FOUNDING OF THE UNIVERSITY OF BERLIN. One result of the Treaty of Tilsit (p. 566) was that Prussia had lost all her universities, except three along the Baltic coast. Both Halle and Goettingen were lost, and the loss of Halle was a severe blow. In 1807 Fichte, who had been a professor at Jena, drew up a plan and submitted it to the King for the organization of a new university at Berlin. When Humboldt came to the head of the Department of Public Instruction the idea at once won his enthusiastic approval. In May, 1809, he reported favorably on the project to the King, and three months later a Cabinet Order was issued creating the new university, giving it an annual money grant, and assigning a royal palace to it for a home. The spirit with which the new institution was founded may be inferred from the following extract from a memorial, published by Humboldt, in 1810. In this he said:

The State should not treat the universities as if they were higher classical schools or schools of special sciences. On the whole the State should not look to them at all for anything that directly concerns its own interests, but should rather cherish a conviction that, in fulfilling their real destination, they will not only serve its own purposes, but serve them on an infinitely higher plane, commanding a much wider field of operation, and affording room to set in motion much more efficient springs and forces than are at the disposal of the State itself.

This university was indeed a new creation, and of far more significance for the future of university work than even the founding of Halle had been. To the selection of its first faculty Humboldt devoted almost all his energies during the period he remained in office. From the first, high attainment in some branch of knowledge, and the ability to advance that knowledge, was placed ahead of mere teaching skill. The most eminent scholars in all lines were invited to the new "chairs," and when it opened (1810) its first faculty represented the highest attainment of scholarship in German lands. From the first the instruction divested itself of almost all that characterized the school. The lecture replaced the classroom recitation, and the seminar, in which small groups of advanced students investigate a problem under the direction of a professor, was given a place of large importance in the institution. Original research and contributions to knowledge marked the work of both students and professors, the object being, not to train teachers for the schools, but to produce scholars capable of advancing knowledge by personal research. Even more than at Halle, the institution was a place where professors and students worked to discover truth, uninfluenced by any preconceived notions and unmindful of what older ideas might be upset in the process. The value of such pioneer work for university scholars everywhere is not likely to be overestimated.

SPECIALIZATION IN UNIVERSITY INSTRUCTION EMPHASIZED. Specialization in some field of knowledge soon came to be the ruling idea, and this proved exceedingly fruitful in the years which followed. There Bopp developed the study of comparative grammar on the basis of the Sanskrit. There Dietz founded Romance philology. Ritschl turned his students to the study of Latin inscriptions to reconstruct the past. Lepsius began the study of Egyptology with a spade. Niebuhr's Roman History (1811) was the institution's first fruit, and his successor, Ranke, showed his students how to study history from the sources. Hegel, Schopenhauer, and Lotze made over philosophy. Fechner and Wundt began there the study of experimental psychology. Stahl and von Savigny created new standards in the study of law. Mueller introduced the microscope into the study of pathological anatomy. Schultze systematized zooelogy. Liebig, who had opened at Giessen (1824) what was probably the first chemical laboratory in the world open to students, was drawn to Berlin and created there a new chemistry. Still later, Helmholtz created there a new physics.

The effect of all this on the expansion of the work of the philosophical faculty was marked. The new philological and historical sciences, the biological sciences, and the mathematical sciences, were all greatly expanded in scope, and the new philosophical faculty, evolved out of the old arts faculty (p. 554), now attained to the place of first importance in the university—a position it has ever since retained. Law and medicine were also given a new direction and emphasis, and even the teaching of theology was greatly improved under the specialization in instruction and the freedom in teaching which now became the rule.

The effect on the other German universities was marked. Some of the older institutions (Erfurt, Wittenberg, Cologne, Mainz) died out, while new foundations (Breslau, 1811; Bonn, 1818; Munich, 1826) after the new model, took their place. Those that continued were changed in character, [18] and a new unity was established throughout the German university world. By 1850 exact scientific research, in both libraries and laboratories, and a sober search for truth, had become the watchword of all the German universities. In consequence they naturally assumed a world leadership, and were frequented by students from many lands. Especially has the United States been influenced in its university development by the large number of university teachers who received their specialized training in the German universities [19] during the latter half of the nineteenth century. The lecture, the seminar, laboratory investigation, research, the doctorate, and academic freedom in study and teaching are distinctive contributions to our university development drawn from German lands, and superimposed on our earlier English-type college. The founding of Johns Hopkins University, at Baltimore, in 1876, on the German model, marked the erection of the first distinctively research university in America.

A TWO-CLASS STATE SCHOOL SYSTEM CREATED. We thus see that Prussia by 1815, clearly by 1825, had taken over education from the Church and made of it an instrument of the State to serve State ends. For the masses there was the Volksschule, superseding the old religious vernacular school and clearly designed to create an intelligent but obedient and patriotic citizenship for the Fatherland, and in this school the great majority of the children of the State received their education for citizenship and for life. This was for both sexes, and was entirely a German school. Attendance upon this school was made compulsory, and beyond this some continuation education early began to be provided (Rs. 274, Section 6; 275 d; 276, Section 15). Within the past half-century continuation education, especially along vocational lines, as we shall point out in a subsequent chapter, has received in German lands a very remarkable development. To insure that this school should serve the State in the way desired, Teachers' Seminaries, for the training of Volksschule, teachers, were from the first made a feature of the new state system.



For those who were to form the official and directing class of Society—a closely limited, almost entirely male, intellectual aristocracy—education in separate classical schools, with university or professional training superimposed, was provided, and this type of training offered a very thorough preparation for a small and a carefully selected class. Out of this class the leaders of Germany for a century have been drawn. [20] For this classical school also the universities were early directed to prepare a well-educated body of teachers. The Prussian plan was followed in all its essentials in the other German States, so that the drawing given (Fig. 173) was true for Germany as a whole, as well as for Prussia, up at least to 1914.

NEW NINETEENTH-CENTURY TENDENCIES MANIFESTED. In this early evolution of the Prussian state school systems we find two prominent nineteenth-century ideas expressing themselves. The first is the new conception of the State as not merely a government organized to secure national safety and protection from invasion, but rather an organization of the people to promote public welfare and realize a moral and political ideal. To this end state control of the whole range of education, to enable the State to promote intellectual and moral and social progress along lines useful to the State, became a necessity, and some form of this education, in the interests of the public welfare, must now be extended to all. Though France and the new American nation gave earlier political expression to this new conception of the State, it was in Prussia that the idea attained its earliest concrete and for long its most complete realization. Seeing further and more clearly than other nations the possibilities of education, the practical workers of Prussia, and after them the other German States, took over education as a function of the State for the propagation of the national ideas and the promotion of the national culture. Of this development Paulsen says:

In the nineteenth century Germany took the lead in the educational movement among the nations of Europe. The German universities have become acknowledged centers of scientific research for the whole world.... In the domain of primary and technical education Germany has also become the universal teacher of Europe.

But it must not be forgotten, in this connection, that the German people had been the pupils of their neighbors during a greater length of time and with greater assiduity than any other European nation. Thus, in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, Germany imported the culture of Humanism from Italy. During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries she introduced the modern courtly culture and language of the French people, besides giving admission, since the middle of the eighteenth century, to the philosophy, science, and literature of English middle-class society. Lastly, since the end of the eighteenth century, the Germans have yielded themselves to the influence of the Hellenic spirit with greater fervor than any other nation.

The second nineteenth-century idea which early found expression in the Prussian State, and one which became a dominant factor during the latter half of the century, was the idea of utilizing the schools, as state institutions, to promote national ends—to unify and nationalize peoples. National self-consciousness here first found concrete expression, and with wonderful practical results. From a geographical expression, consisting of nearly four hundred petty self-governing cities, principalities, and states, and some fourteen hundred independent noblemen and prelates, before the Napoleonic wars, their close found the German people free from serfdom, united in spirit, and organized politically into thirty-eight modern-type States. In 1870, largely as a result of the nationalizing efforts of government and education, working hand in hand, an Imperial Empire of twenty-two States and three Free Cities was formed. The struggle for national realization, begun by Prussia after 1807, and with education as the important constructive tool of the State, has since been copied by nation after nation and has become the dominant force of modern history. To awaken a national self-consciousness, to acquire national unity, and to infuse into all a common culture has supplanted the humanistic cosmopolitanism of the eighteenth century and become the dominant characteristic of nineteenth-century political history. In this Prussia led the way.

THE PERIOD OF REACTION. Through the period preceding the Wars of Liberation (1813-15), and afterward for a few years, an educational zeal animated the Government. The schools during this period were free on the one hand from politics and on the other from minute official regulation. As one writer well stated: [21]

It was difficult to decide whether the schools derived their importance from the life which surged around them, or whether their importance was due to their intrinsic power, very carefully fostered by the state authorities.... There was spirit and life in Prussia; there was much activity and liberty in contriving, with little outward parade. Any foreigner, visiting Prussia, might observe that the vitalizing breath of government, like the spirit of God, was acting upon the whole people.

Napoleon was finally vanquished at Waterloo (1815) and sent to Saint Helena, and the Congress of Vienna (1815) remade the map of Europe. In doing so it forgot that the people wanted constitutional government, instead of a return to absolute rulers. It restored old thrones, rights, and territories, and inaugurated a policy of political reaction which increased in intensity with time and dominated the governments of continental Europe until after the middle of the century. Under the lead of the Austrian minister, Metternich, and by "third-degree" methods, the so-called Holy Alliance [22] of continental Europe suppressed free speech, democratic movements, political liberties, university freedom, and liberalism in government and religion. The governments in this Alliance redirected and restricted the people's schools, as much as could be done, to make them conform in purpose to their reactionary ideas. In consequence, the development of popular education in Germany, as well as in France and other continental lands, was for a time checked. The great start obtained by Prussia and the German States before 1820, though, was such that what had been done there could not be wholly undone. In France, Spain, the Italian Kingdoms, the Austrian States, and Russia, on the other hand, what had not been developed to any extent could be prevented from developing, and in these lands popular education was given back to the Church to control and direct. In England, also, though for other reasons there, the Church retained its control over elementary education for half a century longer.

CHANGE IN THE SPIRIT OF THE SCHOOLS. The King of Prussia, Frederick William III (1797-1840), though he had given full adherence to the movement for general education during the dark period of Prussian history, was after all never fully in sympathy with the liberal aspect of the movement. After Austria, by the settlement at Vienna, became the leader of the German States, and Metternich the dominating political personality of Europe, the King came more and more to favor a restriction of liberties and the holding of education to certain rather limited lines, fearful that too much education of the people might prove harmful to the Government. Accordingly, under the influence of the King and against the desires of the liberal leaders, Prussia now changed direction and embarked on a policy of reaction which checked normal educational progress; led to the unsuccessful revolution of 1848 and the subsequent almost fanatical governmental opposition to reforms; and was in large part responsible for the disaster of 1918. It is an interesting speculation as to how different the future German and world history might have been had Prussia and the German States held to the liberal ideas of the earlier period, and drawn their political conceptions from England and the new American nation, rather than from Austria and Russia.

Accordingly, in November, 1817, the Department of Public Instruction was replaced by a Ministry for Spiritual, Educational, and Medical Affairs, and Karl, Baron von Altenstein, was made Minister. He continued in office until his death, [23] in 1840, and his administration was marked by an increasing state centralization and limitation of the earlier plans. In 1819 he codified all previous practices into a general school law for the kingdom. While the King never really approved and issued it, it nevertheless became a basis for future work and is the law so enthusiastically described by Cousin, in 1830 (R. 280). Under his administration the earlier creative enthusiasm and the energy for the execution of great ideas disappeared, and the earlier "stimulating and encouraging attitude on the part of the authorities was now replaced by the timid policy of the drag and the brake." The earlier preparatory work in the development of Teachers' Seminaries and the establishment of elementary schools was allowed to continue; Pestalozzian ideas were for a time not seriously restricted; compulsory attendance was more definitely ordered enforced, in 1825; the abolition of tuition fees for Volksschule education was begun in 1833, but not completed until 1888; and a more careful supervision of schools was instituted, in 1834. The great change was rather in the spirit and direction of the instruction. The early tendency to emphasize nationalism and religious instruction (p. 571) was now stressed, and the liberal aspects of Pestalozzianism were increasingly subordinated to the more formal instruction and to nationalistic ends. The soldier and the priest joined hands in diverting the schools to the creation of intelligent, devout, patriotic, and, above all else, obedient Germans, while the universal military idea, brought in by the successful work of Scharnhorst (p. 567), and retained after the War of Liberation as a survival of the old dynastic and predatory conception of the State, was more and more emphasized in the work of the schools and the life of the citizen. When Horace Mann reported on his visit to the schools of the German States, in 1843, he called attention to this element of weakness (R. 281), as well as to their many elements of strength.

FURTHER INTOLERANCE AND REACTION. The reactionary tendencies which set in after the settlement of Vienna had, by 1840, produced stagnation in the life of the Governments of Europe, and the revolutions of 1848, which broke out in France, Italy, Switzerland, and the different German and Austrian States, were revolts against the reactionary governmental rule and an expression of disappointment at the failure to secure constitutional government. The revolutions were both successful and unsuccessful—successful in that the greater liberty they sought came later on, but unsuccessful at the time. In consequence, immediately following 1848, an even more reactionary educational policy was instituted. University freedom was markedly restricted; the institutions lost their earlier vigor; and the number of students suffered a marked decline in consequence. The secondary schools also felt the new influences. Latin and Greek were made compulsory; uniform programs for work were insisted upon; and Latin in particular was reduced to a grammatical drill that destroyed the spirit of the earlier instruction and put gymnasial teaching back almost to the type made so popular by Sturm. The few Realschulen, which had continued to exist and were tolerated before, were now treated with positive dislike. In 1859 they were able to force their first official recognition, but only when changed from practical schools for the middle classes to secondary schools, on the same basis as the Gymnasien, and for parallel ends.

It was upon the elementary schools (Volksschulen) and the Teachers' Seminaries that the most severe official displeasure now fell. A number of Volksschule teachers had been connected with the revolutions of 1848, and "over-education" was regarded as responsible. The Teachers' Seminary at Preslau, which had for long given a high grade of training, was closed, and the head of the Seminary at Berlin, Diesterweg, was dismissed because of his strong advocacy of Pestalozzian ideas. Anything savoring of individualism was especially under the ban. Bitter reproaches were heaped upon the elementary-school teachers, and the new King, Frederick William IV (1840-61) considered their work as the very root of the political evils of the State. To a conference of Seminary teachers, held in 1849 in Berlin, he said: [24]

You and you alone are to blame for all the misery which the last year has brought upon Prussia! The irreligious pseudo-education of the masses is to be blamed for it, which you have been spreading under the name of true wisdom, and by which you have eradicated religious belief and loyalty from the hearts of my subjects and alienated their affections from my person. This sham education, strutting about like a peacock, has always been odious to me. I hated it already from the bottom of my soul before I came to the throne, and, since my accession, I have done everything I could to suppress it. I mean to proceed on this path, without taking heed of any one, and, indeed, no power on earth shall divert me from it.

Thus easily did an autocratic Hohenzollern cast upon the shoulders of others the burden of his own failure to grasp the evolution in political thinking [25] which had taken place in Europe, since 1789. Unfortunately for the future of the German people he was able to force his will upon them.

PROGRESS OF ELEMENTARY EDUCATION AS SHOWN BY THE DECREASE IN ILLITERACY IN PRUSSIA, BY PROVINCES (From Rep. U.S. Com. Educ., 1890-1900, I, p. 781)

Provinces 1841 1864-65 1881 1894-95

Per cent. Per cent. Per cent. Per cent. East Prussia / 7.05 .99 15.33 16.54 West Prussia / 8.79 1.23 Brandenburg 2.47 .96 .32 .06 Pomerania 1.23 1.47 .43 .12 Posen 41.00 16.90 9.97 .98 Silesia 9.22 3.78 2.33 .43 Saxony 1.19 .49 .28 .09 Westphalia 2.14 1.03 .60 .02 Rhenish Prussia 7.06 1.13 .23 .05 Hohenzollern .00 .00 .00 .00 ===== ===== ===== ===== The State 9.30 5.52 2.38 .33

In 1854 new "Regulations" were issued which put the course of instruction for elementary schools back to the days of Frederick the Great. The one- class rural elementary school was made the standard. Everything beyond reading, writing, a little arithmetic, and religious instruction in strict accordance with the creeds of the Church, was considered as superfluous, and was to be allowed only by special permit. The elimination of illiteracy, the creation of obedient citizens, and the nationalizing of new elements became the aim of the schools.

The instruction in the Teachers' Seminaries was reduced to the merest necessities, and they were given clearly to understand that they were to train teachers, and not to prepare educated men. All theory of education, all didactics, all psychology were eliminated. A return was made to the subject-matter theory of education, and a limited subject-matter at that, and it once more became the business of the teacher to see that this was carefully learned. Religious instruction naturally once more came to hold a place of first importance. Similar reactionary movements took place in other German States, all being sensitive to the reactionary spirit of the time and the leadership of Austria and Prussia.

THE MODERN GERMAN EDUCATIONAL PURPOSE. After about 1860, largely in response to modern scientific and industrial forces among a people turning from agriculture toward industrialism, a slight relaxation of the reactionary legislation began to be evident. This expressed itself chiefly in a diminution of the time given to memoriter work in religion, and the introduction in its place of work in German history and geography, with some work in natural science. In the Teachers' Seminaries instruction in German literature, formerly rigidly excluded, was now added. It was not, however, until after the unification of Germany, following the Franco- Prussian War, and the creation of Imperial Germany under the directive guidance of Bismarck, that any real change took place. Then the changes were due to new political, religious, social, industrial, and economic forces which belong to the later period of German history.

In 1872 a new law gave to the Prussian elementary schools a new course of study; reasserted the authority of the State in education; extended the control of the public authorities; and made the State instead of the Church the authority even for their religious instruction. [26] The schools were now to be used as of old to build up and strengthen the nation, but particularly to support the new Prussian idea as to the work and function of the State. Realien were given a new prominence, because of new industrial needs, and the instruction in religion was revamped. The old memoriter work was greatly reduced, and in its place an emotional and political emphasis was given to the religious instruction. To make the school of the people an instrument for fighting the growth of social democracy, and a support for the throne and government, instruction in religion was "placed in the center of the teacher's work," and teachers were given to understand that they were "members of an educational army and expected loyally to follow the flag." The secondary schools also were redirected. A new emphasis on scientific subjects and modern languages replaced the earlier emphasis on Greek. The Emperor interfered (R. 368) to force a revision of the gymnasial programs better to adapt them to modern needs. In particular were the universities of all the States unified and nationalized, and great technical universities created. Science, commerce, technical work, modern languages, and government were stressed in the instruction of the leaders.

Deciding clearly where the nation was to go and the route it was to follow, and that education for national ends was one of the important means to be employed, the different parts of the educational systems in the States—elementary schools, secondary schools, universities, normal schools, professional schools, technical schools, continuation schools— were carefully integrated into a unified state system, thoroughly national in spirit, and given a definite function to perform in the work which the Nation set itself to carry through. Nowhere have teachers been so well trained to play their part in a national plan, and nowhere have teachers acquitted themselves more worthily, from the point of view of the Government. As Alexander [27] has well said:

During the nineteenth century the leaders of Germany decided that Germany should assume leadership in the world in every line of endeavor, particularly in commerce and world power. They set this as the very definite goal of their national ambition. The next question was how that aim could be accomplished. It was to be done through education. Accordingly school systems were organized with this aim in view. In a State such as the Germans proposed building there were be leaders and followers. The followers were to be trained for a docile, efficient German citizenship; that is, the lower classes were to be made into God-fearing, patriotic, economically-independent Germans. This was the task of the Volksschule, and it has been wonderfully well accomplished. This type of German is created to do the manual labor of the State.

The leaders were to be trained in middle and higher schools and in the universities. There were to be different grades of leaders; leaders in the lower walks of life, leaders in the middle walks of life, and leaders of the nation. The higher schools and the universities were employed to produce these types of leaders.... The leaders think and do; the followers merely do. The schools were organized for the express purpose of producing just these types.

So well was this system and plan working that, had the Imperial Government not been so impatient of that slower but surer progress by peaceful means, and staked all on a gambler's throw, in another half-century the German nation might have held the world largely in fee. As it is, the results which the Germans attained by reason of definite aims and definite methods are both an encouragement and a warning to other nations.

QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION

1. Point out the extent of the educational reorganization which resulted from the reform work begun at Halle.

2. How do you explain the very early German interest in compulsory school attendance, when such was unknown elsewhere in Europe?

3. Compare the Prussian Regulations of 1737 with what was common at that time in practice in the parishes of the American Colonies.

4. Show the wisdom of the early Prussian kings in working at school reform through the Church. Could they well have worked otherwise? Why?

5. How do you explain such a slow development of a professional teaching body in Prussia, when all the state influences had for so long been favorable to educational development?

6. Show that the Oberschulcollegium Board marked the beginnings of a State Ministry for Education for Prussia.

7. Show that the spirit of the Prussian leaders, after 1806, was a further expansion of the German national feeling which arose in the Period of Enlightenment.

8. Show that the reorganization of elementary education, and the creation of the University of Berlin, were almost equally important events for the future of German lands.

9. Show that the work of Prussia, in using the schools for national ends, was: (a) in keeping with the work of the French Revolutionary leaders, and (b) only a further extension of the organizing work done by Frederick the Great.

10. Show how the universities of Germany early took the lead of the universities of the world, and the influence of this fact on national progress.

11. Enumerate the new nineteenth-century tendencies observable in the early educational organization in Prussia.

12. Explain the marked mid-nineteenth-century reaction to educational development which set in.

13. Explain the early and marked welcome accorded science-study in German lands.

14. Explain in what ways Prussia attained an educational leadership, ahead of other nations.

SELECTED READINGS

In the accompanying Book of Readings the following selections, illustrative of the contents of this chapter, are reproduced:

273. Barnard: The Organizing Work of Frederick William I. 274. Prussia: The School Code of 1763. 275. Prussia: The Silesian School Code of 1765. 276. Austria: The School Code of 1774. 277. Fichte: Addresses to the German Nation. 278. Mann: The Prussian Elementary Teacher and his Training. 279. Dinter: Prussian Schools and Teachers as he found them. 280. Cousin: Report on Education in Prussia. 281. Mann: The Military Aspect of Prussian Education.,

QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS

1. Explain the interest of Frederick William I (273) in elementary education.

2. Characterize, from the Codes of 1763 (274) and 1765 (275), and cite paragraph to show: (a) The type of instruction ordered provided; (b) the type of teacher expected; (c) the character of the attendance required; and (d) the character of the continuation training ordered.

3. Show the similarity in their main lines of the Prussian (274) and Austrian (276) Codes.

4. Would the reasoning of Fichte (277) apply to any crushed nation? Illustrate.

5. Do we select teachers for training as carefully in the United States today as they did in Prussia eighty years ago (278)? Could we?

6. Did such conditions as Dinter describes (279) exist, even later, with us?

7. Was the Prussian school system, as described by Cousin (280), a centralized or a decentralized system?

8. Show that Mann's reasoning as to the strength of the Prussian school system (281) was thoroughly sound.

SELECTED REFERENCES

* Alexander, Thomas. The Prussian Elementary Schools. * Barnard, Henry. "Public Instruction in Prussia"; in American Journal of Education, vol. XX, pp. 333-434. Barnard, Henry. German Teachers and Educators. * Cassell, Henry. "Adolph Diesterweg"; in Educational Review, vol. I, pp. 345-56. (April, 1891.) Friedel, V. H. The German School as a War Nursery. Lexis, W. A General View of the History and Organization of Public Education in the German Empire. * Nohle, E. "History of the German School System"; in Report U.S. Commissioner of Education, 1897-98, vol. I, pp. 3-82. Translated from Rein's Encyclopaedisches Handbuch der Paedagogik. * Paulsen, Fr. German Education, Past and Present. * Paulsen, Fr. The German Universities. * Russell, James. German Higher Schools. Seeley, J. R. Life and Times of Stein, vol. I.



CHAPTER XXIII

NATIONAL ORGANIZATION IN FRANCE AND ITALY

I. NATIONAL ORGANIZATION IN FRANCE

LINES OF DEVELOPMENT MARKED OUT BY THE REVOLUTION. The Revolution proved very disastrous to the old forms of education in France. The old educational foundations, accumulated through the ages, were swept away, and the teaching congregations, which had provided the people with whatever education they had enjoyed, were driven from the soil. The ruin of educational and religious institutions in Russia under the recent rule of the Bolshevists is perhaps comparable to what happened in France. Many plans were proposed by the Revolutionary philosophers and enthusiasts, as we have seen (chapter xx), to replace what had once been and to provide better than had once been done for the educational needs of the masses of the people, but with results that were small in comparison with the expectations of the legislative assemblies which considered or approved them. Nevertheless, the directions of future progress in educational organization were clearly marked out before Napoleon came to power, and the work which he did was largely an extension, and a reduction to working order, of what had been proposed or established by the enthusiasts of the pre-revolutionary and revolutionary periods. At the time of the Revolution the State definitely took over the control of education from the Church, and the work of Napoleon and those who came after him was to organize public instruction into a practical state-controlled system.

In effecting this organization, the preceding discussions of education as a function of the State and the desirable forms of organization to follow all bore important fruit, and the forms finally adopted embodied not only the ideas contained in the legislation of the revolutionary assemblies, but the earlier theoretical discussion of the subject by Rolland (p. 510), Diderot (p. 511), and Talleyrand (p. 513) as well. They embodied also the peculiar administrative genius of France—that desire for uniformity in organization and administration—and hence stand in contrast to the state educational organizations worked out about the same time in German lands. The German States, as we have seen, had for long been working toward state control of education, but when this was finally attained they still permitted a large degree of local initiative and control. The French, on the contrary, made the transition in a few years, and the system of state control which they established provided for uniformity, and for centralized supervision and inspection in the hands of the State. The forms for state control and education adopted in the two countries were also expressive of age-long tendencies in each. For three centuries German political organization, as we have seen, had been extremely decentralized on the one hand, and had been slowly evolving a system of education under the joint control of the small States and the Church on the other. In France, on the contrary, centralization of authority and subordination to a central government had been the tendency for an even longer period. When the time arrived for the State to take over education from the Church, it was but natural that France should tend toward a much more highly centralized control than did the German States, and the differing political situations of the two countries, at the opening of the nineteenth century, gave added emphasis to these differing tendencies.



In consequence, Prussia and the other German States early achieved a form of state educational organization which emphasized local interest and the spirit of the instruction, whereas France created an administrative organization which emphasized central control and, for the time, the form rather than the spirit of instruction. This was well pointed out by Victor Cousin (R. 280), in contrasting conditions in Prussia with those existing in France.

NAPOLEON BEGINS THE ORGANIZATION OF EDUCATION. In 1799 Napoleon became First Consul and master of France, and in 1804 France, by vote, changed from a Republic to an Empire, with Napoleon as first Emperor. Until his banishment to Saint Helena (1815) he was master of France. A man of large executive capacity and an organizing genius of great ability, whether he turned to army organization, governmental organization, the codification of the laws, or the organization of education, Napoleon's practical and constructive mind quickly reduced parts to their proper places in a well- regulated scheme. Shortly after he became Consul he took up, among other things, the matter of educational organization.

His first effort was in 1800, when he transformed the old humanistic College Louis le Grand (founded 1567) and created four military colleges from its endowment. One of these colleges he later, in characteristic fashion, transformed into a School of Arts and Trades (R. 282). In 1802 he signed the famous Concordat with the Pope. This restored the priests to the churches, with state aid for their stipends, and virtually turned over primary education again to the Church for care and control. The "Brothers of the Christian Schools" (p. 515) were recalled the next year and especially favored, and soon established themselves more firmly than before the Revolution.



In 1802 Napoleon first turned his attention to a general organization of public instruction by directing Count de Fourcroy, a distinguished chemist who had been a teacher in the Polytechnic School, and whom he appointed Director of Public Instruction, to draw up, according to his ideas, an organizing law on the subject. This became the Law of 1802. It was divided into nine chapters, as follows:

I. Degrees of Instruction. II. Primary Schools. III. Secondary Schools. IV. Lycees. V. Special Schools. VI. The Military School. VII. The National Pupils. VIII. The nationales pensions IX. General regulations.

1. PRIMARY SCHOOLS. The chapter on primary schools virtually reenacted the Law of 1795 (R. 258 b). Each commune [1] was required to furnish a schoolhouse and a home for the teacher. The teacher was to be responsible to local authorities, while the supervision of the school was placed under the prefect of the Department. The instruction was to be limited to reading, writing, and arithmetic, and the legal authorities were enjoined "to watch that the teachers did not carry their instructions beyond these limits." The teacher was to be paid entirely from tuition fees, though one fifth of the pupils were to be provided with free schooling. The State gave nothing toward the support of the primary schools.

The interest of Napoleon was not in primary or general education, but rather in training pupils for scientific and technical efficiency, and youths of superior ability for the professions and for executive work in the kind of government he had imposed upon France. To this end secondary and special education were made particular functions of the State, while primary education was left to the communes to provide as they saw fit. They could provide schools and the parents could pay for the teacher, or not, as they might decide. There was no compulsion to enforce the requirement of a primary school, and no state aid to stimulate local effort to create one. In consequence not many state primary schools were established, and primary education remained, for another generation, in the hands of private teachers and the Church.

2. SECONDARY SCHOOLS. Chapters III and IV of the Law of 1802 made full provision for two types of secondary schools—the Communal Colleges and the Lycees [2]—to replace the Central Higher Schools established in 1795 (p. 518). These latter had lacked sadly in internal organization. They were merely day schools, lacking the dormitory and boarding arrangements which for over three centuries had characterized the French colleges. As a result they had not prospered. The Law of 1802 now replaced them with two types of residential secondary schools, in which the youth of the country, under careful supervision and discipline, might prepare for entrance to the higher special schools. These fixed the lines of future French development in secondary schools.

The standard secondary school now became known as the Lycee. These institutions corresponded to the Colleges under the old regime, of which the College of Guyenne (R. 136) was a type. The instruction was to include the ancient languages, rhetoric, logic, ethics, belles-lettres, mathematics, and physical science, with some provision for additional instruction in modern languages and drawing. Each was to have at least eight "professors," an administrative head, a supervisor of studies, and a steward to manage the business affairs of the institution. The State usually provided the building, often using some former church school which had been suppressed, and the cities in which the Lycees were located were required to provide them with furniture and teaching equipment. The funds for maintenance came from tuition fees, boarding and rooming income, and state scholarships, of which six thousand four hundred were provided.

Besides the Lycees, every school established by a municipality, or kept by an individual, which gave instruction in Latin, French, geography, history, and mathematics was designated as a secondary school, or Communal College. These institutions usually offered but a partial Lycee course, and were tuition schools, being patronized by many parents whose tastes forbade the sending of their children to the lower-class primary schools. A license from the Government to operate was necessary before masters could be employed. They were to be maintained by the municipality, without any state encouragement beyond some grants for capable teachers and scholarships in the Lycees for meritorious pupils.

Within two years after the enactment of the Law of 1802 there had been created in France 46 Lycees, 378 secondary schools of various degrees of completeness, and 361 private schools of secondary grade had been opened. A number of these disappeared later, in the reorganization of 1808. For the supervision of all these institutions the Director General of Public Instruction appointed three Superintendents of Secondary Studies; and for the work of the schools he outlined the courses of instruction in detail, laid down the rules of administration, prepared and selected the textbooks, and appointed the "professors."

SPECIAL OR HIGHER SCHOOLS. The chapter of the Law of 1802 on Special Schools made provision for the creation of the following special "faculties" or schools for higher education for France:

3 medical schools, to replace the Schools of Health of 1794 (p. 518). 10 law schools; increased to 12 in 1804 (Date of Code Napoleon, p. 518). 4 schools of natural history, natural philosophy, and chemistry. 2 schools of mechanical and chemical arts, 1 mathematical school, 1 school of geography, history, and political economy. A fourth school of art and design. Professors of astronomy for the observatories.

In 1803 the School of Arts and Trades was added (R. 282), and in 1804, after Napoleon had signed the Concordat with the Pope, thus restoring the Catholic religion (abolished 1791), schools of theology were added to the above list.

We have here, clearly outlined, the main paths along which French state educational organization had been tending and was in future to follow. The State had definitely dispossessed the Church as the controlling agency in education, and had definitely taken over the school as an instrument for its own ends. Though primary education had been temporarily left to the communes, and was soon to be turned over in large part to be handled by the Church for a generation longer, the supervision was to remain with the State. The middle-class elements were well provided for in the new secondary schools, and these were now subject to complete supervision by the State. For higher education groups of Special Schools, or Teaching Faculties, replaced the older universities, which were not re-created until after the coming of the Third Republic (1871). The dominant characteristics of the state educational system thus created, aside from its emphasis on secondary and higher education, were its uniformity and centralized control. These characteristics were further stressed in the reorganization of 1808, and have remained prominent in French educational organization ever since.

CREATION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FRANCE. By 1806 Napoleon was ready for a further and more complete organization of the public instruction of the State, and to this end the following law was now enacted (May 10, 1806):

Sec. 1. There will be formed, under the name of Imperial University, a body exclusively commissioned with teaching and public education throughout the Empire.

Sec. 2. The members of this corporation can contract civil, special, and temporary obligations.

Sec. 3. The organization of this corps will be given in the form of a law to the legislative body in the session of 1810.

In 1808, without the formality of further legislation, Napoleon issued an Imperial Decree creating the University of France. This was not only Napoleon's most remarkable educational creation, but it was an administrative and governing organization for education so in harmony with French spirit and French governmental ideas that it has persisted ever since, though changed somewhat in form with time.

The Decree began by declaring that "public instruction, in the whole Empire, is confined exclusively to the University," and that "no school, nor establishment for instruction, can be formed independent of the Imperial University, and without the authority of its chief." Unlike the University of Berlin (p. 574), created a year later, this was not a teaching university at all, but instead a governing, examining, and disbursing corporation, [3] presided over by a Grand Master and a Council of twenty-six members, all appointed by the Emperor. This Council decided all matters of importance, and exercised supervision and control over education of all kinds, from the lowest to the highest, throughout France. [4] To assist the Council, general inspectors for medicine, law, theology, letters, and science were provided for, to visit and "examine the condition of instruction and discipline in the faculties, lycees, and colleges; to inform themselves in regard to the fidelity and ability of professors, regents, and ushers; to examine the students; and to make a complete survey of those institutions, in their whole administration." Beneath the Grand Master and Council the State was divided into twenty- seven "Academies" (administrative districts), each of which had a Rector, a Council of ten, and Inspectors, all appointed by the Grand Master. These exercised jurisdiction over teachers and pupils in all schools, and decided all local matters, subject to appeal to the Grand Master and Council.

Under this new administrative organization but little change was made in the schools from that provided for in the law of 1802. Primary education remained as before, private schools and Church schools supplying most of the need. All were under the supervision of the University, and all were instructed to make as a basis of their instruction: (1) the precepts of the Catholic religion; (2) fidelity to the Emperor, to the imperial monarchy, the depository of the happiness of the people, and to the Napoleonic dynasty, the conservator of the unity of France, and of all the ideas proclaimed by the Constitution.

The Lycees and Communal Colleges continued, much as before, [5] and during the half-century which followed, experienced a steady and substantial growth.

DEVELOPMENT OF THE LYCEES

Year 1809 1811 1813 1829 1847 1866 Lycees 35 36 36 36 54 74 Pupils 9,068 10,926 14,492 15,087 23,207 34,442 Free pupils 4,199 4,008 3,500 1,600

DEVELOPMENT OF THE COMMUNAL COLLEGES

Year 1809 1815 1830 1849 1855 1866 Colleges 273 323 332 306 244 251 Pupils 18,507 19,320 27,308 31,706 32,500 33,038

The Special Higher Schools were also continued, and to the list given (p. 593) Napoleon added (1808) a Superior Normal School (R. 283) to train graduates of the Lycees for teaching. This opened in 1810, with thirty- seven students and a two-year course of instruction, and in 1815 a third year of method and practice work was added. With some varying fortunes, this institution has continued to the present.

THE NEW INTEREST IN PRIMARY EDUCATION. The period from 1815 to 1830 in France is known as the Restoration. Louis XVIII was made King and ruled until his death in 1824, and his brother Charles X who followed until deposed by the Revolution of 1830. Though a representative of the old regime was recalled on the abdication of Napoleon, the great social gains of the Revolution were retained. There was no odious restoration of privilege and absolute monarchy. Frenchmen continued to be equal before the law; a form of constitutional government was provided; the right of petition was recognized; and the system of public instruction as Napoleon had organized it continued almost unchanged. For a decade at least there was less political reaction in France than in other continental States.

In matters of education, what had been provided was retained, and there seems (R. 285) to have been an increasing demand for additions and improvements, particularly in the matter of primary and middle-class schools, and a willingness on the part of the communes to provide such advantages. Some small progress had been made in meeting these demands, before 1830.

In 1816 a small treasury grant (50,000 francs) was made for school books, model schools, and deserving teachers in the primary schools, and in 1829 this sum was increased to 300,000 francs. In 1818 the "Brothers of the Christian Schools" were permitted to be certificated for teaching on merely presenting their Letter of Obedience from the head of their Order, and in 1824 the cantonal school committees were remodeled so as to give the bishops and clergy entire control of all Catholic primary schools. Monitorial instruction was introduced from England by private teachers, in an effort to supply the beginnings of education at small expense, and for a time this had some vogue, but never proved very successful. In 1815 the Lycees were renamed Royal Colleges, but in 1848 the old name was restored, and has since been retained. In 1817 there were thirty-six Lycees, receiving an annual state subsidy of 812,000 francs; thirty years later the fifty-four in existence were receiving 1,500,000 francs. From 1822 to 1829 the Higher Normal School was suppressed, and twelve elementary normal schools were created in its stead.

EARLY WORK UNDER THE MONARCHY OF 1830. In July, 1830, Charles X attempted to suppress constitutional liberty, and the people rose in revolt and deposed him, and gave the crown to a new King, Louis-Philippe. He ruled until deposed by the creation of the Second Republic, in 1848. The "Monarchy of 1830" was supported by the leading thinkers of the time, prominent among whom were Thiers and Guizot, and one of the first affairs of State to which they turned their attention was the extension downward of the system of public instruction. The first steps were an increase of the state grant for primary schools (1830) to a million francs a year; the overthrow of the control by the priests of the cantonal school committees (1830): the abolition (1831) of the exemption of the religious orders from the examinations for teaching certificates; and the creation (1830-31) of thirty new normal schools.



The next step was to send (1831) M. Victor Cousin—Director of the restored Higher Normal School of France—on a mission to the German States, and in particular to Prussia, to study and report on the system of elementary education, teacher training, and educational organization and administration which had done so much for its regeneration. So convincing was Cousin's Report [6] that, despite bitter national antipathies, it carried conviction throughout France. "It demonstrated to the government and the people the immense superiority of all the German States, even the most insignificant duchy, over any and every Department of France, in all that concerned institutions of primary and secondary education." Cousin pronounced the school law of Prussia (R. 280) "the most comprehensive and perfect legislative measure regarding primary education" with which he was acquainted, and declared his conviction that "in the present state of things, a law concerning primary education is indispensable in France." The chief question, he continued, was "how to procure a good one in a country where there is a total absence of all precedents and experience in so grave a matter." Cousin then pointed out the bases, derived from Prussian experience and French historical development, on which a satisfactory law could be framed (R. 284 a-c); the desirability of local control and liberty in instruction (R. 284 f-g); and strongly recommended the organization of higher primary schools (a new creation; first recommended (1792) by Condorcet, p. 514) as well as primary schools (R. 284 e) to meet the educational needs of the middle classes of the population of France.

THE LAW OF 1833. On the basis of Cousin's Report a bill, making the maintenance of primary schools obligatory on every commune; providing for higher primary schools in the towns and cities; additional normal schools to train teachers for these schools; a corps of primary-school inspectors, to represent the State; and normal training and state certification required to teach in any primary school, was prepared. In an address to the Chamber of Deputies, in introducing the bill (1832), M. Guizot [7], the newly appointed Minister for Public Instruction, set forth the history of primary instruction in France up to 1832 (R. 285 a); described the two grades of primary instruction to be created (R. 285 b); and, emphasizing Cousin's maxim that "the schoolmaster makes the school," dwelt on the necessity for normal training and state certification for all primary teachers (R. 285 c). In preparing the bill it was decided not to follow the revolutionary ideas of free instruction, by lay and state teachers, or to enforce compulsion to attend, and for these omissions M. Guizot, in his Memoires (R. 286), gives some very interesting reasons.



The bill became a law the following year, and is known officially as the Law of 1833. This Law forms the foundations upon which the French system of national elementary education has been developed, as the Napoleonic Law of 1802 and the Decree of 1808 have formed the basis for secondary education and French state administrative organization. A primary school was to be established in every commune, which was to provide the building, pay a fixed minimum salary to the teacher, and where able maintain the school. The state reserved the right to fix the pay of the teacher, and even to approve his appointment. A tuition fee was to be paid for attendance, but those who could not pay were to be provided with free places. The primary schools were to give instruction in reading, writing, arithmetic, the weights and measures, the French language, and morals and religion. The higher primary schools were to build on these subjects, and to offer instruction in geometry and its applications, linear drawing, surveying, physical science, natural history, history, geography, and music, and were to emphasize instruction in "the history and geography of France, and in the elements of science, as they apply it every day in the office, the workshop, and the field." [8] These latter were the Buergerschulen, recommended by Cousin (R. 284 e) on the basis of his study of Prussian education. [9]



The primary schools were to follow a uniform plan, and as a guide a Manual of Primary Instruction was issued, giving detailed directions as to what was to be done. In sending out a copy of the Law to the primary teachers of France, M. Guizot enclosed a personal letter to each, informing him as to what the government expected of him in the new work (R. 287). During the four years that M. Guizot remained Minister of Public Instruction he rendered a remarkable service, well described by Matthew Arnold (R. 288), in awakening his countrymen to the new problem of popular education then before them.

The results under the Law of 1833 were large [10] and the subsequent legislation under the monarchy of 1830 was important. For the first time in French history an earnest effort was made to provide education suited to the needs of the great mass of the people, and the marked development of schools which ensued showed how eagerly they embraced the opportunities offered their children, though the schooling was neither compulsory nor gratuitous. In 1837 Infant Schools, for still younger children, were authorized, and in 1840 state aid for these was begun. In 1836 classes for adults, first begun in Paris in 1820, were authorized generally, but it was not until 1867 that these were formally incorporated into the state school system. In 1845 state aid for the Communal Colleges, as well as for the Lycees, was begun.

DEVELOPMENT OF INFANT SCHOOLS

Year...... 1827 1837 1840 1843 1846 1850 1863 1886 1897 Schools... 1 251 555 1489 1861 1735 3308 6696 5683

REACTION AFTER 1848. In France, as in Europe generally, the people were steadily becoming more liberal, as they became better educated, while the rulers were becoming more autocratic. The result was the series of revolutions of 1848, which broke out first in France, and finally extended to most of the countries of continental Europe. In France the King, Louis- Philippe, was forced to abdicate; a Republic, based on universal manhood suffrage, was proclaimed; and Louis Napoleon, a nephew of Napoleon I, was elected President. In 1851 Napoleon established himself as Dictator; prepared a new constitution providing for an Empire; and, in 1852, dissolved the Second Republic and assumed the title of Emperor Napoleon III. This Second Empire lasted until 1870, when France was humiliated by the Prussians as the latter had been by Napoleon I in 1806. The Emperor and his armies were taken prisoners (1870) and, in 1871, the Prussians occupied Paris and crowned the new Emperor of united and Imperial Germany in the palace of the French Kings at Versailles. A Third Republic now succeeded, and this has lasted to the present time.

The period from 1848 to 1870 in France was a period of middle-class rule, and reaction in education as in government. In 1848 a Sub-Commission on Primary Education reported in opposition to the state primary schools. The troubles of 1848 had brought to view the political restlessness which had taken possession of the teachers, as well as other classes in society. The new schools were naturally suspected of being the source of the popular discontent. Many teachers had sympathized with, and some had taken part in the disturbances, and teachers generally were now placed under close surveillance. Some of the leaders were forced into exile until after 1870. Religious schools, regarded as more favorable to monarchical needs and purposes, were now encouraged, and the number of religious schools increased from 6464 in 1850, to 11,391 by 1864. Private schools, too, were given full freedom to compete with the state schools, and the pay of the primary teachers was reduced. The course in the normal schools was condemned as too ambitious, and, in 1851, was cut down. The course of instruction in the primary schools, on the other hand, was, unlike in Prussia, broadened instead of restricted, and in particular emphasis was placed, in keeping with nearly a century of French tradition, on scientific and practical subjects. [11] The law of 1850 stated the requirements for primary schools as follows:

Art. 23. Primary instruction comprises moral and religious instruction, reading, writing, the elements of the French language, computation, and the legal system of weights and measures. It may comprise, in addition, arithmetic applied to practical operations, the elements of history (a required subject after 1867) and geography, notions of the physical sciences and of natural history applicable to the ordinary purposes of life, elementary instruction in agriculture, trade, and hygiene; and surveying, leveling, linear drawing, singing, and gymnastics.

Religious instruction prospered under the Second Empire, and the state primary schools lost in importance. The Lycees continued largely as classical institutions, though after 1865 the crowding of the rising sciences began to dispute the supremacy of classical studies. There were, however, many voices of discontent, particularly from exiled teachers (R. 289), and the way was rapidly being prepared for the creation of a stronger and better state school system as soon as political conditions were propitious.

REVOLUTIONARY IDEALS AT LAST REALIZED. With the creation of the Third Republic, in 1870, a change from the old conditions and old attitudes took place. Up to about 1879 the new government was in control of those who were at heart sympathetic with the old conditions, but were forced to accept the new; from 1879 to 1890 was a transition period; and since 1890 the Republic has grown steadily in strength and regained its position among the great powers of the world. The first few years of the new Republic were devoted to paying the Prussian indemnity and clearing the soil of France of German armies, but, after about 1875, education became a great national interest among leaders of France. [12] France saw, somewhat as did Prussia after 1806, the necessity for creating a strong state system of primary, secondary, and higher schools to train the youth of the land in the principles of the Republic, strengthen the national spirit, advance the welfare of the State, and protect it from dangers both within and without.

PROGRESS OF PRIMARY EDUCATION IN FRANCE, DURING THE NINETEENTH CENTURY, AS SHOWN BY THE REDUCTION IN THE PERCENTAGE OF ILLITERACY AMONG ARMY CONSCRIPTS, AND AMONG PERSONS SIGNING THE MARRIAGE RECORDS

Years Army Marriage records conscripts Men Women 1790 53.0% 73.0% 1827 58.0% 1833 47.8 1840 42.8 1845 37.8 1850 35.7 1855 33.7 32.0 47.0 1860 30.0 30.4 44.8 1865 24.4 27.5 41.0 1870 19.7 26.8 39.4 1875 16.0 20.0 31.0 1880 14.7 16.1 24.5 1885 11.5 13.0 20.2 1890 7.8 8.7 12.8 1896 5.1 5.8 7.8 1901 4.4 4.4 6.3

Millions were put into the building of schoolhouses (1878-88); new normal schools were established; a normal school for women was created in each of the eighty-seven departments of France; the academic and superior councils of public instruction were reorganized to eliminate clerical influences (1881); religious instruction was replaced by moral and civic instruction (R. 290); and clerical "Letters of Obedience" were no longer accepted, and all teachers were required to be certificated by the State. The Law of 1881, eliminating instruction in religion from the elementary schools, was followed, in 1886, by a law providing for the gradual replacement of clerical by lay teachers. In 1904, the teaching congregations of France were suppressed. All elementary education now became public, free, compulsory, and secular, [13] and teachers were required to be neutral in religious matters. [14]

Since 1871, also, technical and scientific education has been emphasized; the primary and superior-primary schools have been made free (1881) and compulsory (1882); classes for adults have been begun generally; the state aid for schools has been very greatly increased; lycees and colleges for women have been created (1880); the lycees modernized in their instruction [15] and the reorganization and reestablishment of a series of fifteen state universities of a modern type, begun in 1885, was completed in 1896. The reorganization and expansion of education in France since 1875 is a wonderful example of republican interest and energy, and is along entirely different lines from those followed, since the same date, in German lands.

After the lapse of nearly a century we now see the French Revolutionary ideas of gratuity, obligation, and secularization finally put into effect, and the state system of public instruction outlined by Condorcet (p. 514), in 1792, at last an accomplished fact.

II. NATIONAL ORGANIZATION IN ITALY

IMPORTANCE OF THE WORK OF NAPOLEON. So much has been written about the deluge of blood that took place in Paris in the days of the Commune and the time of the National Conventions, and of the military victories and autocratic rule of Napoleon Bonaparte, that it is difficult to appraise the importance of either, from the point of view of the progress of civilization and of the organization of modern political institutions, at its true worth. The faults of both are prominent and outstanding, but it nevertheless was the merit of the Revolution that it enabled France, and along with France a good portion of western Europe, to rid itself of the worst survivals of the Middle Ages, while to Napoleon much of western Europe is indebted for the foundation of its civil institutions, unified legal procedure, beginnings of state educational organization, and modern governmental forms. Writing on this subject, Matthew Arnold [16] well said:

With all his faults, his [Napoleon's] reason was so clear and strong that he saw, in its general outlines at least, the just and rational type of civil organization which modern society needs, and wherever his armies went he instituted it.



That the French Revolution's merit and service was a real one is shown by all the world, as it improves, getting rid more and more of the Middle Ages. That Napoleon's merit and service was a real one is shown by the bad governments which succeeded him having always got rid, when they could, of his work, and by the progress of improvement, when these governments became intolerable, and are themselves got rid of, always bringing it back. Where governments were not wholly bad, and did not get rid of Napoleon's good work, this work turns out to have the future on its side, and to be more likely to assimilate the institutions round it to its pattern than to be itself assimilated by them.

In the Italian States, the Netherlands, some of the French cantons of Switzerland, the Rhine countries, and the Danish peninsula, in particular, the rule of Napoleon, imposed by his armies, carried out by rulers of his selection, and maintained for a long enough period that the legal organization, civil order, unified government, and taste of educational opportunities of a new type which his rule brought became attractive to the people, in time proved deeply influential in their political development. [17] All these nations still show traces of the French influence in their state educational organization. We shall take the Italian States as a type, and examine briefly the influence on the development of state educational organization there which resulted from contact with the forward-looking rule of "The Great Emperor."

DECLINE IN IMPORTANCE OF EDUCATION IN ITALY. In a preceding chapter (p. 503), we mentioned that the rule of Napoleon in northern Italy awakened the national spirit from its long lethargy, and caused Italian liberals to look forward, for the first time since the days of the Revival of Learning, to the time when the Italian States might be united into one Italian nation, with Rome as its capital. This became the work of the mid- nineteenth century (see dates, Fig. 179), though not fully completed until the World War of 1914-18. Italy stands to-day a great united nation, with a large future ahead of it, but as such it is entirely a nineteenth- century creation. From the time of its intellectual decline following the Renaissance, to the middle of the nineteenth century, Italy remained "a geographical expression" and split up into a number of little independent States; up to the time of Napoleon it was a part of the German-ruled "Holy Roman Empire."

After the great patriotic effort of the period of the Revival of Learning (p. 264) in Italy, and the rather feeble and unsuccessful attempts at a reform of religion which followed, the intellectual development of Italy was checked and turned aside for centuries by the triumph of an unprogressive and anti-intellectual attitude on the part of the dominant Church. The persecution of Galileo (p. 388) was but a phase of the reaction in religion which had by that time set in. Education was turned over to the religious orders, such as the Jesuits and the Barnabites, and instruction was turned aside from liberal culture and the promotion of learning to the support of a religion and the stamping out of heresy. Though a number of educational foundations were made, and some important undertakings begun after the days when her universities were crowded and Florence and Venice vied with one another for the intellectual supremacy of the western world, the spirit nevertheless was gone, and both education and government settled down to a tenacious preservation of the existing order. Scholars ceased to frequent the schools of Italy; the universities changed from seats of learning to degree-conferring institutions; [18] the intellectual capitals came to be found north of the Alps; and the history of educational progress ceased to be traced in this ancient land. In the early part of the eighteenth century the schools there reached perhaps their lowest intellectual level.

THE BEGINNINGS OF REFORM IN SAVOY. The first and almost the only attempt to change this condition, before Napoleon's armies went crashing through the valley of the Po, was made in the seventeenth century by two Dukes of Savoy. By decrees of 1729 and 1772 they took the control of the secondary (Latin) schools in their little duchy from the religious orders, and established a Council of Public Instruction to reform the university examinations, see that teachers were prepared for the Latin schools, and take over in the name of the authorities of the duchy the control of education. Though inspired by a political interest, the two dukes brought into their little kingdom the much-needed ideas of honest work, effective administration, and public spirit, and laid the foundations for the control of education by the public authorities later on. The only other attempt to improve conditions came in Lombardy, in 1774, which then was a part of the Austrian dominions and felt the short-lived reforms of Maria Theresa (p. 562; R. 276). Elsewhere in Italy conditions remained unchanged until the time of Napoleon.

NAPOLEON REVIVES THE NATIONAL SPIRIT. In 1796 Napoleon's armies invaded Sardinia, Lombardy, and the valley of the Po, and he soon extended his control to almost all the Italian peninsula. For nearly two decades thereafter this collection of little States felt the unifying, regenerating influence of the organizing French. Monasteries and convents and religious schools were transformed into modern teaching institutions, brigandage was put down, and efficient and honest government was established. The ideas of the French Law of 1802 as to education were applied. Every town was ordered to establish a school for boys, to teach the reading and writing of Italian and the elements of French and Latin; the secondary schools were modernized; and the universities were completely reorganized. Some of the universities were reduced to licei (lycees; secondary schools), while others were strengthened and their revenues turned to better purposes. The universities at Naples and Turin in particular were transformed into strong institutions, with a decided emphasis on scientific studies. A normal school was founded at Pisa, on the model of the one at Paris. New standards in education were set up, the study of the sciences was introduced into the secondary schools, and the study of medicine and law was regenerated.

With the fall of Napoleon his work was largely undone. The firm, just, and intelligent government which he had given Italy—something the land had not known for ages—came to an end. The little States were "handed back to the reactionary dynasts whose rule was neither benevolent nor intelligent, while the ever-ready Austrian army crushed out any local movement for liberal institutions." The laws regarding education were repealed, and the schools the French had established were closed as revolutionary and dangerous. The normal school at Pisa ceased to exist; the university at Naples was dismantled; the one at Turin was closed; and the Jesuits were allowed to return and reorganize instruction. The result was that a common discontent with ensuing conditions made Italians conscious of their racial and historical unity, and this finally expressed itself in the revolutions of 1848. These failed at the time, and the heel of the Austrian oppressor came down harder than before. Liberty of the press practically ceased. The national leaders went into exile for safety. The prisons were filled with political offenders. The schools were closed or ceased to influence. The Pope, fearing the end of his earthly kingship approaching, united firmly with the Austrians to resist liberal movements. Finally, under the leadership of the enlightened King of Sardinia, Victor Emmanuel (1849-78) and his Prime Minister, Count of Cavour, the Austrians were driven out (1859-66) and all Italy was united (1870) under the rule of one king interested in promoting the welfare of his people.



SARDINIA LEADS TO NATIONAL ORGANIZATION AND CONTROL. The movement to free Italy was essentially a liberal movement. Many hoped to create a republic, but chose a liberal constitutional monarchy under Victor Emmanuel as the most feasible plan. Cavour understood the importance of public instruction, and from the first began to build up schools [19] and put them under state control. In 1844, a normal school was opened in Turin. In 1847, a Minister of Public Instruction was appointed and a Council of Public Instruction created, after the plan of France, In 1848, a General School Law was enacted, and the organization and improvement of schools was begun with a will. In 1850, a commission was sent to study the school systems of Europe, and in particular those of France and of the German States. A Supreme Council of Public Instruction was now formed for Sardinia, and the process of creating primary schools, higher-primary schools, classical and technical secondary schools, colleges, and the reorganization of the universities was begun. In 1859, when the growth of Italian unity was rapidly extending the rule of Victor Emmanuel, [20] a new law, providing a still better state organization of public instruction, was enacted. A Minister of Public Instruction appointed by the King, a Supreme Council of Public Instruction, and a Department of Public Instruction as a branch of the government, were all provided for, after the French plan.



This Law of 1859 was later extended to cover all Italy, and has formed the basis for all subsequent legislation. It clearly established a state system of education, though the religious schools were allowed to remain. It also established control after the French plan, with a high degree of centralization and uniformity. The schools established, too, were much after the French type, though much less extensive in scope. The primary and superior primary at first were but two years each, though since extended in all the larger communities to a six-year combined course. The two-class school system was established, as in France and German lands. The secondary-school system consisted of a five-year ginnasio, established in many places (218 in Italy by 1865; 458 by 1916) with a three-year liceo following, but found in a smaller number of places. Parallel with this a seven-year non-classical scientific and technical secondary school was also created, and these institutions have made marked headway (461 by 1916) in central and northern Italy. Pupils may pass to either of these on the completion of the ordinary four-year primary course, at the age of ten. Above the secondary schools are numerous universities. The normal-school system created prepared for teaching in the primary schools, while the university system followed the completion of the liceo course.

The influence of French ideas in Italian educational organization is clearly evident. Before the French armies brought French governmental ideas and organization to Italy almost nothing had been done. Then, during the first six decades of the nineteenth century, the transition from the church-school idea to the conception of education as an important function of the State was made, and the resulting system is largely French in organization and form.

SUBSEQUENT PROGRESS. From this point on educational progress has been chiefly a problem of increased finances and the slow but gradual extension of educational opportunities to more and more of the children of the people. The church schools have been allowed to continue side by side with the state schools, and the problem of securing satisfactory working relations has not always been easy of solution.

In 1877 primary education was ordered made compulsory, [21] and religious instruction was dropped from the state schools, but the slow progress of the nation in extending literacy indicates that but little had been accomplished in enforcing the compulsion previous to the new compulsory law of 1904. This made more stringent provisions regarding schooling, and provided for three thousand evening and Sunday schools for illiterate adults. In 1906, an earnest effort was begun to extend educational advantages in the southern provinces, where illiteracy has always been highest. In 1911, the state aid for elementary education was materially increased. In 1912, a new and more modern plan of studies for the secondary schools was promulgated. Since 1912 many important advances have been inaugurated, such as elementary schools of agriculture, vocational schools, continuation schools, the middle-class industrial and commercial schools. The World War directed new attention to the educational needs of the nation. Italy, at last thoroughly awakened, seems destined to be a great world power politically and commercially, and we may look forward to seeing education used by the Italian State as a great constructive force for the advancement of its national interests.

QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION

1. Show how the Revolution marked out the lines of future educational evolution for France.

2. Explain why France and Italy evolved a school system so much more centralized than did other European nations.

3. Explain Napoleon's lack of interest in primary education, in view of the needs of France in his day.

4. Show that Napoleon was right, time and circumstances considered, in placing the state emphasis on the types of education he favored.

5. Explain why middle-class education should have received such special attention in Cousin's Report, and in the Law of 1833.

6. Was the course of instruction provided for the primary schools in 1833, times and needs considered, a liberal one, or otherwise? Why?

7. Compare the 1833 and the 1850 courses.

8. Explain why all forms of education in France should have experienced such a marked expansion and development after 1875.

9. Explain why great military disasters, for the past 150 years, have nearly always resulted in national educational reorganization.

10. Appraise the work and the permanent influence of Napoleon.

11. Explain Napoleon's interest in establishing schools and universities, when the Austrian and Church authorities were so interested in abolishing what he had created.

12. What did the dropping of religious instruction from the primary schools of both France and Italy, both strong Catholic countries, indicate as to national development?

SELECTED READINGS

In the accompanying Book of Readings the following selections are reproduced:

282. Le Brun: Founding of the School of Arts and Trades. 283. Jourdain: Refounding of the Superior Normal School. 284. Cousin: Recommendations for Education in France. 285. Guizot: Address on the Law of 1833. 286. Guizot: Principles underlying the Law of 1833. 287. Guizot: Letter to the Primary Teachers of France. 288. Arnold: Guizot's Work as Minister of Public Instruction. 289. Quinet: A Lay School for a Lay Society. 290. Ferry: Moral and Civic Instruction replaces the Religious.

QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS

1. Just what attitude toward education did the action of Napoleon in changing the character of the school at Compiegne (282) express?

2. What type of school (283) was the re-created Superior Normal?

3. Just what did Victor Cousin recommend (284) as to (a) schools to be created; (b) control and administration; (c) compulsory attendance; (d) schools for the middle classes; and (e) education and control of teachers?

4. Was Guizot's Law of 1833 (285) in harmony with the recommendations of Cousin (284)?

5. Why have public opinion and legislative action, in France and elsewhere, so completely reversed the positions taken by Guizot and his advisers (286) in framing the Law of 1833? 6. From Guizot's letter to the teachers of France (287), and Arnold's description of his work (288), just what do you infer to have been the nature of his interest in advancing primary education in France?

7. Contrast the reasoning of Guizot (286) and Quinet (289) on lay instruction. Of the reasoning of the two men, which is now accepted in France and the United States?

8. Contrast the letters of Guizot (287) and Ferry (290) to the primary teachers of France.

SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES

Arnold, Matthew. Popular Education in France. * Arnold, Matthew. Schools and Universities on the Continent. * Barnard, Henry. National Education in Europe. Barnard, Henry. American Journal of Education, vol. XX. Compayre, G. History of Pedagogy, chapter XXI. * Farrington, Fr. E. The Public Primary School System of France. * Farrington, Fr. E. French Secondary Schools. Guizot, F. P. G. Memoires, Extracts from, covering work as Minister of Public Instruction, 1832-37, in Barnard's American Journal of Education, vol. XI, pp. 254-81, 357-99.



CHAPTER XXIV

THE STRUGGLE FOR NATIONAL ORGANIZATION IN ENGLAND

I. THE CHARITABLE VOLUNTARY BEGINNINGS

ENGLISH PROGRESS A SLOW BUT PEACEFUL EVOLUTION. The beginnings of national educational organization in England were neither so simple nor so easy as in the other lands we have described. So far this was in part due to the long-established idea, on the part of the small ruling class, that education was no business of the State; in part to the deeply ingrained conception as to the religious purpose of all instruction; in part to the fact that the controlling upper classes had for long been in possession of an educational system which rendered satisfactory service in preparing leaders for both Church and State; and in part—probably in large part—to the fact that national evolution in England, since the time of the Civil War (1642-49) has been a slow and peaceful growth, though accompanied by much hard thinking and vigorous parliamentary fighting. Since the Reformation (1534-39) and the Puritan uprising led by Cromwell (1642-49), no civil strife has convulsed the land, destroyed old institutions, and forced rapid changes in old established practices. Neither has the country been in danger from foreign invasion since that memorable week in July, 1588, when Drake destroyed the Spanish Armada and made the future of England as a world power secure.

English educational evolution has in consequence been slow, and changes and progress have come only in response to much pressure, and usually as a reluctant concession to avoid more serious trouble. A strong English characteristic has been the ability to argue rather than fight out questions of national policy; to exhibit marked tolerance of the opinions of others during the discussion; and finally to recognize enough of the proponents' point of view to be willing to make concessions sufficient to arrive at an agreement. This has resulted in a slow but a peaceful evolution, and this slow and peaceful evolution has for long been the dominant characteristic of the political, social, and educational progress of the English people. The whole history of the two centuries of evolution toward a national system of education is a splendid illustration of this essentially English characteristic.

EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY EDUCATIONAL EFFORTS. England, it will be remembered (chapter XIX, Section III), had early made marked progress in both political and religious liberty. Ahead of any other people we find there the beginnings of democratic liberty, popular enlightenment, freedom of the press, religious toleration, [1] social reform, and scientific and industrial progress. All these influences awakened in England, earlier than in any other European nation, a rather general desire to be able to read (R. 170), and by the opening of the eighteenth century we find the beginnings of a charitable and philanthropic movement on the part of the churches and the upper classes to extend a knowledge of the elements of learning to the poorer classes of the population.

As a result, as we have seen (chapter XVIII), the eighteenth century in England, educationally, was characterized by a new attitude toward the educational problem and a marked extension of educational opportunity. Even before the beginning of the century the courts had taken a new attitude toward church control of teaching, [2] and in 1700 had freed the teacher of the elementary school from control by the bishops through license. [3] In 1714 an Act of Parliament (13 Anne, c. 7) exempted elementary schools from the penalties of conformity legislation, and they were thereafter free to multiply and their teachers to teach. [4] The dame school (R. 235) now became an established English institution (p. 447). Private-adventure schools of a number of types arose (p. 451). The churches here and there began to provide elementary parish-schools for the children of their poorer members (p. 449), or training-schools for other children who were to go out to service (R. 241). Workhouse schools and "schools of industry" also were used to provide for orphans and the children of paupers (p. 453).

THE CHARITY-SCHOOL SYSTEM. Most important of all was the organization, by groups of individuals (R. 237) and by Societies (S.P.C.K.; p. 449) formed for the purpose, and maintained by subscription (R. 240), collections (R. 291), and foundation incomes, of an extensive and well-organized system of Charity-Schools (p. 449). The "Society for the Promotion of Christian Knowledge" dates from the year 1699, and the "Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts" from 1701. The first worked at home, and the second in the overseas colonies. [5] Both did much to provide schools for poor boys and girls, furnishing them with clothing and instruction (R. 292), and training them in reading, writing, spelling, counting, cleanliness, proper behavior, sewing and knitting (girls), and in "the Rules and Principles of the Christian Religion as professed and taught in the Church of England" (R. 238 b). The Charity-School idea was in a sense an application of the joint-stock-company principle to the organization and maintenance of an extensive system of schools for the education of the children of the poor, the stock being subscribed for by humanitarian- minded people. The upper classes had for long been well provided, through tutors in the home and grammar schools and colleges, with those means for education which have for centuries produced an able succession of gentlemen, statesmen, governors, and scholars for England, and many of the commercial middle-class had, by the eighteenth century, become able to purchase similar advantages for their sons. These now united to provide, as part of a great organized charity and under carefully selected teachers (R. 238 a), for the more promising children of their poorer neighbors, the elements of that education which they themselves had enjoyed.