble him in the least. He called on the Unionists to organize and arm, and when a sufficient force, composed in greater part of loyal Germans, had responded he struck the first blow. In a legal aspect the whole proceeding was irregular, but it was none the less effective.

When the Governor's army was quietly encamped on the outskirts of St. Louis, for the capture and occupancy of which it was getting ready, it found itself unexpectedly surrounded by a superior force, and its surrender was demanded in a way that admitted of no denial. The writer was present on the occasion. From a convenient eminence he witnessed the whole proceeding. When Jackson's men—the rendezvous had in honor of his Excellency the Governor been named Camp Jackson—were enjoying themselves on a pleasant summer's day, sleeping on the grass, playing cards, or escorting their lady friends and other visitors about the grounds, suddenly they realized that their position was commanded by hostile guns. Pointing downward from higher ground not far off were nearly a score of frowning cannons, behind which stood men with burning fuses. I had watched the Union forces as they approached. At the foot of the hill that hid them from the camp they paused for a few moments, and then up the hill went the horses that were dragging the cannons at a run. They were wheeled when the summit was reached, and the guns thrown into position. Everything was ready for action. At the same time large bodies of armed men, their arms glittering in the sunlight, were seen approaching from all sides on the double quick. The Rebels were completely entrapped, and their immediate capitulation was a thing of course. The credit for the manoeuvres of the day was given to Captain—afterwards General—Nathaniel Lyon, who was in immediate command of the Unionists, but everybody understood that the real leader, as well as instigator, of the movement was Blair.

Blair had been the admitted leader of the Missouri Abolitionists. He was as radical as any man among them. One day he stopped me on the street for the purpose of thanking me for a paper I had contributed to the Missouri Democrat, in which I had favored what was practically immediate emancipation in Missouri. He said that was the right kind of talk, and what we had to come to. I felt greatly flattered, because there was nothing in the article that disclosed its authorship, and Mr. Blair had taken the trouble to inquire about it.

Blair turned against the Missouri Abolitionists when a decided majority of them turned against him in his quarrel with Fremont. They indorsed Fremont's emancipation proclamation, which the President, at Blair's instigation, it was charged at the time, revoked.

Blair was a man not only of strong ambition but of arbitrary temperament. He could not tolerate the idea of a newcomer pre-empting what he had considered his premises. If he could not rule he was ready to ruin. That disposition accorded with both his mental and physical make-up. Bodily he was a bundle of bones and nerves without a particle of surplus flesh. His hair was red, his complexion was sandy, and his eyes, when he was excited and angry, had a baleful expression that led some one in my presence on a certain occasion to speak of them as "brush-heaps afire."

He was not an eloquent man, although a ready and frequent public speaker. His voice was not musical. His strong forte was invective. He was nearly always denouncing somebody. Apparently, he was never so happy as when making another miserable. Sometimes his personal allusions were very broad. He was accustomed in his speeches to refer to one of Missouri's United States Senators as "that lop-eared vulgarian." That he was not almost all the time in personal difficulties was due to the fact that he was known to be a man of exceptional courage. He was a born fighter. Physically I think he was the bravest man I ever knew. I witnessed several manifestations of his fearlessness, but one particularly impressed me.

I have spoken of the Camp Jackson affair. Although the people in the Rebel encampment surrendered without a blow, the incident was attended with considerable bloodshed. A mob of Rebel sympathizers, consisting largely of half-grown boys—I was in the midst of the throng at the time—with their pistols opened fire on a German Union regiment and killed several of its men. The troops, in return, poured a volley into the crowd of spectators from which the shots had come, killing or wounding over forty persons, the most of them, as is usual in such cases, being inoffensive onlookers. A man standing beside me and, like myself, a spectator, had the top of one ear clipped off by a Minie ball as cleanly as if it had been done with a knife. I found when, soon afterwards, I reached the business center of the city, where the Rebel element then largely predominated, that the story of the tragedy had swelled the number of the victims to one thousand. Intense excitement and the most furious indignation prevailed. Hundreds of men, with flaming faces, were swearing the most dreadful oaths that they would shoot Frank Blair, whom they seemed to regard as wholly responsible, on sight. Many of them were flourishing pistols in confirmation of their bloody purpose. Just then the attention of the crowd was drawn to an unusual spectacle. Down Fourth Street, which was then the leading business avenue of St. Louis, and at that time densely packed with the excited people, came the Union soldiers with the prisoners from Camp Jackson on their way to the United States Arsenal grounds. At the head of the procession marched the men of the First Missouri volunteer regiment, their guns "aport" and ready for immediate service, and at their head—the only mounted man in the regiment, according to my recollection—rode their Colonel, who was Frank Blair. He was in full uniform, which made him still more conspicuous. No better target could have been offered. I watched the audacious man, expecting to hear a shot at any moment from the sidewalk, or from a window of one of the high buildings lining the street, and to see him topple from his saddle. He understood very well the danger he was braving. He knew that in that throng, where everybody was armed, there were hundreds toying with the triggers of their guns, and trying to muster sufficient courage to shoot him down. Slowly, and as calmly as if on ordinary dress parade, he led the way until he passed out of sight. I thought then, and still think, it was the pluckiest thing I ever witnessed.

The effect of the breaking up and capture of Camp Jackson was something wonderful. Up to that time, the Rebels of St. Louis and their sympathizers had been very demonstrative. In portions of the city the Rebel cockade, which was a red rosette pinned to the side of the hat, was conspicuous, and any one not displaying that decoration was in danger of having his hat smashed upon his head. After Camp Jackson's surrender, I never saw a Rebel cockade openly worn in St. Louis.

At the same time there was an extensive shifting of positions. A good many men of prominence and wealth, who had been leaning over towards the South, suddenly straightened up, and not a few of them showed a strong inclination the other way. Some of the evolutions they executed were amusing. One of the first to discuss with the writer the Union defeat at Bull Run was a former United States Government official. He was tremendously excited and correspondingly exultant. After describing how the Southerners had vanquished the Government's men, and particularly how the South Carolina "black horse" had ridden them down in deadly slaughter, he cried out, "That's the way we will give it to you fellows all the time."

Not very long afterwards General Grant, having entered Tennessee, and captured Fort Donelson, and many prisoners, was about to visit St. Louis, and the leading Unionists there decided to give him a grand reception and an elaborate dinner. Money had to be raised, and among those I met who were soliciting it was my ex-Government-official friend. He was fully as happy as he had been before, when the Fort Donelson affair was alluded to. "Didn't we give it to those fellows down there?" he exclaimed.

Out in western Missouri was a young lawyer of great ambition and considerable promise. He was afterwards a member of Congress. Like a good many others he was at first puzzled to know what course to take. In his dilemma he concluded to consult an old politician in that section who was much famed for his sagacity, and who bore the military title of General.

"If you contemplate remaining in Missouri," said the older man to the junior, "you should take the Southern side. Missouri is a slave State and a Southern State, and she will naturally go with her section."

The young man availed himself of an opportunity to make a public address, in which he aligned himself in the strongest terms with those who had gone into rebellion. But scarcely had this been done when Lincoln issued his first call for troops, and among those nominated to command them was the old Missouri General. It was announced that he had accepted the appointment. The younger man was amazed. He went in hot haste for an explanation.

"It's all true," said the General. "The fact is, when I talked with you before, I did not think the Northern people would fight for the Union, but I now see that I was mistaken; and when the Northern people, being the stronger and richer, do decide to go to war, they are almost certain to win. You had better take the Northern side."

"But it is too late," said the youngster. "I have committed myself in that speech I made."

"Oh! as for that matter," was the reply, "it's of very little consequence if you have committed yourself. It's easy to make a speech on the other side and take the first one back. Nobody looks for consistency in times like these."

Many Missourians, as well as many citizens of other border slave States, at the beginning of the trouble advocated a policy of neutrality. They saw no necessity for taking sides. I was at a meeting out in the interior of Missouri, where many citizens had come together to consult as to the policy they had better pursue. Among them was an old gentleman who seemed to be looked upon by his neighbors as a regular Nestor. He was called upon for his views. "Gentlemen," said he, "we have got to take sides and maintain our neutrality."

In that section of the country was another distinguished and unique personage who conspicuously figured in the events that are here being dealt with.

I knew him intimately. I now refer to James H. Lane, who was better known as "Jim Lane," of Kansas. Like Blair, Lane was a born leader of men, and a leader under exceptional conditions. He was generally credited with being a fighter—a dare-devil, in fact—and a desperado; but in the writer's opinion he was by no means Blair's equal in personal courage. He had a great deal to do in raising troops and organizing military movements, but he did not go to the front. His fighting was chiefly in "private scraps," in one of which he killed his adversary.

His paramount ability was as a talker rather than as a fighter. He was an orator, and his oratory was of a kind that was exactly suited to his surroundings. No man could more readily adapt himself to the humor of his hearers. He knew precisely how to put himself on their level. I have seen him face an audience that was distinctly unfriendly, that would scarcely give him a hearing; and in less than half an hour every man in the crowd would be shouting his approval. He could go to his hearers if he could not bring them to him. I witnessed one of his performances in that line.

He was a candidate for re-election to the United States Senate. There was one rival that he particularly feared. The man was the late General Thomas Ewing, then a resident of Kansas. At that particular time he was in the Army and the commandant of the St. Louis District in Missouri. Lane came to St. Louis and had a talk with the writer, freely admitting his dread of Ewing and asking for the Missouri Democrat's support. Having a considerable admiration for Lane as well as a liking for the man, I promised him such assistance as I could reasonably give. It happened to be at the time when General Sterling Price, in making his last raid into Missouri, was threatening St. Louis with an army of nearly twenty thousand men, and there was no adequate opposing force at hand. Ewing, with barely a tenth as many troops, went to the front and heroically engaged the enemy. With no protection but the walls of a little mud fort he succeeded in repelling the attack of his powerful adversary. That timely action probably saved St. Louis.

At this particular time it was arranged that there should be a meeting of the Republicans of St. Louis—it was in the midst of an exciting presidential campaign—at which Lane was to be the principal speaker. The meeting was held and Lane was addressing a large audience with great acceptance when the news of Ewing's achievement was received.

It was then customary, when war intelligence arrived in the course of any political gathering, and sometimes of religious gatherings, to suspend all other proceedings until it had been announced and the audience had time enough to manifest its feeling on the subject.

Lane was in the midst of an eloquent passage when he was interrupted by the arrival of the news referred to. He stepped back, and the news-bearer, taking his place, proceeded to give a graphic description of Ewing's performance, concluding with a glowing eulogy on that personage, and which was received with tremendous cheering. Understanding Lane's feelings towards Ewing, I watched his face while these events were passing. It plainly showed his vexation. It was almost livid with suppressed emotion. But the time for him to resume his address had come. What would he do was the question I asked myself. He answered it very promptly. Jauntily stepping forward with his countenance fairly wreathed in smiles, he exclaimed, "Ladies and gentlemen, that is glo-o-orious news for us, but it 's ter-r-r-ible for the other fellows."

Lane's enemies were confident they had him beaten as a candidate for the Senate. He had done certain things that rendered him unpopular with his constituents. So certain were they that they did not think it necessary to make an effort, and, in consequence, remained inactive. Not so with Lane. He quietly waited until a few days before the choosing of the Legislature that was to decide on his case, and then he entered on a lightning canvass. Arranging for relays of fast horses—it was before the days of railroads in Kansas—he began a tour that would bring him practically face to face with every voter in the State. He traveled and spoke both by day and by night. Sometimes he addressed as many as a dozen audiences in twenty-four hours. The excitement attending his progress was great. Men came many miles to hear him, sometimes bringing their families with them. He succeeded in completely revolutionizing public opinion. It was too late for his adversaries to attempt a counter-movement, and the result was that Lane was re-elected by an almost unanimous vote.

There was no doubt about Lane's attitude on the slavery question. He was not only a radical Abolitionist, but the acknowledged leader of the Free-State men of Kansas. He recognized no right of property in man, as many Missouri slaveholders learned to their sorrow. I was present when he congratulated a Kansas regiment that had just returned from a raid into Missouri, bringing many black people with it. "Fellow soldiers," he shouted, "you entered Missouri a white body, but you have returned surrounded by a great black cloud. It is the work of the Lord."

There was another man whose name, the author thinks, properly belongs under the heading of this chapter, and to whom, on account of pleasant personal recollections, he would like to refer. He was not a fighter like Blair and Lane, with whom his life was in striking contrast. He was essentially a man of peace. He was a Quaker. Although born in Kentucky he was an Abolitionist. I now refer to Levi Coffin of Cincinnati, who was credited with successfully assisting over three thousand runaway slaves on their way to freedom, and, in consequence, became distinguished among both friends and foes as the "President of 'The Underground Railroad.'" The most remarkable thing in his case was his immunity from legal punishment. The slaveholders knew very well what he was doing, but so expert was he in hiding his tracks that they could never get their clutches upon him.

I had rather an amusing experience with Coffin. Having when a boy heard so much about him, I was anxious to see him and make his acquaintance. On the occasion of a visit to Cincinnati, with a letter of introduction from an acquaintance of Coffin, I went to his office, but not without trepidation. I found the great man engaged in a conversation with some one, his back being toward me, as I took my stand just inside of his door. How he became aware of my presence I don't know—I certainly made no noise to attract him—but he certainly knew I was there. Suspending the conversation in which he was engaged—he was seated in a revolving chair—he suddenly turned so as to confront me, and silently looked me over. At last he arose, and, stepping up to me, lifted my hat with one hand, and laid the other upon my head. I understood very well what his movements meant. He was looking for outward evidences of negro blood. So far as my complexion went a suspicion of African taint might very well have been entertained. I had been assisting my father in harvesting his wheat crop, and my face and hands had a heavy coating of tan, but my hair was straight and stiff. I could see that the old gentleman was puzzled. Not a word, so far, had been spoken on either side.

"Where is thee from?" was the question that broke the silence.

I answered that I was from Clark County, meaning Clark County, Ohio.

Coffin, however, evidently thought I referred to Clark County, Kentucky, from which there had been many fugitives, and that settled the matter in his mind. "But, my boy, thee seems to have had a good home," continued the old gentleman as he looked over my clothes and general appearance. "Why is thee running away?"

Then came the explanation and the solemn Quaker indulged in a hearty laugh. He remarked that he knew my family very well by reputation, and that he had met my father in Abolitionist conventions—meetings he called them.

Then he invited me to go to his home and break bread with him. I vainly tried to decline. The old man would accept no excuse.

"Thy father would not refuse my hospitality."

That settled the matter, and I accompanied my entertainer to his domicile. I was glad that I did so, as it gave me the opportunity to see and greet Coffin's wife, who was a charming elderly Quaker lady. She had gained a reputation as a helper of the slave almost equal to that of her husband.

When runaways set out on their venturesome journeys, they were generally very indifferently equipped. Ordinarily they had only the working garments they wore on the plantations, and these furnished but slight relief for a condition very near to nudity. Mrs. Coffin set apart a working room in her house, and there sympathizers of both races joined her in garment-making, the result being that very few fugitives left Cincinnati without being decently clothed.

At the Coffin table were several guests beside myself. One was a colored man. He had been a slave, I learned, but his freedom had been purchased, largely through the Coffins' efforts.

After I left the Coffin mansion, I remembered my unused letter of introduction, which I had altogether forgotten. It was no longer called for.



CHAPTER XXIII

ROLLS OF HONOR

The first honors of Abolitionism unquestionably belong to the organizers of the first societies formed for its promotion. The first of these in the order of time was the New England Anti-Slavery Society, which came into being on the first day of January, 1832. William Lloyd Garrison was chief promoter and master spirit. It consisted at the outset of twelve men, and that was not the only evidence of its apostolic mission. It was to be the forerunner in an ever-memorable revolution. The names of the twelve subscribers to its declaration of views and aims will always have a place in American history. They were William Lloyd Garrison, Oliver Johnson, William J. Snelling, John E. Fuller, Moses Thatcher, Stillman E. Newcomb, Arnold Buffum, John B. Hall, Joshua Coffin, Isaac Knapp, Henry K. Stockton, and Benjamin C. Bacon.

As a suggestion from, if not an offshoot of, the New England organization, came the National Anti-Slavery Society, which was organized in Philadelphia in 1834. It was intended that the meeting of its promoters should be held in New York, but so intense was the feeling against the Abolitionists in that city that no suitable room could there be found, and the "conspirators," as they were called by their enemies, were compelled to seek for accommodation and protection among the Philadelphia Quakers.

In that circumstance there was considerable significance. Two great declarations of independence have issued from Philadelphia. One was for political freedom; the other was for personal freedom. One was for the benefit of its authors as well as of others. The other one was wholly unselfish. Which had the loftier motive?

Ten States were represented in the Philadelphia meeting, which, considering the difficulties incident to travel at that time, was a very creditable showing. One man rode six hundred miles on horseback to attend it.

The following is the list of those in attendance, who became subscribers to the declaration that was promulgated:

Maine

David Thurston, Nathan Winslow, Joseph Southwick, James F. Otis, Isaac Winslow.

New Hampshire

David Campbell.

Massachusetts

Daniel Southmayd, Effingham C. Capron, Amos Phelps, John G. Whittier, Horace P. Wakefield, James Barbadoes, David T. Kimball, Jr., Daniel E. Jewitt, John R. Campbell, Nathaniel Southard, Arnold Buffum, William Lloyd Garrison.

Rhode Island

John Prentice, George W. Benson.

Connecticut

Samuel J. May, Alpheus Kingsley, Edwin A. Stillman, Simeon Joselyn, Robert B. Hall.

New York

Beriah Green, Lewis Tappan, John Rankin, William Green, Jr., Abram T. Cox, William Goodell, Elizur Wright, Jr., Charles W. Denison, John Frost.

New Jersey

Jonathan Parkhurst, Chalkly Gillinghamm, John McCullough, James White.

Pennsylvania

Evan Lewis, Edwin A. Altee, Robert Purviss, James McCrummill, Thomas Shipley, Bartholomew Fussell, David Jones, Enoch Mace, John McKim, Anson Vickers, Joseph Loughead, Edward P. Altee, Thomas Whitson, John R. Sleeper, John Sharp, Jr., James Mott.

Ohio

Milton Sutliff, Levi Sutliff, John M. Sterling.

* * * * *

The writer finds it quite impossible to carry out the idea with which this chapter was begun, which was to furnish a catalogue embracing all active Anti-Slavery workers who were Abolitionists. Space does not permit. He will therefore condense by giving a portion of the list, the selections being dictated partly by claims of superior merit, and partly by accident.

As representative men and women of the East—chiefly of New England and New York—he gives the following:

David Lee Child, of Boston, for some time editor of the National Anti-Slavery Advocate. He was the husband of Lydia Maria Child, who wrote the first bound volume published in this country in condemnation of the enslavement of "those people called Africans"; Samuel E. Sewell, another Bostonian and a lawyer who volunteered his services in cases of fugitive slaves; Ellis Gray Lowell, another Boston lawyer of eminence; Amos Augustus Phelps, a preacher and lecturer, for whose arrest the slaveholders of New Orleans offered a reward of ten thousand dollars; Parker Pillsbury, another preacher and lecturer, who at twenty years of age was the driver of an express wagon, and with no literary education, but who, in order that he might better plead the cause of the slave, went to school and became a noted orator; Theodore Weld, who married Angelina Grimke, the South Carolina Abolitionist, and who as an Anti-Slavery advocate was excelled, if he was excelled, only by Henry Ward Beecher and Wendell Phillips; Henry Brewster Stanton, a very vigorous Anti-Slavery editor and the husband of Elizabeth Cady Stanton, the champion of women's rights; Theodore Parker, the great Boston divine; O.B. Frothingham, another famous preacher; Thomas Wentworth Higginson, the writer; Samuel Johnson, C.L. Redmond, James Monroe, A.T. Foss, William Wells Brown, Henry C. Wright, G.D. Hudson, Sallie Holley, Anna E. Dickinson, Aaron M. Powell, George Brodburn, Lucy Stone, Edwin Thompson, Nathaniel W. Whitney, Sumner Lincoln, James Boyle, Giles B. Stebbins, Thomas T. Stone, George M. Putnam, Joseph A. Howland, Susan B. Anthony, Frances E. Watkins, Loring Moody, Adin Ballou, W.H. Fish, Daniel Foster, A.J. Conover, James N. Buffum, Charles C. Burleigh, William Goodell, Joshua Leavitt, Charles M. Denison, Isaac Hopper, Abraham L. Cox.

To the above should be added the names of Alvin Stewart of New York, who issued the call for the convention that projected the Liberty party, and of John Kendrick, who executed the first will including a bequest in aid of the Abolition cause.

And here must not be omitted the name of John P. Hale, of New Hampshire, who was a candidate for the Presidency on the Liberty party ticket, and also a conspicuous member of the U.S. Senate.

Going westward, we come to Ohio, which became, early in the movement, the dominating center of Abolitionist influence. Salmon P. Chase was there. James G. Birney, after being forced out of Kentucky, was there. Ex-United States Senator Thomas Morris, a candidate for the Vice-Presidency on the Liberty party ticket, was there. Leicester King and Samuel Lewis, Abolition candidates for the governorship of the State, were there. Joshua R. Giddings and United States Senator Ben. Wade were there.

One great advantage the Ohio Abolitionists enjoyed was that they were harmonious and united. In the East that was not the case. There was a bitter feud between the Garrisonians, who relied on moral suasion, and the advocates of political action. All Ohio Abolitionists were ready and eager to employ the ballot.

There is another name, in speaking of Ohio, that must not be omitted. Dr. Townsend was the man who made Salmon P. Chase a United States Senator, and at a time when the Abolition voting strength in Ohio was a meager fraction in comparison with that of the old parties—numbering not over one in twenty. It happened to be a time when the old parties—the Whigs and the Democrats—had so nearly an equal representation in the State Legislature that Townsend, who was a State Senator, and two co-operating members, held a balance of power. Both parties were exceedingly anxious to control the Legislature, as that body, under the State constitution then in force, had the distribution of a great deal of patronage. The consideration for the deciding vote demanded by Townsend and his associates was the election of Chase to the Senate. They and the Democrats made the deal. Naturally enough, the Whigs expressed great indignation until it was shown that they had offered to enter into very much the same arrangement.

Some years before the events just spoken of, Townsend had been a medical student in Cincinnati. One day he stepped into the courthouse, where a fugitive-slave case was being tried. There he listened to an argument from Salmon P. Chase, the negro's defender, that made an Abolitionist of him. The senatorial incident naturally followed.

There was another Ohioan—not an individual this time, but an institution—that will always hold a high place in the annals of Abolitionism. Oberlin College was a power in the land. It had a corps of very able professors who were, without exception, active Anti-Slavery workers. They regarded themselves as public instructors as well as private teachers. There was scarcely a township in Ohio that they did not visit, either personally or through their disciples. They were as ready to talk in country schoolhouses as in their own college halls. Of course, they were violently opposed. Mobs broke up their meetings very frequently, but that only made them more persistent. Their teachings were viciously misrepresented. They were accused of favoring the intermarriage of the races, and parents were warned, if they sent their children to Oberlin, to look out for colored sons-in-law and daughters-in-law. For such slanders, however, the men and women of Oberlin—for both sexes were admitted to faculty and classes—seemed to care no more than they did for pro-slavery mobs.

There is another name which, although it belongs exclusively neither to the East nor to the West, to the North nor to the South, should not be omitted from a record like this. Doctor Gamaliel Bailey resided in the District of Columbia, and issued the National Era from Washington city.

Although a journal of small folio measurement and issued but once a week, it was for a considerable time the most influential organ of the Abolitionists. Its circulation was large and its management very able. Of course, it took no little courage and judgment to conduct such a publication in the very center of slaveholding influence, and more than once it barely escaped destruction by mobs.

If there was nothing else to his credit there was one thing accomplished by the Era's owner that entitles him to lasting remembrance. He was the introducer, if not the real producer, of Uncle Tom's Cabin. It first appeared in the Era in serial numbers. It is perfectly safe to say that no other newspaper in the country, of any standing, would have touched it. Without Dr. Bailey's encouragement the work would not have been written. This was admitted by Mrs. Stowe.

Up to this point the people whose names have been mentioned in these pages have, to a certain extent, been public characters and leaders. They were generals, and colonels, and captains, and orderly sergeants, in the army of emancipation. There were, also, privates in the ranks whose services richly deserve to be commemorated, showing, as they do, the character of the works they performed. The writer cannot resist the temptation to refer to two of them in particular, although, doubtless, there were many others of equal merit. A reason for the preference he shows in this case, that will not be misunderstood, is the fact that one of the men was his uncle and the other his father.

James Kedzie and John Hume were plain country farmers residing in southwestern Ohio, neither very rich nor very poor. They were natives of Scotland, and stating that fact is almost equivalent to saying they were Abolitionists. None of the Scotch of the writer's personal knowledge, at the period referred to, were otherwise than strongly Anti-Slavery. There are said to be exceptions to all rules, and there was one in this instance. He was a kinsman of the author, and a "braw" young Scotchman who came over to this country with the expectation of picking up a fortune in short order. Finding the North too slow, he went South. There he met a lady who owned a valuable plantation well stocked with healthy negroes. He married the woman, and became something of a local nabob, with the reputation of great severity as a master. One day, with his own hand, he inflicted a cruel flogging on a slave who had the name of a "bad nigger." That night, when the master was playing chess with a neighbor by candlelight on the ground floor of his dwelling, all the windows being open, the negro crept up with a loaded gun and shot him dead.

The sad affair was regretfully commented on by the dead man's relatives, who, I remember, referred to his untimely ending as "his judgment," and as a punishment he had brought upon "himself."

My uncle and father did not conceal their unpopular views. They openly voted the Abolition ticket. In eight years, beginning with their two ballots, they raised the third party vote in their immediate vicinity to eight, and they boasted of the progress they had made.

They did not make public addresses, but they faithfully listened to those made by others in support of the cause. They attended all Abolition meetings that were within reach. They took the National Era. Not only that, but they got up clubs for it. The first club I recollect my father's securing consisted of half a dozen subscribers, for one half of which he paid. The next year's was double in size, and so was my father's contribution. There was no fund for the promotion of the Abolitionist cause, for which they were called upon, to which they did not cheerfully pay according to their means.

All Abolition lecturers and colporteurs were gratuitously entertained, although their presence was sometimes a cause of abuse, and even of danger. There were other travelers who sometimes applied for help. Their faces were of dusky hue, and their great whitish eyes were like those of hunted beasts of the forest. They went on their way strengthened and rejoicing—always in the direction of the North Star.

The men are dead, but Slavery is dead also, partly through their labors and sacrifices. Their unpretentious, patient, earnest lives were not in vain. They contributed to the final triumph of Freedom's holy cause.



APPENDIX

EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION

January 1, 1863.—Whereas, on the 22d day of September, 1862, a proclamation was issued by the President of the United States, containing, among other things, the following, to wit:

That on the 1st day of January, 1863, all persons held as slaves within any State or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward and forever free, and the Executive government of the United States, including the naval and military authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons or any of them in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom.

That the Executive will on the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States and parts of States, if any, in which the people thereof, respectively, shall then be in rebellion against the United States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof, shall on that day be in good faith represented in the Congress of the United States, by members chosen thereto at elections, wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such States have participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such State, and the people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the United States. Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, by virtue of the power in me vested as Commander-in-chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, in time of actual armed rebellion against the authority and government of the United States, and as a fit and necessary war measure for suppressing said rebellion, do on this first day of January, 1863, and in accordance with my purpose so to do, publicly proclaimed for the full period of one hundred days from the day first above mentioned, order and designate as the States and parts of States wherein the people thereof respectively are this day in rebellion against the United States, the following, to wit:

Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana (except the Parishes of St. Bernard, Plaquemines, Jefferson, St. John, St. Charles, St. James, Ascension, Assumption, Terre Bonne, Lafourche, St. Mary, St. Martin, and Orleans, including the City of New Orleans), Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, and Virginia, (except the forty-eight counties designated as West Virginia, and also the counties of Berkeley, Accomac, Northampton, Elizabeth City, York, Princess Ann, and Norfolk and Portsmouth) and which excepted parts are for the present left precisely as if this proclamation were not issued.

And by virtue of the power and for the purpose aforesaid, I do order and declare that all persons held as slaves within said designated States and parts of States are, and henceforward shall be, free, and that the Executive government of the United States, including the military and naval authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons.

And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be free to abstain from all violence, unless in necessary self-defense; and I recommend to them that, in all cases when allowed, they labor faithfully for reasonable wages.

And I further declare and make known that such persons, of suitable condition, will be received into the armed service of the United States, to garrison forts, positions, stations, and other places, and to man vessels of all sorts in said service.

And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice, warranted by the Constitution upon military necessity, I invoke the considerate judgment of mankind and the gracious favor of Almighty God.

IN WITNESS WHEREOF I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.

Done at the City of Washington this first day of January, 1863, and of the independence of the United States the Eighty-seventh.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.



BORDER SLAVE-STATE MESSAGE

Amendment to the National Constitution recommended by President Lincoln in his Message to Congress of December I, 1862.

Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled: that the following articles be proposed to the Legislatures (or conventions) of the several States as amendments to the Constitution of the United States, all or any of which Articles, when ratified by three fourths of the said Legislatures (or conventions) to be valid as parts of the said Constitution, namely:

Article.—Every State wherein Slavery now exists, which shall abolish the same therein, at any time or times before the 1st day of January in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred, shall receive compensation from the United States as follows, to wit:

(Then follows a provision to issue bonds of the United States Government, which shall be delivered to the States in amounts sufficient to compensate the owners of slaves within their jurisdictions for the loss of their slave property.)

Article.—All slaves who shall have enjoyed actual freedom by the chances of the war, at any time before the end of the rebellion, shall be forever free; but all owners of such, who shall not have been disloyal, shall be compensated for them at the same rates as is provided for States adopting abolishment of slavery, but in such way that no slave shall be twice accounted for.

Article.—Congress may appropriate money and otherwise provide for colonizing free colored persons, with their own consent, at any place or places without the United States.



"PRAYER OF TWENTY MILLIONS"

On the 19th of August, 1862, Horace Greeley, under the above heading, addressed a letter to the President, which appeared over his signature in the New York Tribune of that date. The conclusion of Mr. Greeley's epistle was as follows:

"On the face of this wide earth, Mr. President, there is not one disinterested, determined, intelligent champion of the Union cause who does not feel that all attempts to put down the rebellion, and at the same time uphold its inciting cause, are preposterous and futile—that the rebellion, if crushed out to-morrow, would be renewed within a year if Slavery were left in full vigor—that army officers who remain to this day devoted to Slavery can at best be but halfway loyal to the Union—and that every hour of deference to Slavery is an hour of added and deepened peril to the Union. I appeal to the testimony of your embassadors in Europe. Ask them to tell you candidly whether the seeming subserviency of your policy to the slaveholding, slavery-upholding interest is not the perplexity, the despair of statesmen of all parties, and be admonished by the general answer."



INDEX

Abolitionism, and Republicanism, 8, 9; end of, 150-156.

Abolitionist movement, v.

Abolitionists, hysterical praise of, 1; and dissolution of the Union, 1, 2; effect, 2; struggles, 3; and political expediency, 5; convention at Pittsburgh, 7; third-party, 7; vote of, 7; founders of Republican party, 8; pro-slavery mobbing, 9; voting strength, 9; organization, 10; lecturers, 11; stump orators, 11; newspapers, 11; preparatory work, 12; hostility to Union, 13; disloyalty, 13; treason, 13; place in history, 15; Quakers, 16; physical courage, 16; unselfishness of, 16; motives, 18; persecution of, 20; feelings against, 22; hopefulness of, 26; first presidential ticket, 28; prejudice against, 30; abuse by "gentlemen," 32; women, 38; preliminary victory of, 47; denunciation of early, 49; leaders, 186-198.

Adams, John Quincy, 21, 41; attempted expulsion of, from Congress, 69-71; speech in his own defense in Congress, 89.

Altee, Edward P., 203.

Altee, Edwin A., 203.

"Amalgamation," 35.

Anderson "Bill," 165.

Andrew, Governor, of Massachusetts, Peleg's Life of, 179.

Anthony, Susan B., 102, 205.

Anti-Slavery, causes, 2; matter excluded from United States mails, 4; formation of party, 13; pioneers, 49-58; lecturers, 76-78; orators, 88-93; women, 100-107; mobs, 108-112; in Haverhill, 108; in Nantucket, 109; martyrs, 113-120; sentiment, in England, 130.

Anti-Slavery societies, organization, 26; in New England, 72, 74, 75, 130, 201; National, 76, 79, 87, 201.

Anti-Unionist, 13.

* * * * *

Bacon, Benjamin C., 201.

Bailey, Dr. Gamaliel, 100, 207.

Ballou, Adin, 205.

Barbadoes, James, 202.

Bates, Judge, 161.

Beecher, Henry Ward, 90, 142, 148; speech in England, 90-93; and Lincoln, 92.

Bell, 152.

Benson, George W., 203.

Benton, Thomas H., 154.

Birney, Jas. G., 2, 5, 42, 56-58, 205.

"Black laws" 35; in Ohio, 35.

Black Republic of Texas, 135.

Blair, Gen. Prank P., 158, 186-191; and Missouri emancipationists, 161; and Missouri Abolitionists, 188; appearance of, 189; fearlessness, 189; quarrel with Fremont, 189; and capture of Camp Jackson, 189-191; threats against, 190.

Blair, Montgomery, 158, 161.

Bonner, Hon. Benjamin R., 155.

Border-ruffianism, 153.

Border Slave-State message, text of, 213-214.

Boyle, James, 205.

Bradley, John, 135.

Breckenridge, 152; factions, 11.

Breckenridge, Judge Samuel M., 175.

Brodburn, George, 205.

Brown, B. Gratz, 155.

Brown, John, 45, 113.

Brown, William Wells, 205.

Buchanan, James 153.

Buffum, Arnold, 201, 203.

Buffum, James N., 205.

Bull Run, 192.

Burleigh, Charles C., 205.

Buxton, Sir Thomas, 132.

* * * * *

Camp Jackson (St. Louis), 183; "affair" at, 186-188; effect of capture, 191-194.

Campbell, David, 202.

Campbell, John R., 202.

Capron, Effingham C., 202.

Carlisle, Earl of, 18.

Chapman, Mrs. Henry, 33.

"Charcoals," Missouri, 159; delegation to President, 162, 166; fight for "Free Missouri," 162; appeal to President for protection, 166-168.

Chase, Salmon P., 10, 13, 14, 59-61, 148, 205; financial policy, 60; espousal of Abolitionism, 61; and "third party," 64; election to United States Senate, 206.

Child, David Lee, 204.

Child, Lydia Maria, 204.

Chittenden, L.E., 134.

Churchill's Crisis, 157.

Civil War, 11; due to Abolitionists, 12.

Clay, Henry, 2, 6.

"Claybanks," 159; exclusion from National Convention, 169.

Coffin, Joshua, 201.

Coffin, Levi, 197-198; "President of 'The Underground Railroad,'" 197.

Colonization, 128-135; Society, 128; and England, 130-132; Lincoln's opinion, 133; experiments, 133-134.

Colonizationists, pretended friendship for negroes, 130.

Compromise of 1850, 6.

Conover, A.J., 205.

Cotton-gin, invention of, 31.

Cox, Abram L., 203, 205.

Crandall, Prudence, persecution of, 116-117.

Crandall, Dr. Reuben, 117-118.

Crisis, The, 157.

Cross Keys, battle of, 184.

Curtis, Geo. William, 88, 179.

Curtis, Gen. Samuel R., and military control of Missouri, 163-164; charges against, 163.

* * * * *

Democratic party, division of, 11.

Democrats, 4, 7; Anti-Nebraska, 9; of New York, 9.

Denison, Charles M., 203, 205.

Dickinson, Anna E., 205.

Dissolution of Union, petition for, 2.

"Doughface," 4.

Douglas, Stephen A., 12; dislike of, by slaveholders' factions, 11; defeated for President, 94-99; and Abolitionists, 153; hated by slave-owners, 153.

Douglass, Fred., 112.

Drake, Hon. Charles D., 167.

Dred Scott decision, 45-46; too late for South's purpose, 47.

Dresser, Amos, whipped, 119.

* * * * *

Emancipation proclamation, 137-138; due to Abolitionists, 12; story of, 139; moral influence of, 146; Lincoln's reasons for, 146; ineffective, 148; text of, 211-213.

Ewing, Gen. Thomas, 194; repulsion of General Price, 195.

* * * * *

Field, David Dudley, 179.

Fish, W.H., 205.

Fletcher, Thomas C., 155.

Fort Donelson, capture of, 184, 192.

Fort Henry, capture of, 184.

Foss, A.T., 205.

Foster, Daniel, 205.

Foster, Stephen, 39.

"Free-Soil" party, 65.

Fremont, General, 151; and western command, 184-185; financial bad management, 184; defeats Stonewall Jackson, 184; removal, 185; freedom proclamation, 185.

Frost, John, 203.

Frothingham, O.B., 204.

Fugitive Slave Law, 5, 121.

Fuller, John E., 201.

Fussell, Bartholomew, 203.

* * * * *

Gamble, Hamilton R., 160; and emancipation ordinance of, 163; and military control of Missouri, 163.

Garrison, William Lloyd, 13, 21, 26, 201, 202; Dragged through streets of Boston, 32; imprisonment for libel, 54; reception in England, 131-132; speech at Exeter Hall, 131.

Genius of Universal Emancipation, The, 51.

Giddings, Joshua R., 2, 6, 205.

Gillinghamm, Chalkly, 203.

Goodell, William, 203, 205.

Grant, General, 44; And "Charcoals," 172; Nomination by Missouri Radicals, 174-176; capture of Fort Donelson, 192.

Greeley, Horace, 142, 148, 178, 179.

Green, Beriah, 203.

Green, William, Jr., 203.

Grimke sisters, 38, 103-106, 204.

* * * * *

Hale, John P., 10, 205.

Hall, John B., 201.

Hall, Robert B., 203.

Hallock's Order Number Three, 141.

Harrison, Wm. Henry, 5.

Hay, John, 136.

Henry, Patrick, Williamsburg speech, 88.

Higginson, Thomas Wentworth, 204.

Hints toward Emancipation in Missouri, 158.

Hollie, Sally, 205.

Hopper, Isaac, 205.

How, John, 155.

Howland, Joseph A., 205.

Hudson, Professor, 35, 112, 205.

Hudson, Frederic, 89.

Hume, John, 208-210.

Hutchinsons, the, 141.

* * * * *

Ile a'Vache, 133.

Indiana, introduction of slavery into, 5.

* * * * *

Jackson, Claiborne F., 186; attempt to make Missouri secede, 186-188; outwitted by Nathaniel Lyon, 188.

Jackson, Stonewall, defeat of, 184.

Jewitt, Daniel E., 202.

Johnson, Andrew, 171, 180.

Johnson, Oliver, 73, 201.

Johnson, Samuel, 205.

Jones, David, 203.

Joselyn, Simeon, 203.

Julian, Geo. W., Political Recollections, 177.

* * * * *

Kansas-Nebraska Bill, 44.

Kedzie, James, 208-210.

Kelly, Abby, 38-39.

Kendrick, John, 205.

Kentucky, 21.

Kimball, David T., Jr., 202.

King, Leicester, 205.

Kingsley, Alpheus, 203.

Knapp, Isaac, 201.

"Know-Nothings," 9.

* * * * *

Lafayette, 17.

Lane, James H., 194-197; canvas for U.S. Senator, 196-197; attitude on slavery, 197.

Lawrence, city of, capture by Quantrell, 165; butchery of inhabitants, 165.

Leavitt, Joshua, 205.

Lewis, Evan, 203.

Lewis, Samuel, 205.

Liberal party, 2, 3, 7, 8, 65.

Liberator, 21; first issue, 55; South Carolina and Georgia offers reward for its circulation, 55-56; excluded from U.S. mails, 56; office wrecked by mob, 56; opposed to separate party action, 64.

Lincoln, Abraham, 2, 8, 11, 41; election of, 11, 48; Gettysburg speech, 88; and Douglas, 94-99; debate of 1858, 94; and slavery, 96, 97; preferred by slaveholders, 98; Recollections of, 134-135; and emancipation, 136-149; and Missouri Compromise, 139; message to Minister Dayton of Paris, 140; proposed constitutional amendment, 144; special message to Congress, December, 1863, 144; emancipation policy, 145; and Abolitionists, 147; and Free-Soilers, 172; Congressional sentiment toward, 177; antagonism to, 177-180; Life of, by I.N. Arnold, 177.

Lincoln, Sumner, 205.

Longhead, Joseph, 203.

Lovejoy, Elijah P., shooting of, 32, 89, 114-115, 161.

Lowell, Ellis Gray, 204.

Lundy, Benjamin, 27, 50-54; meeting with Garrison, 54.

Lyon, Nathaniel, 188.

* * * * *

McCrummil, James, 203.

McCullough, John, 203.

McKim, John, 203.

Mace, Enoch, 203.

Manumittal, arguments against, 34-35.

Marshall, "Tom," 70.

Massachusetts Legislature and slavery, 105.

May, Samuel J., 203.

May, Rev. S.T., Recollections, 108.

Mexican War, 44.

Missouri, 157-185; Compromise, 6, 12, 139-140; admission to Union as slave State, 43; slavery contest, 67; and the Union, 159-160; Radicals, 159; Conservatives, 159; "Charcoals," 159; "Claybanks," 159; military control of, 163-166; guerrilla bands, 165; pacification of, 168; Radicals, opposition to Lincoln, in National Convention, 168-169; delegation to Lincoln, 169-171; Germans, attacks on, 181-182; loyalty of, 182-183. Missouri Democrat, The, 157-158; and Louis Snyder, 158-159; opposition to Lincoln, 180; support of Johnson, 180.

Monroe, James, 205.

Moody, Loring, 205.

Morris, Senator, 205.

Mott, Mrs. Lucretia, 38, 102-103.

Mott, James, 203.

* * * * *

National Anti-Slavery Advocate, 204.

National Era, The, 100, 207-208.

Negroes, prejudice against, in North, 35; in Ohio, 36; stronger in North than in South, 36; suffrage, 80; failure as freemen, 80-81.

Newcomb, Stillman E., 201.

Nicolay, J.C., 136.

"Nigger Hill," 26, 73.

"Nigger-pens," 31.

Noyes, 179.

* * * * *

Oberlin College, 207.

O'Connell, Daniel, 131.

Ohio, pro-slavery, 21; Abolitionists of, 21.

Opdyke, 179.

Ordinance of '87, 5.

Otis, James F., 202.

* * * * *

Parker, Theodore, 204.

Parkhurst, Jonathan, 203.

Pennsylvania Hall, firing of, 30.

"Peonage," 80.

Phelps, Amos, 202, 204.

Philippine Islands, 82-87; slavery in, 82; massacres in, 83; abuses in, 82-84; spoliation of, 85.

Phillips, Wendell, 142; speech in Faneuil Hall, 88-89.

Phillips, Mrs., 106-107.

Pillsbury, Parker, 204.

Pleasanton, General, 168.

Pointdexter, 165.

"Popular sovereignty," 153.

Powell, Aaron M., 205.

Prayer of Twenty Millions, The, 142; text of, 214-215.

Prentice, John, 203.

Presidential campaign of 1844, 7.

Price, General Sterling, 160, 195.

Prohibitionists, 2, 3, 14.

Purviss, Robert, 203.

Putnam, George M., 203.

* * * * *

Quantrell, 165.

* * * * *

Rankin, John, 203.

Raymond, Henry J., Life of Lincoln, 177.

Redmond, C.L., 205.

Republican party, 2, 3, 7, 8; elements of, 10; lack of policy, 10; and election of Lincoln, 11; existence due to Abolitionists, 12; and negro rights, 81; and Philippine Islands, 82; and Abolitionism, 150-151.

Republican Party, History of the, Curtis, 136.

Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, 142.

Roosevelt, Theodore, and Abolitionists, 1-14.

Rosecrans, General, 168.

Russell, Earl 137.

* * * * *

Schofield, Gen. John M., and military control of Missouri, 163-164; charges against, 164; relieved from command, 168.

Secession, pretext for, 48.

Sewell, Samuel E., 204.

Sharp, John, Jr., 203.

Shipley, Thomas, 203.

Sigel, General, 183.

Slave-owners, mastery of, 32.

Slave power, submission to, 5; northward march, 13.

Slave production in Northern States, 31.

Slavery, destruction of, 1; overthrow of, 3; in ante-bellum days, 20; and Biblical authority, 22; a State institution, 27; condemned by Washington, Jefferson, and Henry, 31; Northern support, 33-35, 68; spread of, 42; introduction into Territories, 43-44; practical extirpation, 138.

Sleeper, John R., 203.

Smith, Gen. A.J., 168.

Snelling, William J., 201.

Southard, Nathaniel, 202.

South Carolina "black horse," 192.

Southmayd, Daniel, 202.

Southwick, Joseph, 202.

Stanton, Elizabeth Cady, 102, 204.

Stanton, Henry Brewster, 204.

Stebbins, Giles B., 205.

Sterling, John M., 203.

Stevens, Thaddeus, 148, 177.

Stewart, Alvin, 205.

Stillman, Edwin A., 203.

Stockton, Henry K., 201

Stone, Lucy, 205.

Stone, Thomas T., 205.

Stowe, Harriet Beecher 11, 101, 102.

Sumner, Charles, 148, 179.

Sutliff, Levi, 203

Sutliff, Milton, 203.

* * * * *

Tappan, Arthur, 34.

Tappan, Lewis, 34, 203.

Taussig, James, 172.

Taylor, Gen. Z., 6.

Texas, annexation of, 44.

Thatcher, Moses, 201.

Thirteenth Amendment, 138; vote on, 143-144.

Thompson, Edwin, 205.

Thoughts on African Colonization, 129.

Thurston, David, 202.

Toombs, Robert, 13.

Torrey, Charles Turner, 118-119.

Townsend, Dr., 205.

Uncle Tom's Cabin, 100, 208.

Underground railroad, 121-127; confession of John Smith, 121-127.

United States in Far East, 85; Army increase of, 85; Navy increase of, 85.

Van Buren, Martin, 4; a "doughface," 4; Free Soiler, 5.

Van Zant case, 61.

Vickers, Anson, 203.

Virginia, 21.

* * * * *

Wade, Benjamin F., 44, 179, 205.

Wakefield, Horace P., 202.

Walker, Jonathan, branded, 119.

Washington, Booker, 136.

Watkins, Frances E., 205.

Weld, Theodore W., 103, 204.

Wheeling, Va., slavery traffic in, 50.

Whigs, 2, 5-7, 9.

White, James, 203.

Whitney, Eli, 31.

Whitney, Nathaniel, 205.

Whitson, Thomas, 203.

Whittier, John G., 202.

Wilkes, 179.

Winslow, Isaac, 202.

Winslow, Nathan, 202.

Wise, Henry A., 70.

Wright, Elizur, Jr., 203.

Wright, Henry C., 205.

THE END