[295] The Acoemetae, founded about the middle of the fifth century, were the first to practise the laus perennis, from which they derived their name (Dict. of Christian Antiquities, s.v.). It was adopted in the early years of the following century at the monastery of St. Maurice in the Valois, from which it spread to many other religious establishments (AA.SS., Nov., i. 548 ff.).

[296] A.U. 823 (recte 824): "The plundering of Bangor in the Ards by Foreigners [i.e. Norsemen], and the spoiling of its oratory; and the relics of Comgall were shaken out of their shrine." A.I. add, "and its learned men and bishops were slain with the sword."

[297] Gen. ii. 8.

[298] Matt. xxvii. 52.

[299] Ecclus. xliv. 14.

[300] This obviously exaggerated statement may refer to the event mentioned in note 2, or to a later occasion (958), when "Tanaidhe, son of Odhar, coarb of Bangor, was killed by Foreigners" (A.U.).

[301] "Even at the Dissolution [1539] it was found to be possessed of the temporalities and spiritualities of thirty-four townlands, together with the tithes of nine rectories or chapels" (Reeves, p. 94). The lands included the entire parish of Bangor, together with part of the adjoining parish of Holywood, and eight outlying townlands (Archdall, ed. Moran, i. 235).

[302] This remark is interesting as showing that the title "abbot of Bangor" was in use in the twelfth century. The last person to whom it is given in the A.U. is Indrechtach, who died in 906. From that time onwards "coarb of Comgall" (or in one instance, "coarb of Bangor") is substituted for it. St. Bernard is supported by the Annals when he asserts that so-called abbots were elected down to Malachy's time. A.U. preserve the names of twenty abbots or coarbs between 824 and 1123. But St. Bernard leaves the impression that the religious community of Bangor ceased to exist on its destruction by the Norse pirates, and that subsequently the "abbots" merely held the lands that had belonged to it, and exercised no spiritual discipline. There are good reasons, however, for the contrary opinion. Thus Abbot Moengal, who died in 871, was a "pilgrim." Abbot Moenach (died 921) was "the head of the learning of the island of Ireland." Ceile, coarb of Comgall, went on pilgrimage to Rome in 928, and died there in 929: he was a scribe and anchoret, apostolic doctor of all Ireland, and (if C.S. can be trusted) a bishop. Dubhinnsi, bishop of Bangor, died in 953. Finally, Diarmait Ua Maeltelcha, coarb of Comgall, whom C.S. calls a bishop, died in 1016. It was probably not till after that date, as Reeves (p. 154) assures us, that the monastery began to decline.

[303] See Secs. 61, 62.

[304] Matt. xxvii. 51.

[305] John ii. 11.

[306] "Scotic" is obviously to be understood here in its earlier meaning as equivalent to "Irish." From this departure from his ordinary usage (see p. 20, note 1) we may infer that St. Bernard is quoting the words of his authority. The habit of constructing churches of wood prevailed in early times among the Celtic and Saxon tribes in the British Isles, the introduction of stone building for such purposes being due to Roman influence (Plummer, Bede, ii. 101). The older custom lingered longer in Ireland than elsewhere; and by the time of Bede it had come to be regarded as characteristically Irish, though wooden churches must still have been numerous in England (Bede, H.E., iii. 25). In a document of much later date, the Life of the Irish Saint Monenna (quoted in Adamnan, p. 177 f.), we read of "a church constructed of smoothed planks according to the custom of the Scottish races"; and the writer adds that "the Scots are not in the habit of building walls, or causing them to be built." Petrie (pp. 138-151) maintained that stone churches were not unusual in early Ireland; but he admits (pp. 341-344) that one type of church—the oratory (in Irish dairtheach, i.e. house of oak)—was very rarely constructed of stone. The only two passages which he cites (p. 345) as mentioning stone oratories (he says he might have produced others) are not to his purpose. The first is a notice in A.U. 788, of a man being killed at the door of a "stone oratory": but another, and apparently better, reading substitutes lapide for lapidei, thus altering the entry to a statement that the man was killed "by a stone at the door of the oratory." The second is Colgan's rendering (Trias, p. 162) of a sentence in Trip. iii. 74, p. 232, in which there is in reality no mention of any ecclesiastical edifice. So far as I am aware, there is no indisputable reference in Irish literature to a stone oratory earlier than the one mentioned below, Sec. 61.

[307] Cp. the quatrain of Rummun on an oratory which was in course of construction at Rathen (Otia Merseiana, ii. 79):

"O my Lord! what shall I do About these great materials? When will these ten hundred planks Be a structure of compact beauty?"



[308] Evidently until he became bishop. The next sentence implies that the time spent at Bangor was of considerable length, as does also the remark at the end of Sec. 15. St. Bernard, however, seems to have been mistaken in supposing that Malachy resigned the abbacy on his consecration. See p. 36, note 5; p. 40, note 1; p. 80, note 1; p. 104, note 3; p. 112, note 5; p. 113, note 1.

[309] Cp. p. 11, note 1.

[310] Luke i. 75.

[311] John xviii. 10.

[312] For Christian and Mellifont Abbey, see Sec. 39. This Malchus is mentioned again in Sec. 52.

[313] This is not a mere conventional phrase. In a passionate outburst of grief St. Bernard says of his brother Gerard, who had recently died, "He was my brother by blood, yet more my brother in religion" (Cant. xxvi. 4).

[314] Conversus. Cp. p. 14, note 1. The meaning is that after his recovery Malchus entered the community of Bangor.

[315] Acts ix. 35.

[316] 2 Kings xviii. 6.

[317] John v. 14.

[318] The abbey founded by Malachy at Soulseat. See Sec. 68.

[319] Demorabatur, literally, lingered, or tarried. The fact seems to be that Bangor was Malachy's headquarters for the rest of his life, except the ten years which intervened between his expulsion from it (Sec. 18), and his resignation of the see of Armagh (Sec. 31). See p. 33, note 1. St. Bernard was apparently puzzled by the fact that Malachy continued to live at Bangor after his consecration, instead of going to the see-city; and he makes a not very satisfactory apology for it.

[320] The city is evidently Connor; but it is not near Bangor. The two places are twenty-five miles apart, and Belfast Lough lies between them. In Malachy's day they were in different tribal territories.



CHAPTER III

St. Malachy becomes Bishop of Connor; he builds the Monastery of Iveragh.

16. (10). At that time an episcopal see was vacant,[321] and had long been vacant, because Malachy would not assent: for they had elected him to it.[322] But they persisted, and at length he yielded when their entreaties were enforced by the command of his teacher,[323] together with that of the metropolitan.[324] It was when he was just entering the thirtieth year of his age,[325] that he was consecrated bishop and brought to Connor; for that was the name of the city through ignorance of Irish ecclesiastical affairs St. Bernard misunderstood the information supplied to him, and thus separated Malachy's tenure of the abbacy of Bangor from his episcopate, though the two were in reality conterminous. For the significance of Malachy's recall to the North, see Introduction, p. liii. f.; and for a fuller discussion, R.I.A., xxxv. 250-254..

[Sidenote: 1124]

But when he began to administer his office, the man of God understood that he had been sent not to men but to beasts. Never before had he known the like, in whatever depth of barbarism; never had he found men so shameless in regard of morals, so dead in regard of rites, so impious in regard of faith, so barbarous in regard of laws, so stubborn in regard of discipline, so unclean in regard of life. They were Christians in name, in fact pagans.[326] There was no giving of tithes or first-fruits; no entry into lawful marriages, no making of confessions: nowhere could be found any who would either seek penance or impose it. Ministers of the altar were exceeding few. But indeed what need was there of more when even the few were almost in idleness and ease among the laity? There was no fruit which they could bring forth from their offices among a people so vile. For in the churches there was not heard the voice either of preacher or singer.[327] What was the athlete of the Lord[328] to do? He must either yield with shame or with danger fight. But he who recognized that he was a shepherd and not a hireling, elected to stand rather than to flee, prepared to give his life for the sheep if need be.[329] And although all were wolves and there were no sheep, the intrepid shepherd stood in the midst of the wolves, rich in all means by which he might make sheep out of wolves[330]—admonishing in public, arguing in secret, weeping with one and another; accosting men now roughly, now gently, according as he saw it to be expedient for each. And in cases where these expedients failed he offered for them a broken and a contrite heart.[331] How often did he spend entire nights in vigil, holding out his hands in prayer! And when they would not come to the church he went to meet the unwilling ones in the streets and in the broad ways, and going round about the city, he eagerly sought[332] whom he might gain for Christ.

17. (11). But further afield also, none the less, he very frequently traversed country parts and towns with that holy band of disciples, who never left his side. He went and bestowed even on the unthankful[333] their portion of the heavenly meat.[334] Nor did he ride on a horse, but went afoot, in this also proving himself an apostolic man. Good Jesus, how great things thy warrior suffered for Thy name's sake[335] from crime-stained children.[336] How great things he endured for Thee from those very men to whom, and on whose behalf, he spoke good things. Who can worthily express with how great vexations he was harassed, with what insults he was assailed, with what unrighteous acts provoked,[337] how often he was faint with hunger, how often afflicted with cold and nakedness?[338] Yet with them that hated peace he was a peacemaker,[339] instant, nevertheless, in season, out of season.[340] Being defamed he intreated;[341] when he was dealt with unrighteously he defended himself with the shield of patience and overcame evil with good.[342] Why should he not overcome? He continued knocking,[343] and according to the promise, at length, sometimes, to him that knocked it was opened.[344] How could that not follow which the Truth[345] had declared beforehand should follow? The right hand of the Lord brought mighty things to pass,[346] because the mouth of the Lord spoke[347] the truth. Hardness vanished, barbarity ceased; the rebellious house[348] began gradually to be appeased, gradually to admit reproof, to receive discipline.[349] Barbarous laws disappear, Roman laws are introduced; everywhere the ecclesiastical customs are received, their opposites are rejected; churches[350] are rebuilt, a clergy is appointed in them; the solemnities of the sacraments are duly celebrated; confessions are made; congregations[351] come to the church; the celebration of marriage graces those who live together.[352] In fine, all things are so changed for the better that to-day the word which the Lord speaks by the prophet is applicable to that nation; those who before were not my people are now my people.[353]

[Sidenote: 1127]

18. (12). It happened after some years that the city[354] was destroyed by the king of the northern part of Ireland;[355] for out of the north all evil breaks forth.[356] And perhaps that evil was good for those who used it well. For who knows that God did not wish to destroy by such a scourge the ancient evils of His people? By a necessity so dire Malachy was compelled, and he retired with a crowd of his disciples. Nor was his retirement spent in idleness. It gave opportunity for building the monastery of Iveragh,[357] Malachy going there with his brothers, in number one hundred and twenty.[358] There King Cormac met him. He it was who at a former time driven out of his kingdom, under the care of Malachy by the mercy of God received consolation;[359] and that place was in his kingdom. The king rejoiced to see Malachy, placing at the disposal of him and those who were with him himself and all that he had—as one who was neither ungrateful nor unmindful of a benefit. Many beasts were immediately brought for the use of the brothers; much gold and silver was also supplied, with regal munificence, for the expense of the buildings. He himself also was coming in and going out with them,[360] busy and ready to serve—in attire a king, but in mind a disciple of Malachy. And the Lord blessed that place for Malachy's sake,[361] and in a short time he was made great in goods, possessions and persons. And there, as it were beginning anew, the burden of law and discipline which he laid on others he bore with greater zeal himself, their bishop and teacher. Himself, in the order of his course,[362] did duty as cook, himself served the brothers while they sat at meat.[363] Among the brothers who succeeded one another in singing or reading in church he did not suffer himself to be passed over, but strenuously fulfilled the office in his place as one of them. He not only shared but took the lead in [the life] of holy poverty, being especially zealous for it more abundantly than they all.[364]

FOOTNOTES:

[321] Connor: see below. It is clear that after Malachy's consecration it was the see of a diocese which included Bangor (Sec. 15) and Down, the present Downpatrick (Sec. 31). The inference is highly probable that it included the whole district which constituted the "parish [i.e. diocese] of Connor," according to the decree of the Synod of Rathbreasail in 1110 (Keating, iii. 303: see above p. xli), that is to say, roughly, the present united dioceses of Down, Connor and Dromore. It would seem that Malachy was its first bishop.

[322] Here, again, St. Bernard implies that a long period elapsed between Malachy's return from Lismore and his consecration; for the reason given in Sec. 12 for his recall is inconsistent with the supposition that he had already been elected to a bishopric which Cellach and Imar wished him to accept. They desired to have him with them at Armagh. He must have been "elected" either while he was at Armagh or after he went to Bangor.

[323] Imar.

[324] Cellach. See Sec. 19, where Cellach and his predecessors are called metropolitans.

[325] Tricesimo ferme aetatis suae anno. A.F.M. record under the year 1124 that "Mael Maedoc Ua Morgair sat in the bishopric of Connor." This agrees with the date of his consecration as given here. See p. 128, note 1. He was consecrated bishop by Cellach (Sec. 19).

We have seen (p. 20, note 3) that Malachy probably went to Lismore late in 1121. He spent several years there, and, according to St. Bernard, another long period at Armagh and Bangor before his consecration in 1124. This must be pronounced impossible. The most probable solution of the chronological difficulty is that through ignorance of Irish ecclesiastical affairs St. Bernard misunderstood the information supplied to him, and thus separated Malachy's tenure of the abbacy of Bangor from his episcopate, though the two were in reality conterminous. For the significance of Malachy's recall to the North, see Introduction, p. liii. f.; and for a fuller discussion, R.I.A., xxxv. 250-254.

[326] Cp. Giraldus, Top. iii. 19: "It is wonderful that this nation should remain to this day so ignorant of the rudiments of Christianity. For it is a most filthy race, a race sunk in vice, a race more ignorant than all other nations of the rudiments of the faith."

[327] For the statements in the preceding sentences, see Additional Note A.

[328] St. Aug., De Civ. Dei, xiv. 9. 2. Cp. Ignatius, Pol. 2; Hero 1. It may be noted that most of the MSS. of the Latin version of the Ignatian Epistles are Burgundian, and that among them is a Clairvaux MS. of the 12th century. Lightfoot, Ign. and Pol., i. 119.

[329] John x. 11-13.

[330] Compare St. Bernard's words to Pope Eugenius III. about his Roman subjects (De Cons., iv. 6): "I know where thou dwellest, unbelievers and subverters are with thee. They are wolves, not sheep; of such, however, thou art shepherd. Consideration is good, if by it thou mayest perhaps discover means, if it can be done, to convert them, lest they subvert thee. Why do we doubt that they can be turned again into sheep, who were once sheep and could be turned into wolves?"

[331] Ps. li. 17.

[332] Cant. iii. 2; cp. Ps. lix. 6, 14; Luke xiv. 21.

[333] Luke vi. 35.

[334] Luke xii. 42.

[335] Acts ix. 16.

[336] Isa. i. 4 (vg.).

[337] Cp. 2 Pet. ii. 7 f.

[338] 2 Cor xi. 27.

[339] Ps. cxx. 6, 7 (vg.).

[340] 2 Tim. iv. 2.

[341] 1 Cor. iv. 13.

[342] Rom. xii. 21.

[343] Acts xii. 16.

[344] Matt. vii. 8; Luke xi. 10.

[345] John xiv. 6.

[346] Ps. cxviii. 15, 16.

[347] Isa. i. 20.

[348] Ezek. ii. 5, etc.

[349] Lev. xxvi. 23 (vg.).

[350] Basilicae.

[351] Plebes.

[352] See Additional Note A.

[353] 1 Pet. ii. 10, combined with Hos. ii. 24.

[354] The city was Bangor, though St. Bernard may have taken it to be Connor. The word city (civitas), which he no doubt found in his authority, might be applied, like its Irish equivalent, cathair, to either place: but to St. Bernard it would naturally suggest an episcopal see. Connor was within the suzerainty of the king of the northern part of Ireland, Bangor was outside it. See next note.

[355] Conor O'Loughlin, who is called king of the north of Ireland in the Annals (s.a. 1136). He succeeded his father Donnell as king of Ailech (Grenan Ely, co. Donegal, the residence of the kings of the northern Ui Neill) in 1121, and the next year he invaded the northern part of Ulaid, the district in which Bangor is situated. He invaded Magh Cobha (Iveagh, co. Down) and Bregha (Meath), with the help of the Dal Araide (the district round Connor, co. Antrim) in 1128. He finally subdued Ulaid in 1130, and "plundered the country as far as the east of Ard [i.e. the baronies of the Ards, in which lies Bangor], both lay and ecclesiastical property." He was murdered on May 25, 1136 (A.U., A.L.C.). It has been supposed that the expedition of 1130 was the occasion of the destruction of Bangor mentioned in the text. But St. Bernard places it, and the consequent departure of Malachy to the south, before the death of Cellach in 1129 (Sec. 19), and we have found reason to believe that Malachy was at Lismore in 1127 (p. 21, n. 3). Though no raid by Conor in that year is referred to in the Annals, that fact cannot be regarded as proof that none took place.

[356] Jer. i. 14.

[357] Ibracense. That this monastery was in Iveragh, a barony in the county of Kerry, north of the estuary of the Kenmare River, and in Cormac Mac Carthy's kingdom of Desmond, was apparently first suggested by Lanigan (iv. 92). The identification is almost certainly correct. It is more difficult to determine the part of the barony in which the monastery was situated. O'Hanlon suggested Church Island, near Cahirciveen, where there are some ecclesiastical remains, traditionally known half a century ago as "the monastery" (R.I.A. xv. 107). But these appear to be of much earlier date than the twelfth century. More plausible is the conjecture of the Rev. Denis O'Donoghue, that the site is on another Church Island, in Lough Currane, near Waterville. On it are the ruins of a church which, in the opinion of Mr. P. J. Lynch, was built in the twelfth century (J.R.S.A.I. xxx. 159 f.). Malachy seems to have spent some time at Lismore before going to Iveragh.

[358] This sentence seems to imply that Malachy brought with him the Bangor community, or the greater part of it, and made a new home for it in Iveragh. If so the inference is obvious that up to 1127 Malachy resided at Bangor, and was still abbot.

[359] See Secs. 9, 10.

[360] Acts ix. 28 (inexact quotation).

[361] Gen. xxx. 27.

[362] Luke i. 8.

[363] Cp. Luke xii. 37; xxii. 27.

[364] Cp. 1 Cor. xv. 10; 2 Cor. xi. 23.



CHAPTER IV.

Being made Archbishop of Armagh, he suffers many troubles. Peace being made, from being Archbishop of Armagh he becomes Bishop of Down.

[Sidenote: 1129]

19. (12). Meanwhile[365] it happened that Archbishop Cellach[366] fell sick: he it was who ordained Malachy deacon, presbyter and bishop: and knowing that he was dying he made a sort of testament[367] to the effect that Malachy ought to succeed him,[368] because none seemed worthier to be bishop of the first see. This he gave in charge to those who were present, this he commanded to the absent, this to the two kings of Munster[369] and to the magnates of the land he specially enjoined by the authority of St. Patrick.[370] For from reverence and honour for him, as the apostle of that nation, who had converted the whole country to the faith, that see where he presided in life and rests in death[371] has been held in so great veneration by all from the beginning, that not merely bishops and priests, and those who are of the clergy, but also all kings and princes are subject to the metropolitan[372] in all obedience, and he himself alone presides over all. But a very evil custom had developed, by the devilish ambition of certain powerful persons, that the holy see[373] should be held by hereditary succession. For they suffered none to be bishops but those who were of their own tribe and family. And for no short time had the execrable succession lasted, for fifteen generations (as I may call them)[374] had already passed in this wickedness. And to such a point had an evil and adulterous[375] generation[376] established for itself this distorted right, rather this unrighteousness worthy of punishment by any sort of death, that although at times clerics failed of that blood, yet bishops never. In a word there had been already eight before Cellach, married men, and without orders, albeit men of letters.[377] Hence, throughout the whole of Ireland, all that subversion of ecclesiastical discipline, that weakening of censure, that abandonment of religion of which we have spoken already; hence everywhere that substitution of raging barbarism for Christian meekness—yea, a sort of paganism brought in under the name of Christianity. For—a thing unheard of from the very beginning of the Christian faith—bishops were transferred and multiplied, without order or reason, at the will of the metropolitan, so that one bishopric was not content with one bishop, but nearly every single church had its bishop.[378] No wonder; for how could the members of so diseased a head be sound?

[Sidenote: 1132]

20. Cellach, greatly grieving for these and other like evils of his people—for he was a good and devout man—took all care to have Malachy as his successor, because he believed that by him this evilly rooted succession might be torn up,[379] since he was dear to all, and one whom all were zealous to imitate, and the Lord was with him.[380] Nor was he deceived of his hope; for when he died Malachy was put into occupation in his room. But not soon nor easily. For behold there is one of the evil seed to seize the place—Murtough by name.[381] For five years, relying on the secular power,[382] this man fastened himself upon the church, not a bishop but a tyrant. For the wishes of the devout had rather supported the claim of Malachy. At last they urged him to undertake the burden according to the ordinance of Cellach. But he, who shunned every high office as nothing else than his downfall,[383] thought that he had found good ground of excuse, because at that time it was impossible that he should have a peaceful entry. All were eager for so holy a work and pressed him; especially the two bishops, Malchus[384] and Gilbert,[385] of whom the former was the elder[386] of Lismore mentioned above, the second he who is said to have been the first to exercise the office of legate of the Apostolic See throughout the whole of Ireland. These, when three years had now passed in this presumption of Murtough and dissimulation of Malachy,[387] tolerating no longer the adultery of the church and the dishonour of Christ, called together the bishops and princes of the land,[388] and came, in one spirit, to Malachy, prepared to use force. But he refused at first; pleading the difficulty of the project, the numbers, strength and ambition of that noble stock, urging that it was a great venture for him, a poor man and of no account, to oppose himself to men so many, so great, of such sort, so deeply rooted, who now for well-nigh two hundred years had held as by hereditary right the sanctuary of God,[389] and now also had taken possession of it before him; that they could not be rooted out, not even at the cost of human life; that it was not to his advantage that man's blood should be shed[390] on his account; and lastly, that he was joined to another spouse[391] whom it was not lawful for him to put away.[392]

21. (14). But when they persisted eagerly in the contrary opinion, and cried out that the word had come forth from the Lord,[393] and moreover ordered him with all authority to undertake the burden, and threatened him with an anathema, he said, "You are leading me to death, but I obey in the hope of martyrdom; yet on this condition, that if, as you expect, the enterprise has good success, and God frees his heritage from those that are destroying it,[394] all being then at length completed, and the church[395] at peace, it may be lawful for me to return to my former spouse and friend, poverty,[396] from which I am carried off, and to put in my place there another, if then one is found fit for it." Note, reader, the courage of the man and the purity of his purpose who, for Christ's name, neither sought honour nor dreaded death. What could be purer or what braver than this purpose, that after exposing himself to peril and labour he should yield to another the fruit—peace and security itself in the place of authority? And this he does, retaining for himself according to agreement a free return to poverty when peace and freedom are restored to the church. When they gave the pledge, at length he assented to their will; or rather to the will of God, who, he remembered, had long foreshown to him this occurrence, at the fulfilment of which he was now grieved. For indeed when Cellach was already ailing there appeared to Malachy—far away and ignorant [of Cellach's condition]—a woman of great stature and reverend mien. When he inquired who she was, the answer was given that she was the wife of Cellach.[397] And she gave him a pastoral staff which she held in her hand, and then disappeared. A few days later, Cellach, when he was dying, sent his staff to Malachy, indicating that he should succeed him: and when he saw it he recognized that it was the same which he had seen [in vision]. It was the remembrance of this vision which specially put Malachy in fear, lest if he still refused he might seem to resist the Divine will, which he had ignored long enough.[398] But he did not enter the city as long as that intruder lived, lest by such act it should happen that any one of those should die to whom he came rather to minister life. Thus for two years (for so long the other survived), living outside the town, he strenuously performed the episcopal office throughout the whole province.[399]

[Sidenote: 1134, Sept. 17]

22. (15). When that person, then, had been removed by sudden death,[400] again one Niall [Nigellus] (in truth nigerrimus, very black)[401] quickly took possession of the see. And in appointing him as his successor, Murtough, while he was still alive, made provision for his life:[402] he was going forth to be damned, but in the person of Niall he would go on adding to the works of damnation.[403] For he also was of the damned race, a relative of Murtough.[404] But the king[405] and the bishops and faithful of the land nevertheless came together that they might bring in Malachy. And lo, there was an assembly of the wicked[406] to oppose them.[407] A certain man of the sons of Belial, ready for mischief, mighty in iniquity,[408] who knew the place where they had decided to come together,[409] gathered many with him and secretly seized a neighbouring high hill opposite to it, intending, when they were engaged with other things, suddenly to rush upon them unawares and murder the innocent.[410] For they had agreed to butcher the king also with the bishop, that there might be none to avenge the righteous blood.[411] The plan became known to Malachy, and he entered the church, which was close by, and lifted up his hands in prayer to the Lord. Lo, there came clouds and darkness,[412] yea also dark waters and thick clouds of the skies[413] changed the day into night,[414] lightnings and thunderings[415] and an horrible spirit of tempests[416] presaged the last day, and all the elements threatened speedy death.[417]

23. But that you may know, reader, that it was the prayer of Malachy that roused the elements, the tempest fell upon those who sought his life,[418] the dark whirlwind[419] enveloped only those who had made ready the works of darkness.[420] Finally, he who was the leader of so great wickedness was struck by a thunderbolt and perished with three others, companions in death as they had been partners in crime; and the next day their bodies were found half-burnt and putrid, clinging to the branches of trees, each where the wind[421] had lifted him up and cast him down.[422] Three others also were found half dead; the rest were all scattered in every direction. But, as for those who were with Malachy, though they were close to the place, the storm touched them not at all, neither troubled them.[423] In that fact we find fresh proof of the truth of that saying, The prayer of the righteous pierceth the heavens.[424] It is also a new example of the ancient miracle, by which in former times, when all Egypt was in darkness, Israel alone remained in light, as the Scripture says, Wheresoever Israel was there was light.[425] In this connexion occurs to me also what holy Elijah did, at one time bringing clouds and rain from the ends of the earth,[426] at another, calling down fire from heaven on the revilers.[427] And now in like manner God is glorified in[428] His servant Malachy.

24. (16). In the thirty-eighth year of his age,[429] the usurper having been driven out, the poor man, Malachy, entered Armagh, pontiff and metropolitan of all Ireland. But when the king and the others who had brought him in returned home,[430] he remained in the hand of God;[431] and there remained for him without fightings, within fears.[432] For, lo, the viperous brood, raging and crying out that it was disinherited, aroused itself in full strength, within and without, against the Lord and against His Anointed.[433] Moreover, Niall, seeing that flight was inevitable,[434] took with him certain insignia of that see, to wit, the copy of the Gospels, which had belonged to blessed Patrick,[435] and the staff covered with gold and adorned with most costly gems, which they call "the staff of Jesus," because the Lord himself (as report affirms) held it in His hands and fashioned it;[436] which are deemed of the highest honour and sanctity in that nation. They are, in fact, very well known and celebrated among the tribes, and so revered by all, that he who is once seen to have them is held by the foolish and unwise people[437] to be their bishop. That man—a vagabond[438] and another Satan—went to and fro in the land and walked up and down in it,[439] bearing round the holy insignia; and, displaying them everywhere, he was for their sake everywhere received, by them winning the minds of all to himself, and withdrawing as many as he could from Malachy. These things did he.

25. But there was a certain prince, of the more powerful of the unrighteous race,[440] whom the king before he left the city, had compelled to swear that he would maintain peace with the bishop, taking from him, moreover, many hostages. Notwithstanding this, when the king left he entered the city, and took counsel with his kinsmen and friends how they might take the holy man by subtlety and kill him; but they feared the people;[441] and having conspired to slay Malachy[442] they fixed a place and day, and a traitor gave them a sign.[443] On that very day, when the prelate was now celebrating the solemnity of Vespers in the church with the whole of the clergy and a multitude of the people, that worthless man sent him a message in words of peace with subtlety,[444] asking him that he would deign to come down to him, so that he might make peace. The bystanders answered that he should rather come to the bishop, and that the church was a more suitable place for establishing peace; for they foresaw guile. The messengers replied that this was not safe for the prince; that he feared for his head, and that he did not trust himself to the crowds who, some days before, had nearly killed him for the bishop's sake. As they were contending in this way, these saying that he should go, those that he should not go, the bishop, desiring peace and not afraid to die, said, "Brethren, let me imitate my Master.[445] I am a Christian to no purpose if I do not follow Christ.[446] Perhaps by humility I shall bend the tyrant; if not, yet I shall conquer by rendering, a shepherd to a sheep, a priest to a layman, that duty which he owed to me. You also, as far as in me lies, I shall edify not a little by such an example. For what if I should chance to be killed? I refuse not to die,[447] in order that from me you may have an example of life. It behoves a bishop, as the prince of bishops says, not to be lord over the clergy, but to become an example to the flock[448]—no other example[449] truly than that which we have received from Him who humbled himself and became obedient unto death.[450] Who will give me [the opportunity] to leave this [example] to [my] sons, sealed with my blood? Try, at any rate, whether your priest has worthily learnt from Christ not to fear death for Christ." And he arose and went his way, all weeping, and praying that he would not so greatly desire to die for Christ that he should leave desolate so great a flock of Christ.

26. (17). But as for him, setting his whole hope in the Lord,[451] he went with all speed accompanied only by three disciples who were ready to die with him.[452] When he crossed the threshold[453] of the house and suddenly came into the midst of the armed men—himself protected by the shield of faith[454]—the countenances of them all fell,[455] for dread fell upon them,[456] so that the bishop could say, Mine enemies which trouble me became weak and fell.[457] This word is true.[458] You might see the victim standing, the slaughterers surrounding him on all sides, with weapons in their hands; and there was none to sacrifice him. You might suppose their arms were benumbed; for there was none to stretch out a hand. For even that one also, who seemed to be the head of the evil, rose up, not to assail him but to show him reverence. Where is the sign, O man, which you had given for the death of the pontiff? This is a sign rather of honour than death; this postpones, it does not hasten death. Wonderful result! They offer peace who had prepared slaughter. He cannot refuse it who had sought it at the risk of life. Therefore peace was made—a peace so firm that from that day the priest found his foe not merely appeased, but obedient, devoted.[459] When they heard this, all the faithful rejoiced, not only because the innocent blood was saved in that day,[460] but because by the merits of Malachy the souls of many wrongdoers escaped to salvation. And fear took hold on all that were round about when they heard how God had laid low, with sudden power, those two of His enemies who seemed most ferocious and powerful in their generation:[461] I refer to him with whom we are now concerned, and the other of whom I spoke above.[462] For in a wonderful manner He took them both—one terribly punished in the body,[463] the other mercifully changed in heart[464]—in the devices that they had imagined.[465]

[Sidenote: 1135, July(?)]

27. These matters so accomplished, the bishop now began to dispose and order in the city all things pertaining to his ministry with entire freedom, but not without constant risk of his life. For though there was no one now who would harm him openly, yet the bishop had no place that was safe from plotters, and no time when he could be at ease; and armed men were appointed to guard him day and night, though he rather trusted in the Lord.[466] But his purpose was to take action against the schismatic already mentioned, forasmuch as he was seducing many by means of the insignia which he carried about, persuading all that he ought to be bishop, and so stirring up the congregations[467] against Malachy and the unity of the church.[468] And thus he did; and without difficulty in a short time he so hedged up all his ways[469] through the grace given unto him by the Lord,[470] and which he had toward all, that that evil one was compelled to surrender, to return the insignia,[471] and henceforth to be quiet in all subjection.[472] Thus Malachy, albeit through many perils and labours, prospered day by day and was strengthened, abounding more and more in hope and the power of the Holy Ghost.[473]

28. (18). And God swept away, not only those who did evil to Malachy, but also those who disparaged him. A certain man, for example, who was in favour with the princes and magnates, and even with the king himself,[474] because he was a flatterer and garrulous and mighty in tongue,[475] befriended Malachy's opponents in all things, and impudently maintained their contention. On the other hand, when the saint was present, he withstood him to the face,[476] and when he was absent he disparaged him. Moreover he accosted him rudely everywhere, and especially when he knew that he was engaged in the more frequented assemblies. But he was soon visited with a suitable reward of his impudent tongue. The evil-speaking tongue swelled, and became putrid and worms swarmed from it[477] and filled the whole blasphemous mouth. He vomited them forth incessantly for well-nigh seven days, and at length with them spued out his wretched soul.

29. Once when Malachy was speaking before the people and exhorting them, a certain unhappy woman dared to interrupt his discourse with evil cries, showing no respect to the priest and the Spirit which spake.[478] Now she was of the impious race; and having breath in her nostrils[479] she vomited out blasphemies and insults against the saint, saying that he was a hypocrite, and an invader of the inheritance of another, and even reproaching him for his baldness. But he, modest and gentle as he was, answered her nothing;[480] but the Lord answered for him. The woman became insane by the judgement of the Lord, and crying out many times that she was being suffocated by Malachy, at length by a horrible death she expiated the sin of blasphemy. So this wretched woman, taking up against Malachy the reproach that had been made against Elisha,[481] found to her cost that he was indeed another Elisha.

30. Further, because on account of a certain pestilence which arose in the city, he had solemnly led out a multitude of the clergy and people with the memorial of the saints,[482] neither is this to be passed over, that when Malachy prayed the pestilence immediately ceased. Thenceforward there was none to murmur against him, for those who were of the seed of Canaan[483] said, Let us flee from the face of Malachy, for the Lord fighteth for him.[484] But it was too late, for the wrath of the Lord, coming everywhere upon them, pursued them even unto destruction.[485] How, in a few days, is their memorial perished with resounding noise;[486] how are they brought into desolation, they are consumed in a moment, they are punished for their iniquity.[487] A great miracle to-day is the extinction of that generation, so quickly wrought, especially for those who knew their pride and power.[488] And many other signs truly[489] were there by which God glorified His name and strengthened His servant amidst labours and dangers. Who can worthily recount them? Yet we do not omit them all, though we have not ability to describe all. But that the sequence of the narrative may not be interrupted we reserve to the end some that we propose to mention.

[Sidenote: 1137]

31. (19). So then Malachy, when within three years[490] a reward was rendered to the proud[491] and liberty restored to the church, barbarism driven out and the customs of the Christian religion everywhere instituted anew, seeing that all things were at peace, began to think also of his own peace. And mindful of his design he appointed in his own place Gelasius,[492] a good man, and worthy of so great an honour, the clergy and people tacitly assenting, or rather supporting him because of the agreement.[493] For apart from that it seemed altogether cruel. And when he had been consecrated and earnestly commended to the kings and princes, Malachy himself, renowned for miracles and triumphs, returned to his parish;[494] but not to Connor. Hear the cause, which is worth relating. It is said that that diocese in ancient times had two episcopal sees, and that there were two bishoprics; an arrangement which seemed to Malachy preferable to the existing one. Hence those bishoprics which ambition had welded into one,[495] Malachy divided again into two, yielding one part to another bishop and retaining the other for himself. And for this reason he did not come to Connor, because he had already ordained a bishop in it;[496] but he betook himself to Down, separating the parishes as in the days of old.[497] O pure heart! O dove-like eye![498] He handed over to the new bishop the place which seemed better organized, which was held to be more important, the place in which he himself had sat. Where are they that fight about boundaries, carrying on perpetual hostilities against one another for a single village? I know not if there is any class of men whom that ancient prophecy touches more than those: They have ripped up the women with child of Gilead that they might enlarge their border.[499] But this at another place.[500]

32. When Malachy was made bishop of Down, immediately according to his custom he was at pains to take to himself from his sons, for his comfort, a convent of regular clerics.[501] And lo, again he girds himself, as though a new recruit of Christ, for the spiritual conflict; again he puts on the weapons that are mighty through God,[502] the humility of holy poverty, the rigour of monastic discipline, the quietness of contemplation, continuance in prayer. But all these things for a long time he was able to maintain rather in will than in deed. For all men came to him; not only obscure persons, but also nobles and magnates, hastened to commit themselves to his wisdom and holiness for instruction and correction. And he himself meanwhile went about; he went out to sow his seed,[503] disposing and decreeing with all authority concerning ecclesiastical affairs, like one of the Apostles. And none said unto him, By what authority doest thou these things?[504] inasmuch as all saw the miracles and wonders which he did,[505] and because where the Spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty.[506]

FOOTNOTES:

[365] That is, while Malachy was in Iveragh.

[366] Cellach is here mentioned by name for the first time. See p. 14, n. 2.

[367] Harris (Ware's Works, ii., "Writers," p. 69) identifies this testament with the Testamentum ad ecclesias, a tract attributed to Cellach, which is apparently no longer extant. But it may be doubted whether the testament mentioned in the text was committed to writing.

[368] The designation by a coarb of his successor seems to have been unusual. But in 1124 Malachy had in this way been appointed abbot of Bangor (Sec. 12); and in 1134 Murtough designated Niall as his successor in the abbacy of Armagh (Sec. 22).

[369] Conor O'Brien, king of Thomond, and Cormac Mac Carthy, king of Desmond. See Sec. 9, and p. 21, notes 1-3. Murtough O'Brien, king of Munster, fell into ill-health in 1114, and his brother Dermot attempted, evidently with some success, to seize the throne. Dermot died in 1118 and Murtough early in the following year. Turlough O'Conor, the powerful king of Connaught, promptly invaded Munster, and divided it into two vassal kingdoms, Thomond and Desmond. The former he gave to the sons of Dermot, of whom Conor was one, the latter to Teague Mac Carthy. Apparently Conor O'Brien soon established himself as sole king of Thomond, and Cormac Mac Carthy became king of Desmond on the death of his father, Teague, in 1124. We have seen that both of them were deposed in 1127, and quickly restored (Sec. 9 f.: see p. 21, n. 3; p. 23, n. 2). From that time Conor and Cormac were allies. Cormac married Conor's niece (A.T. 1138). Together in 1133 they invaded Connaught (A.F.M.), and the next year they made another successful expedition through Connaught into Ulster (then ruled by Conor O'Loughlin; see p. 40, n. 2), in the course of which they burned the church of Rathluraigh, now Maghera, co. Derry, near the border of the diocese of Armagh (D.A.I.). This expedition must be referred to hereafter (p. 51, n. 2). But Conor evidently aspired to be ardri of Ireland, and he found it desirable to remove a possible rival. Accordingly Cormac was murdered by his father-in-law, Conor's brother, in 1138, and Conor became king of all Munster. He was now the most powerful prince in Ireland; but he died, after a lingering illness (Tundale, p. 42), in 1142, without attaining his ambition.

It is clear from the present passage that Conor O'Brien followed in the footsteps of his predecessors in the same family as a supporter of the new movement in the Irish Church. Cormac, as we know, was the friend and disciple of Malachy: his devotion to the Church is witnessed to by the beautiful edifice built by him at Cashel, still known as "Cormac's Chapel," which was consecrated in 1134; and by his title of "Bishop-King," which has been the subject of so much discussion. See Petrie, pp. 283-307; and for the crozier found in Cormac's supposed tomb, G. Coffey, Guide to the Celtic Antiquities of the Christian Period in the National Museum, Dublin, p. 64. But it must be added that the contemporary Vision of Tundale, which apparently emanated from Cormac's kingdom of Desmond, while bearing emphatic testimony to his generosity to "Christ's poor and pilgrims," charges him with heinous crimes strangely inconsistent with St. Bernard's sketch of his character (Tundale, p. 44 f.).

[370] It seems that the successor (coarb) of the founder of a church was supposed to speak with his authority. Cp. the Epistle of Cummian in Ussher, p. 442.

[371] Cp. Sec. 65. It is generally believed that St. Patrick was buried at Downpatrick (see Reeves, p. 223 ff.); but Olden contended (not convincingly) that the statement made here by St. Bernard is correct (R.I.A. xviii, 655 ff.), while Bury (Life of St. Patrick, p. 211) has "little hesitation in deciding that the obscure grave was at Saul."

[372] This word cannot have been in St. Bernard's document, for it is unknown in early Irish ecclesiastical terminology, and in Irish hierarchical arrangements it would have no meaning. The context proves that the persons to whom it is here applied are the abbots of Armagh, of whom Cellach was one. It probably represents a Latin rendering of "coarb (successor) of Patrick," a title commonly given to the abbots of this period. The document portrayed the coarbs as rulers of the church of Armagh. St. Bernard would naturally infer that they were bishops. When he found that their authority extended beyond Armagh he would no less naturally style them archbishops or metropolitans. Cp. Serm. i, Sec. 6, where the story of Secs. 19-31 is briefly summarized.

[373] Armagh.

[374] Quasi generationibus quindecim. The "quasi-generations" are apparently the periods of office of successive coarbs. St. Bernard seems to have written "fifteen" in mistake for "twelve." See Additional Note B, p. 165.

[375] Adulterous, because it took possession of the church, which should have been married to true bishops. Cp. Sec. 20, "the adultery of the church," Malachy "being joined to another spouse;" Sec. 21, Malachy's "former spouse," and the vision of Cellach's wife.

[376] Matt. xii. 39; xvi. 4.

[377] On the statements in these sentences, see Additional Note B.

[378] That bishops were numerous in Ireland at this period is indubitable. Fifty attended the Synod of Fiadh meic Oengusa (A.U. 1111), and probably all of them came from the provinces of Ulster and Munster (above, p. xxxviii). But this cannot have been due to the irregularities at Armagh of which St. Bernard complains. There were many bishops in Ireland in its earliest Christian period. See Reeves, 123-136; Todd, 27 ff.

[379] Malachy was not of the Clann Sinaich, to which at this period the coarbs of Patrick belonged. See p. 6, n. 5, and Additional Note B, p. 165.

[380] 1 Sam. iii. 19, etc.

[381] Cellach died on April 1, 1129, and was buried at Lismore on April 4. On April 5, the day after his funeral, Murtough was appointed coarb (A.U.).

[382] He was probably supported by Conor O'Loughlin, who was king of Oriel, the district in which Armagh was situated (A.F.M. 1136). On him see p. 40, n. 2. The "five years" are the period from Murtough's election to his death, September 17, 1134 (A.F.M.)—nearly five years and a half.

[383] Geoffrey, St. Bernard's secretary, recalls a saying of his about "one of the saints," which actually appears in the first antiphon at Mattins in the office of St. Malachy, and which Geoffrey applies to St. Bernard himself: "Blessed is he who loved the law, but did not desire the chair [of dignity]." (V.P. iii. 8).

[384] On Malchus see p. 18, n. 6. He was now about eighty-five years of age.

[385] Gillebertus (as St. Bernard writes the name) is a latinized form of the Irish Gilla espuig (servant of the bishop), which is anglicized Gillespie. With that Irish name he subscribed the Acts of the Synod of Rathbreasail (Keating, iii. 306); and we may therefore affirm with confidence that he was an Irishman. Gilbert was a friend of the famous thinker and ecclesiastical statesman, Anselm, who was archbishop of Canterbury from 1093 to 1109. The two men met each other for the first time at Rouen, probably in 1087, when Anselm was called thither to the deathbed of William the Conqueror. Twenty years later, Gilbert, then bishop of Limerick, wrote a letter of congratulation to Anselm on his victory over Henry I. in the controversy concerning investiture (August 1107). In his reply Anselm intimates that the long interval had not blurred his recollection of their former companionship, from which we may infer that Gilbert's personality had made a considerable impression upon him. Anselm also states that he had learned (probably from the superscription of his friend's letter) that he was now a bishop. It would seem, therefore, that Gilbert had been consecrated recently, and not, like the contemporary bishops of Danish sees in Ireland, by the English Primate (see the letters in Ussher, 511, 512). He probably became bishop of Limerick about 1105. Shortly after his correspondence with Anselm, and perhaps by his influence, he was appointed papal legate for Ireland, the first, as St. Bernard tells us, who had held that office. He was legate when in 1108 or 1109 he wrote his tract De Statu Ecclesiae (see above, p. xxx. ff.); and in 1110, as legate, he presided over the Synod of Rathbreasail. In 1139 or 1140, being old and infirm, he resigned his legatine commission and his see (Sec. 38 and p. 73, note 1). He died in 1145. Gilbert was evidently a strong man, who had much influence on the affairs of the Irish Church. It is therefore surprising that the only reference to him in the native Annals is the notice of his death in the Chronicon Scotorum.

[386] Senior. This is almost a technical word for the head of a religious community. Malchus is called ard senoir Gaoidheal (high senior of the Irish) in A.F.M. 1135.

[387] His dissimulation was his disregard of the divine call in the vision described in Sec. 21.

[388] Cp. A.F.M. 1132: "Mael Maedoc Ua Morgair sat in the coarbate of Patrick by the request of the clerics of Ireland."

[389] Ps. lxxxiii. 12 (vg.).—See Additional Note B, p. 165.

[390] Gen. ix. 6.

[391] The diocese of Connor.

[392] Matt. xix. 2; Mark x. 2.

[393] Ezek. xxxiii. 30.

[394] Jer. l. 11.

[395] The church of Armagh.

[396] The "spouse" is primarily the diocese of Connor. His voluntary poverty is especially associated with his episcopate there in Serm. i. Sec. 6.

[397] It can hardly be doubted that this means the diocese of Armagh (cp. p. 45, n. 4). Both Sec. 19 and the title "son of purity" (A.U. 1129) imply that Cellach was not married.

[398] Rom. ix. 19.

[399] That Malachy was in 1132 recognized by many as coarb of Patrick is confirmed by the Annals (see p. 48, n. 3). But that he exercised his episcopal office "throughout the entire province" is inconsistent with the fact that in 1133 Murtough "made a visitation of Tir Eoghain [counties of Derry and Tyrone] and received his tribute of cows and imparted his blessing" (A.F.M.).

[400] September 17, 1134 (A.F.M.). Sudden death is not suggested by the Annals.

[401] St. Bernard puns on the Latin name by which he represents Niall. It is a diminutive of niger, black.

[402] Josh. ix. 24 (vg.).

[403] The meaning of this somewhat difficult sentence is made clear by the reference to the Gibeonites (Josh. ix). By their stratagem they "made provision for their lives," that is, that they should continue to live instead of being exterminated with the rest of the Canaanites. In like manner Murtough provided that he should, as it were, live on and pursue his evil course, in the person of Niall.

[404] He was Murtough's cousin, and Cellach's brother. See the table, Additional Note B, p. 164.

[405] That the king was either Conor O'Brien or Cormac Mac Carthy is highly probable. To them Cellach had confided the duty of seeing that Malachy should be his successor (Sec. 19), and in this very year they reached the border of the diocese of Armagh (p. 43, n. 5). See p. 53, n. 5.

[406] Ps. xxii. 16.

[407] The narrative of this and the next section is illustrated by the Annals under the year 1134. A.F.M., after recording the obit of Murtough, proceed: "Niall, son of Aedh, was installed in the coarbate of Patrick. A change of abbots in Armagh, i.e. Mael Maedoc Ua Morgair in place of Niall." In A.T. we have the statement, "Mael Maedog o Mongair ascended Patrick's chair. The Cinel Eoghain of Tulach Og conspired against Mael Maedoc, and a flash of lightning consumed twelve men of them on the spot where they conspired against him." Thus it seems that the conspirators came from the place now known as Tullaghoge, in the county of Tyrone, then, as now, in the diocese of Armagh. It was the district inhabited by the sept of the O'Hagans, and in it was the lia na righ, the inauguration chair of the O'Neills, kings of Ulster. The confirmation which St. Bernard's story receives from A.T. is the more important, because the two narratives are so far different that they must have come from independent sources.

[408] Ps. lii. 1 (vg.).

[409] Cp. John xviii. 2 (vg.).

[410] Ps. x. 8.

[411] Matt. xxiii. 35, combined with Rev. vi. 10; xix. 2.

[412] Ps. xcvii. 2.

[413] Ps. xviii. 11.

[414] Amos v. 8 (vg.).

[415] Rev. iv. 5.

[416] Ps. xi. 6, horribilis spiritus procellarum: apparently a conflation of the vg. with another rendering. A.V. has an horrible tempest.

[417] Virg., Aen. i. 91.

[418] Exod. iv. 19; Matt. ii. 20, etc.

[419] Job iii. 6 (vg.).

[420] Rom. xiii. 12.

[421] Spiritus. Cp. the "spirit of tempests" in Sec. 22 (end).

[422] Ps. cii. 10.

[423] Song of Three Children, 27.

[424] Ecclus. xxxv. 16 (inexact quotation).

[425] Exod. x. 23 (inexact quotation).

[426] 2 Kings xviii. 41 ff.; Jas. v. 18.

[427] 2 Kings i. 9-12.

[428] John xiii. 31.

[429] This date is incorrect. The entry into the city of Armagh cannot have taken place before October 1134, when Malachy was in his fortieth (possibly thirty-ninth) year. His entry into the province (Sec. 21) was probably made in his thirty-eighth year. This was no doubt the cause of St. Bernard's error; for one of his documents may, like A.F.M. (p. 48, n. 3), have used words which seemed to imply that he entered Armagh on that earlier occasion.

[430] If "the king" was Cormac Mac Carthy (p. 51, n. 2), the statement that he returned home shortly after Malachy obtained possession of the see, is confirmed by A.F.M. For they record, under 1134, the consecration of Cormac's Chapel on the rock of Cashel.

[431] Wisd. iii. 1.

[432] 2 Cor. vii. 5.

[433] Ps. ii. 2; Acts iv. 26.

[434] The flight of Niall seems clearly to imply that he was in the city of Armagh. The natural inference is that "having been driven out" he was afterwards reinstated. This may have happened while Malachy was absent on a visitation of Munster, mentioned in A.F.M., but apparently unknown to St. Bernard. The statement of the latter, that Malachy "remained" in Armagh, ignores it. See further, Additional Note C, p. 168 f.

[435] The Book of Armagh, now in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin. The manuscript was written at Armagh early in the ninth century by a scribe named Ferdomnach; but at an early date it came to be supposed that it was the work of St. Patrick himself. From this belief, perhaps, arose the name by which it was known for many centuries, and which can be traced back to the year 936—the Canon of Patrick. It is strange that it should be called here a "copy of the Gospels"; for in addition to the complete text of the New Testament it contains two lives of St. Patrick, his Confession and other historical documents. But the word Gospel was very loosely used in Ireland (see R.I.A. xxxiii. 327 f.). Misled by this description, de Backer (n. ad loc.) identifies the book mentioned by St. Bernard with the so-called "Gospels of St. Patrick," found in the shrine known as the Domnach Airgid, about 1830, which have no connexion with Armagh or St. Patrick (R.I.A. Trans. xviii., "Antiquities," pp. 14 ff.; xxx. 303 ff.; R.I.A. xxxiv. 108 ff.). For further information about the Book of Armagh the reader may consult Gwynn, especially pp. ci.-cxvi.

[436] The staff of Jesus was a wooden crozier (Giraldus, Top. iii. 34), richly adorned. The story of its presentation by Christ to St. Patrick is found in the tenth-century Trip. (p. 30), no doubt taken from an earlier source. The staff was much older than the Book of Armagh; for we find that it was "profaned" in 789, and it was then apparently regarded as the principal relic of St. Patrick (A.U. 788). It seems that there was a still more ancient tradition, that St. Patrick gave it to St. Mac Cairthinn (R.I.A. xxxiv. 114), from which it may be inferred that it once belonged to the church of Clogher. It was removed from Armagh to Dublin in 1180, and deposited in Christ Church. It was burnt in 1538 (A.L.C.). Apparently St. Bernard is the only authority for the statement that it was "fashioned" by Christ. It appears that the staff of Jesus, in the twelfth century, was regarded as a much more important relic than the Book of Armagh, and was more closely associated with the person and office of the coarb of Patrick. It is frequently mentioned in such a way as to suggest that it was one of the insignia of his authority (A.U. 1015, 1073, 1101, 1113, 1157, 1166, 1167; A.F.M. 1135, 1139, 1143, 1148, 1152). Similar references to the Book of Armagh do not occur till near the close of the twelfth century, immediately after the removal of the staff from Armagh (A.U. 1179, 1196; Gwynn, p. civ.). A very full account of the later history of the staff may be read in O.C.C. pp. viii-xx.

[437] Deut. xxxii. 6.

[438] Gyrovagus. The word is commonly used of a monk who leaves his proper monastery, and wanders about from one cell to another (see, e.g., St. Bernard, Ep. 68, Sec. 4), or to a priest who deserts his parish (Du Cange, s.v.).

[439] Job i. 6, 7; ii. 2.

[440] King (Primacy of Armagh, p. 97) thought that this was Conor O'Loughlin. But he could hardly be described as "of the unrighteous race," or as a "prince," which would indicate a petty chieftain. Probably the conspirator was a local magnate.

[441] Matt. xxvi. 4, combined with Luke xxii. 2.

[442] Cp. Acts xxiii. 12 f.

[443] Matt. xxvi. 48.

[444] 1 Macc. i. 30.

[445] Cp. 1 Cor. xi. 1.

[446] Matt. x. 38, etc.

[447] Acts xxv. 11.

[448] 1 Pet. v. 3 (vg., inexact quotation).

[449] Formam. The word occurs in the verse just quoted, and in the context of that which follows (Phil. ii. 7).

[450] Phil. ii. 8.

[451] Ps. lxxviii. 7.

[452] Acts xxi. 13; John xi. 16.

[453] Cp. Apuleius, Metamorph. xi. 23.

[454] Eph. vi. 16.

[455] Gen. iv. 6.

[456] Exod. xv. 16.

[457] Ps. xxvii. 2 (vg.).

[458] John iv. 37.

[459] While accepting the facts here narrated, so far as they were capable of being observed, one cannot ignore the probability that they were misinterpreted. It is quite possible that the offer of peace was made in good faith, and that Malachy and his friends were unduly suspicious when they "foresaw guile." The prince may have surrounded himself with armed men as a mere matter of prudence.

[460] Susanna, 62.

[461] Luke xvi. 8.

[462] Sec. 23.

[463] Mulctatum in corpore.

[464] Mutatum in corde.

[465] Ps. x. 2.

[466] Jer. xvii. 7, etc.

[467] Plebes.

[468] That is, the church of Armagh.

[469] Hos. ii. 6.

[470] Rom. xii. 3; xv. 15, etc.

[471] This statement can hardly be regarded as accurate. Flann Ua Sinaich, keeper of the staff of Jesus, having died, Malachy purchased it on July 7, 1135; or, in other words, as we may suppose, bribed the new keeper to hand it over to him (A.F.M.). Niall himself may have subsequently surrendered the Book of Armagh.

[472] 1 Tim. ii. 11.

[473] Rom. xv. 13 (vg.).—The success of Malachy in establishing peace in the latter years of his rule at Armagh may be attributed in part to the influence of a prince who is not mentioned in the text. Donough O'Carroll first appears in the Annals as chieftain of the men of Fearnmaigh (now represented by the barony of Farney, co. Monaghan), whom he led in an expedition against Fingal (the district north of Dublin) in 1133. He seems to have succeeded to the kingdom or lordship of Oriel (which included the present counties of Armagh, Monaghan and Louth) on the death of Conor O'Loughlin (May 1136); for in 1138, "with the Oirgialla," he took part in an invasion of Meath. His career was prosperous till 1152, when he assaulted the coarb of Patrick (Gelasius). In consequence he was attacked by the Cenel Eoghain, and expelled from Oriel. In 1155 he was imprisoned by Tighernan O'Rorke in Lough Sheelan, for six weeks; but he escaped and recovered his kingdom, and was present at the consecration of the Church of Mellifont Abbey in 1157. He was murdered in 1168. For his support of Malachy see Additional Note C, p. 170.

[474] This is obviously not the king mentioned in Secs. 22, 24, 25. The reference may be to Conor O'Loughlin, who was king of Oriel till he was murdered in May 1136 (p. 40, note 2), or his successor, Donough O'Carroll.

[475] Ecclus. xxi. 7.

[476] Gal. ii. 11.

[477] Exod. xvi. 20 (vg., inexact quotation).

[478] Acts vi. 10 (vg.).

[479] Isa. ii. 22; cf. Job xxvii. 3; Wisd. ii. 2.—The words might be rendered "a spirit (spiritus) in her nostrils." The meaning is not clear. In the biblical passages in which the phrase occurs it indicates mortality. On the other hand, by the previous sentence St. Bernard suggests that, in contrast to Malachy, the woman spoke under the influence of an evil spirit.

[480] Mark xiv. 61.

[481] 2 Kings ii. 23.

[482] Memoria sanctorum. Probably a reliquary. A reliquary preserved at Clogher in 1300 was known as the membra, which, according to one explanation, was the equivalent of memoriale scrinium, memorial shrine. See L.A.J. iv. 245. Cp. Oengus, p. 345 (s.v. Memrae); Lightfoot, Clement of Rome, vol. i. p. 91.

[483] Susanna, 56.

[484] Exod. xiv. 25.

[485] Deut. vii. 2 (vg.).

[486] Ps. ix. 6 (vg.).

[487] Ps. lxxiii. 19.

[488] See Additional Note B, p. 166.

[489] John xx. 30.

[490] This date is vague. But the period of three years must be reckoned from the death of Murtough (September 17, 1134), or from the subsequent ejection of Niall. Since stress is laid on the shortness, rather than the length of the period, we may therefore conclude that peace was established not long before October 1137, or, at any rate, after the beginning of that year. And as St. Bernard believed that the inauguration of Gelasius "immediately" followed the resignation of Malachy, we may gather that both these events took place in 1137. A.F.M. date Malachy's resignation in 1136; but the chronology of St. Bernard is to be preferred. See Additional Note C, pp. 168, 169.

[491] Ps. xciv. 2.

[492] Gelasius—in Irish Gilla meic Liag, the servant of the son of the poet—was born about 1087. His father was apparently the poet of a Tyrone sept, named Dermot (O'Hanlon, Saints, iii. 965). About 1121 he was appointed abbot of Derry, and held that office till he became archbishop of Armagh in 1137. He had a long episcopate and seems to have been a vigorous prelate. His age and infirmity (says Giraldus) prevented him from attending the Synod of Cashel in 1172. But he subsequently visited Henry II. in Dublin. Thither he brought the white cow, whose milk was his only food (Giraldus, Expug. i. 35). He died March 27, 1174, in his eighty-seventh year. For a Life of Gelasius, see Colgan, A.S.H. p. 772.

[493] See Sec. 21.

[494] I.e. diocese.

[495] The two episcopal sees are evidently Connor and Down. But in early time there were many more sees than two in that district (see Reeves, p. 138), and there is no evidence that any one of them was the seat of a diocesan bishop. But, even if it were so, St. Bernard's statement that the two supposed dioceses were "welded into one" by some ambitious prelate prior to Malachy is unhistorical. A bishop of Connor and a bishop of Down both died in 1117, just seven years before Malachy became bishop of the diocese which included these two places; and there is no trace of a bishop in either of them in the interval. The fact seems to be that the diocese of Connor or Down was constituted for the first time at the Synod of Rathbreasail in 1110. It remained on paper until Malachy was appointed its first bishop. For the probable reason of Malachy's division of the diocese, see p. lvii. f.

[496] This cannot be the true reason for Malachy's choice of Down rather than Connor. If he had wished to go to Connor on his retirement from Armagh he could have consecrated a bishop for Down. It is more probable that his preference was due to his love for Bangor, where he resided during his first episcopate, and where he probably resided also when he was bishop of Down. But, however that may be, Bangor was necessarily under his jurisdiction as bishop of Down; his connexion with it would have been severed if he had assumed the oversight of the new diocese of Connor.

[497] Isa. li. 9; Amos ix. 11.

[498] Cp. Cant. i. 15; iv. i.; v. 12.—St. Bernard himself is said to have had "dove-like eyes" (V.P. v. 12); and the meaning of the phrase is explained thus: "In his eyes there shone a certain angelic purity and a dove-like simplicity (single-mindedness)" (ibid. iii. 1).

[499] Amos i. 13.

[500] Cp. Sec. 44, p. 83.

[501] It has been commonly assumed that the house of this convent—which obviously consisted of Augustinian canons (the only order of regular clerics recognized at this period by the Roman Church: see Conc. Lat. 1139, can. 9, Mansi xxi. 528)—was in Downpatrick. It has accordingly been identified with a monastery which in the Terrier of 1615 is described as "the monastery of the Irish, hard by the Cathedral," and called "the church of the channons" (Reeves, 43, 231). But it is not stated in the text to have been in Down. It seems more likely to have been the monastery of Bangor, which was destroyed in 1127 (Sec. 18), and must have been reconstituted about this time. There is no indication in the Life that Malachy resided in Down, while there are several hints that Bangor was his headquarters and that he was abbot of the community there as long as he lived. (See p. 33, n. 1.) In other words Bangor was, in fact if not in name, the see of the diocese of Ulaid, or Down. For this curious anomaly we have a parallel in the diocese of Tir Eoghain, the see of which for a long period was at Maghera, the bishop, the while, being often styled bishop of Derry (Irish Church Quarterly, x. 225 ff.); and for the bishop of a diocese serving as abbot of his cathedral chapter of regular canons we may point to Carlisle (Trans. of Scottish Ecclesiological Society, iii. 267 ff.), Louth (L.A.J. iv. 143 ff.) and Christ Church, Dublin (ibid. 145). That the canons of Bangor were at an early period the bishop's chapter we have independent evidence. For in 1244 the Pope gave judgement in a cause which had been pending for some time between the prior and monks of Down and the abbot and canons of Bangor, each of whom claimed that their church was cathedral (Theiner, p. 42). This claim on behalf of Bangor is easily explained if it was reckoned as the bishop's see in the time of Malachy.

[502] 2 Cor. x. 4.

[503] Luke viii. 5.

[504] Matt. xxi. 23; Mark xi. 28.

[505] Acts viii. 6; John ii. 23.

[506] 2 Cor. iii. 17.



CHAPTER V

The Roman Pilgrimage: the Miracles which were wrought in it.

[Sidenote: 1139]

33. (20). It seemed to him, however, that one could not go on doing these things with sufficient security without the authority of the Apostolic See; and for that reason he determined to set out for Rome, and most of all because the metropolitan see still lacked, and from the beginning had lacked, the use of the pall, which is the fullness of honour.[507] And it seemed good in his eyes[508] that the church for which he had laboured so much[509] should acquire, by his zeal and labour, that privilege which hitherto it had not had. There was also another metropolitan see, which Cellach had constituted anew, though subject to the first see and to its archbishop as primate.[510] For it also Malachy no less desired the pall, and that the prerogative which it had attained by the gift of Cellach should be confirmed by the authority of the Apostolic See. When his purpose became known it displeased both the brothers and the magnates and people of the country; because all judged that they could not endure so long an absence of the loving father of them all, and because they feared he might die.

[Sidenote: 1139, June 12]

[Sidenote: 1140, January]

34. It happened meanwhile that his brother, Christian by name, died,[511] a good man, full of grace and power.[512] He was a bishop second to Malachy in reputation, but in holiness of life and zeal for righteousness perhaps his equal. His departure made all the more afraid, and rendered a parting from Malachy more grievous. They said, in fact, that they would in no wise assent to the pilgrimage of their only protector, since the whole land would be made desolate[513] if in one moment it was bereaved of two such pillars.[514] Therefore all, with one voice, opposed him, and would have used force but that he threatened them with divine vengeance. They refused to desist, however, till the will of God on this matter should be asked by the casting of a lot. He forbade it: nevertheless they cast the lot, but thrice it was found to give an answer in favour of Malachy. For they were not content with one trial, so eager were they to retain him. Yielding at length they let him go, but not without lamentation and weeping and great mourning.[515] But that he should leave nothing imperfect he began to take measures by which he might raise up the seed of his dead brother.[516] And three of his disciples having been summoned to him he deliberated anxiously which should seem more worthy, or, in other words, more useful, for this work. And when he had scrutinized them one by one, he said, "Do you, Edan" (that was the name of one of them), "undertake the burden."[517] And when he hesitated and wept, he proceeded, "Do not fear; for you have been designated to me by the Lord; for just now I saw in anticipation the gold ring with which you are to be espoused on your finger."[518] He assented, and when he had been consecrated Malachy set out on his journey.

35. And when he had left Scotland[519] and reached York, a priest, named Sycarus,[520] steadfastly beholding him[521] recognized him. For though he had not seen his face before, because he had the spirit of prophecy[522] he had received a revelation concerning him long ago. And now without hesitation he pointed him out with his finger to those who stood round him, saying, "This is he of whom I had said that from Ireland there shall come[523] a holy bishop who knoweth the thoughts of man."[524] So the lamp could not be hid under a bushel, for the Holy Spirit who lighted it[525] brought it forth by the mouth of Sycarus. For also many secret things concerning the affairs of him and his companions were told him by Sycarus, all of which he acknowledged to be or to have been. But when the companions of Malachy went on to inquire about their return, Sycarus immediately replied—and the event afterwards proved the truth of the saying[526]—that evidently very few of their number would return with the bishop. When they heard that they imagined that he apprehended death: but God fulfilled it in another way; for on his way back from the City he left some with us, and some in other places, to learn the rule of life;[527] and so, according to the word of Sycarus,[528] he returned to his own country with very few companions. So much concerning Sycarus.

36. In the same city of York he was visited by a man of noble rank according to the standard of the world, Waltheof[529] by name, then prior of the regular brothers at Kirkham,[530] but now a monk, and father of the monks at Melrose, a monastery of our Order,[531] who devoutly commended himself with humility to Malachy's prayers. And when he noticed that the bishop had many companions and few horses—for besides ministers[532] and other clerks he had with him five presbyters, and only three horses—he offered him his own, on which he rode, saying that he regretted only one thing, that it was a pack-horse[533] and a rough animal to ride. And he added, "I would have given it more willingly if it had been better; but, if you think it worth while, take it with you, such as it is." "And I," replied the bishop, "accept it the more willingly the more valueless you proclaim it, because nothing can be of no value to me which so precious a will offers;" and, turning to his companions, "Saddle this horse for me, for it is suitable for me, and will suffice for a long time." This done, he mounts. And at first he considered it rough, as it was, but afterwards, by a wonderful change, he found that it suited him well and ambled pleasantly. And that there might not fall on the ground any part of the word which he had spoken,[534] till the ninth year, the year in which he died,[535] it did not fail him, and became an excellent and very valuable palfrey. And—that which made the miracle more evident to those that saw—from being nearly black it began to grow white, and after no long time[536] there was scarcely a whiter horse to be found than it.

[Sidenote: 1140, March]

37. (21). To me also it was granted to see the man on that journey,[537] and by the sight of him and by his word I was refreshed, and I rejoiced as in all riches;[538] and I, in turn, though a sinner, found grace in his sight[539] then, and from that time up to his death, as I said in the Preface.[540] He also, deigning to turn aside to Clairvaux,[541] when he saw the brothers was deeply moved; and they were not a little edified by his presence and his speech. So accepting the place and us, and gathering us into his inmost heart, he bade us farewell and departed. And crossing the Alps he came to Ivrea,[542] a city of Italy, where he immediately healed the little son of his host who was sick and ready to die.[543]

[Sidenote: 1140, May]

38. Pope Innocent II., of happy memory, was then in the Apostolic See.[544] He received him courteously, and displayed kindly pity for him on account of his long pilgrimage. And Malachy in the first place asked with many tears for that which he had fixed most deeply in his heart, that he might be allowed to live and die at Clairvaux, with the permission and blessing of the chief Pontiff. He sought this, not forgetful of the purpose for which he had come, but influenced by the longing for Clairvaux which he had brought with him.[545] But he did not obtain his request, because the apostolic man decided that he should be employed to more profitable advantage. He was not, however, wholly disappointed of his heart's desire,[546] since it was granted him if not to live, at least to die there. He spent a whole month in the City, visiting the holy places and resorting to them for prayer. During that time the chief Pontiff made frequent and careful inquiry of him and those who were with him concerning the affairs of their country, the morals of the people, the state of the churches, and the great things that God had wrought by him in the land. And when he was already preparing to return home the Pope committed his own authority to him, appointing him legate throughout the whole of Ireland. For Bishop Gilbert, who, as we have mentioned above, was then legate, had intimated to him that by reason of age and infirmity of body he could no longer discharge the duties of the office.[547] After this Malachy prayed that the constitution of the new metropolis[548] should be confirmed, and that palls should be given him for both sees. The privilege of confirmation he soon received; "but regarding the palls," said the chief Pontiff, "more formal action must be taken. You must call together the bishops and clerks and the magnates of the land and hold a general council; and so with the assent and common desire of all ye shall demand the pall by persons of honest repute, and it shall be given you." Then he took his mitre from his own head, and placed it on Malachy's head,[549] and more, he gave him the stole and maniple which he was accustomed to use in the offering; and saluting him with the kiss of peace he dismissed him, strengthened with the apostolic blessing and authority.

[Sidenote: 1140, July-August]

[Sidenote: 1142]

39. And returning by Clairvaux he bestowed on us a second benediction.[550] And sighing deeply that it was not allowed him to remain as he longed to do, he said, "Meanwhile I pray you to keep these men for me, that they may learn from you what they may afterwards teach us." And he added, "They will be to us for a seed, and in this seed shall the nations be blessed,[551] even those nations which from ancient days have heard the name of monk, but have not seen a monk."[552] And leaving four of his most intimate companions[553] he departed: and they, when they were proved and found worthy, were made monks. After a time, when the saint was now in his own country, he sent others,[554] and they were dealt with in like manner. And when they had been instructed for some time and had applied their hearts unto wisdom,[555] the holy brother Christian,[556] who was one of themselves, was given to them to be their father, and we sent them out, adding from our own a sufficient number for an abbey.[557] And this abbey conceived and bare five daughters,[558] and the seed being thus multiplied[559] the number of monks increases from day to day according to the desire and prophecy of Malachy. Now let us return to the order of the narrative.

40. (22). Malachy having set out from us had a prosperous journey through Scotland. And he found King David,[560] who is still alive to-day, in one of his castles;[561] and his son was sick nigh unto death.[562] And when Malachy entered the king's house he was honourably received by him and prevailed upon by humble entreaty that he would heal his son.[563] He sprinkled the youth with water which he had blessed, and fastening his eyes upon him said,[564] "Trust me, my son; you shall not die this time." He said this, and on the next day, according to his word, there followed the cure, and after the cure the joy of the father and the shouting and noise of the whole exulting family. The rumour went forth[565] to all, for what happened in the royal house and to the king's son could not be hid.[566] And lo, everywhere there resounded thanksgiving and the voice of praise,[567] both for the salvation of their lord, and for the novelty of the miracle. This is Henry;[568] for he still lives, the only son of his father, a brave and prudent knight, taking after his father as they say, in following after righteousness[569] and love of the truth. And both loved Malachy, as long as he lived, because he had recalled him from death. They asked him to remain some days; but he, shunning renown, was impatient of delay, and in the morning went on his way.

As he passed, therefore, through the village called Cruggleton,[570] a dumb girl met him. While he prayed the string of her tongue was loosed and she spake plain.[571]

Then he entered the village which they call St. Michael's Church,[572] and before all the people cured a woman who was brought to him, mad and bound with cords; and when he had sent her away restored he went on.

But when he came to Portus Lapasperi,[573] he waited there for a passage some days; but the time of delay did not pass idly. In the interval an oratory is constructed of twigs woven into a hedge, he both giving directions and himself working. When it was finished he surrounded it with a wall, and blessed the enclosed space for a cemetery. The merits of him who blessed, the miracles, which are said to be wrought there frequently to this day, sufficiently declare.

41. Hence it came that they were in the habit of carrying thither from the neighbouring places those that were infirm and diseased, and many were healed.[574] A woman paralysed in all her limbs, brought thither on a waggon, returned home on foot, having waited only one night in the holy place, not in vain, for the mercy of the Lord.[575]

* * * * *

Let these incidents—a few out of many—suffice with reference to that place; for now we must proceed with what remains.

FOOTNOTES:

[507] The pall is a sort of collar, made of lamb's wool, which every metropolitan is required to obtain from the Pope, and without which he cannot exercise his functions. From the end of the eleventh century it has been described in papal bulls as the symbol of "the fullness of the pontifical office" (Catholic Encyclopedia, xi. 428). For the date of Malachy's decision to go to Rome, see p. 72, n. 3.

[508] 1 Sam. xiv. 36, 40 (vg.).

[509] Armagh.

[510] Cashel, the seat of the kings of Munster. It was certainly the see of an archbishop in 1110, when Malchus subscribed the Acts of Rathbreasail as archbishop of Cashel. For the date of its foundation see p. xxxv. f.

[511] Christian, bishop of Clogher, was probably appointed bishop of that diocese in succession to Cinaeth Ua Baigill, who died in 1135 (A.T.). He seems to have transferred the see of the diocese to Louth, a large part of the diocese of Armagh (in which Louth was situated) being placed under his jurisdiction. This arrangement was no doubt made by Malachy with the support of Donough O'Carroll. See the document quoted in Additional Note C, p. 170, L.A.J. iv. 133 ff. and above, p. lix. Christian is commemorated in the contemporary Martyrology of Gorman on June 12. The year of his death is stated (A.F.M.) to have been 1138. St. Bernard obviously supposed it to have taken place in 1139 (p. 70, n. 2), and he appears to be right. For the work described in Sec. 32 demands a longer period than can be allowed for it on the supposition that he divulged his scheme of visiting Rome before June 12, 1138. Moreover by that time he cannot have known that the papal schism had come to an end; for the Anti-pope did not submit till May 29. Cp. p. 72, n. 3, and R.I.A. xxxv. 245 ff. For another notice of Christian, see p. 89, n. 1.

[512] Acts vi. 8 (vg.), combined with Acts xi. 24.

[513] Jer. xii. 11.

[514] Gal. ii. 9.

[515] Matt. ii. 18.

[516] Deut. xxv. 5 (vg.).

[517] Edan O'Kelly was bishop of Louth till his death in 1182 (A.L.C.). He organized the diocese of Oriel, with its see at Louth—corresponding to the present diocese of Clogher—by the help of Donough O'Carroll. In conjunction with him he founded the monastery of SS. Peter and Paul for Augustinian canons at Knock, by Louth, consecrated by Malachy in 1148 (A.F.M.; L.A.J. iv. 239, and document quoted, p. 170). Close to it he also founded the Augustinian monastery of St. Mary, the church of which was the cathedral church of the diocese. On the early history of this diocese see L.A.J. iv. 129 ff.