A Junta of three of the organizers of this latter was appointed, and O'Higgins initiated these into their new office, receiving from them their oath of allegiance to the constitutions of the new Republic. He then tore off his own insignia and declared himself a private citizen. The scene which followed has been admirably translated by Mr. Scott-Elliot, and his words may well be reproduced here. O'Higgins had turned to face the meeting, and addressed it in the following words:

"'Now I am a simple citizen. During my government, that I have exercised with full authority, I may have committed mistakes, but believe me when I say that they were due to the very difficult circumstances when I took up my charge, and not to evil passions. I am ready to answer any accusations which are made against me. If these faults have caused evils which can only be purged by my blood, take what revenge you will upon me. Here is my breast.' The people cried out: 'We have nothing against you, Viva O'Higgins!' 'I know well,' he added, 'that you cannot justly accuse me of intentional faults. Nevertheless, this testimony alleviates the weight of those which I may have unknowingly committed.' Turning to the Junta, he added: 'My presence has ceased to be necessary here.' It was in this noble and dignified manner that the great hero of Chilian independence retired into private life. It was, perhaps, the most glorious action of his career. He could certainly have plunged Chile in a civil war, and perhaps retained the power."

After this Chile underwent a period of that unrest from which no single one of the independent States of South America succeeded in escaping. In Chile, nevertheless, although civil war occurred, and much blood was spilled, the anarchy and chaos were of far shorter duration than elsewhere. Doubtless the barrier of the Andes, which had shut off the country to such a large extent from the rest of the world, had added not a little to the tranquillity and self-reliance of the Chilian character, determined as this has always shown itself.

In any case, such revolutions as occurred failed to exercise the same baneful influence on Chilian affairs as was the case with almost every other State at that period. The condition of the Republic, although far from tranquil, might be considered as peaceful when compared with that of its neighbours. In financial matters, moreover, the Republic made astonishing progress, paying the interest on the loans raised abroad with a praiseworthy regularity, and thus maintaining her financial credit unimpaired.

The short war which occurred between Spain and the allied forces of Peru and Chile has already been referred to. Officially, the four Republics of Peru, Chile, Ecuador, and Bolivia were leagued together into an alliance to resist this aggression on the part of Spain. Owing to their lack of warships, however, the two latter States were unable to take any active share in the operations. On the whole the part played by the Chilian navy was entirely satisfactory; nevertheless, the naval force of the young Republic was not sufficient to drive the aggressor's vessels from the coast, and Valparaiso was bombarded on March 31, 1866. This misfortune, like so many others, eventually proved itself something of a blessing in disguise, for from that time may be said to date the modern Chilian navy. Determined to allow no foreign nation the opportunity of bombarding any of its ports with impunity again, the Chilians energetically betook themselves to the forming of efficient national squadrons—a feat which was simple enough in the case of a nation of born sailors as are the Chilians.



From that day onwards the Chilian navy maintained its status, and continues to rank as one of the most efficient in the world. This was proved shortly after its reorganization in the war which broke out in 1879 between the Chilians and the allied Peruvians and Bolivians. Hostilities were brought about by the vexed question of the ownership of the valuable nitrate provinces. These, Chile claimed, constituted the northernmost of her territory, to which Peru retorted that they formed the southernmost portion of her land.

The naval engagements which ensued demonstrated to the utmost the high spirit of the Chilian sailor and the efficiency of the school in which he had been trained. The action in which the two small Chilian vessels, the Esmeralda and the Covadonga, fought so heroically against the Peruvian ironclads, Huascar and Independencia, was, of course, the most famous of the war, and the memory of this is jealously guarded by the Chilian navy of to-day. No question of victory on the part of Chile was ever involved in this particular action, since the miniature guns of the small Chilian vessels could, under no circumstances, take effect on the Peruvians, giants by comparison. It was merely a sublime demonstration of the extent to which Chilian resistance could be carried. Thus the Esmeralda, refusing to surrender to the very last, went down after a prolonged and desperate engagement with her colours flying; while the tiny Covadonga, having lured one of her opponents into shallow water, and thus caused the Independencia to run aground, blazed away her final volleys of small shot, and retired with all the honours of war.

Inspired by examples such as these, the Chilian navy maintained its traditions to the full, and although the Peruvian sailors fought gallantly enough, they could make no headway against their opponents. On shore the fortune of war was similar, and the highly disciplined Chilian army, advancing to the north, occupied Antofagasta, Cobija, and Tocopilla. But the tide of battle was not arrested at this point. It flowed to the north again, and the deserts in that neighbourhood witnessed a number of engagements, in all of which the Peruvians and Bolivians were worsted and forced to continue their retreat. The important town of Arica was captured on June 7 after a peculiarly sanguinary engagement. Port Pisco was the next to fall, and now Lima itself, the capital of Peru, was threatened. So resolute was the Chilian advance that no efforts of the defenders could succeed in preserving the city, and on January 7, 1881, Lima fell into the hands of the Chilians.

After this the war was continued in a desultory and discouraged fashion by the allies until at the end of 1883 peace was signed, and, as has been explained in a previous chapter, Bolivia lost her coast-line, while the Chilians took over the definite ownership of the provinces of Antofagasta and Tarapaca. This latter country gained, moreover, the right of dominion over the neighbouring provinces of Tacna and Arica for ten years, after which period the inhabitants of these two provinces were to decide by vote whether they should remain Chilian subjects or become Peruvians. This portion of the treaty has formed the basis of a series of disputes between Chile and Peru, but the provinces in question have continued Chilian.

In 1891 the internal peace of Chile was shattered for a while, since in that year occurred the only civil war in the modern history of the Republic. The struggle succeeded an era of some political confusion, and Balmaceda, who was President of the Republic at the time, went the length of proclaiming himself Dictator, a step which his opponents—and, indeed, the nation in general—refused to sanction. Balmaceda's party, however, was powerful, and the war which succeeded was hotly contested. After various fluctuations, Balmaceda's followers met with defeat, and the President, yielding to the inevitable, blew out his brains.

Following this last period of unrest, which the Chilians rightly maintain was both fleeting and exceptional, we come upon the quite modern history of the Republic, which shows that the Chilians, although admirably equipped for war, are now as anxious as any other country for peace and progress. This they have proved on more than one occasion, notably when the question of frontier delimitations brought about a dispute with Argentina, a dispute which both nations consented to refer to arbitration, and, an award having been given, both nations maintained it with equal loyalty.



CHAPTER XXVII

THE REPUBLICS OF THE RIVER PLATE

The history of no other Republic immediately following on the period of the Wars of Liberation is quite so complicated as that of Argentina. The circumstances in the River Plate Provinces differed somewhat from those of any other part of Spanish South America. From the outset Argentina loomed more largely in the eye of Europe than did any other of the sister States. No sooner were the ports thrown open by the newly constituted Republics than the foreigners flocked to Argentine soil in numbers which were quite unknown elsewhere. The chief reasons, of course, for this influx were the temperate climate, the now acknowledged riches of the land, and the comparative ease with which access to the country was obtained.

Owing to this latter circumstance, Argentina possessed a great advantage over Chile, notwithstanding the peculiarly fine climate of the latter Republic; for the journey over the Andes was strenuous and costly in the extreme, while the voyage from Europe to the western Republic through the Straits of Magellan occupied exactly double the time required to reach Buenos Aires.

These strangers, of course, introduced many progressive ideas and new habits and luxuries into the land. In non-political matters a cosmopolitan result was soon evident. At the same time, these foreigners failed to exercise any but a most indirect influence on the internal policy of the nation. This was undoubtedly perfectly correct, but in the face of the curious political situation which prevailed at this period we have the remarkable spectacle of rapid and definite progress in commercial, industrial, and private life, while at the same time the official methods of the public authorities were degenerating with a rapidity that soon brought the circumstances of government almost to a point of actual savagery.

In the first instance, men of weight and intellect, such as Rivadavia, Pueyrredon, and their numerous colleagues, had strained every nerve to place this new nation of theirs on a par with those of Europe in matters of intelligence and scientific progress. They had opened colleges, Universities, hospitals, scientific institutions, libraries, and, indeed, had endeavoured to provide the community with every instrument which could further its general progress. Every species of science was encouraged, even to the introduction of the then novel process of vaccination.

It was all in vain; the move turned out to be premature. The Spanish policy of the suppression of education and intelligence was now destined to show its baneful results. A wave of ignorance and anarchy swept over the devoted leaders of the revolution, and overwhelmed them completely, and for the time being even their work. For half a century rival chieftains rose up one after the other to contend for power. Many of them employed every conceivable means, whether human or inhuman, to retain it when once they had succeeded in grasping the coveted Dictator's throne.

So numerous were these men, and so extensive is the catalogue of their callous doings, that it is impossible to refer to them in any other but the briefest fashion here. So extensive, moreover, was the new Republic of Argentina—or, rather, at that time the collection of frequently antagonistic provinces which then occupied the area now filled by the modern Republic—that a single ruler seldom succeeded in maintaining his authority from frontier to frontier.

In general, the main strife may be said to have been waged between the provinces of the littoral and those of the Far West. Of all the men who fought on either side, the greatest leader was, of course, Juan Manuel Rosas. This astonishing being, as a matter of fact, was by no means one of the first of these tyrannical Dictators. He was, on the contrary, the last, so far as Argentina is concerned, but his deeds continued to savour of an early period to the end.

Although at the time of his advent to power Rosas was merely one of a type, and found himself surrounded by a number of rival leaders, none proved himself a match for his extraordinary astuteness and influence over his neighbours. The Dictator stood out head and shoulders above any other Argentine despot of his kind. Certainly far more has been written concerning Rosas than concerning any other South American ruler of his period—that is to say, so far as Spanish literature is concerned—for, although his rule attracted a very great deal of attention in England and elsewhere in Europe for as long as it lasted, the topic appears to have been allowed to slumber since his banishment and death.

To revert, however, to the first period of the actual independence of Argentina. This was marked by almost continual warfare on the shores of the River Plate. Brazil, taking advantage of the confusion in the territories of her neighbours, had sent her armies to the south, and had occupied Uruguay, thus extending her frontiers to the long-coveted shores of the River Plate. This aggression was followed by war between Buenos Aires and Brazil, while a large section of the Uruguayans, headed by Artigas, whose name is famed as the great patriot of the Banda Oriental, by which name the Republic of Uruguay is still familiarly known, fought desperately against the Portuguese troops.

Notwithstanding the very real perils which the situation held for the Spanish-speaking folk in these districts, it was not long before serious jealousies broke out between the leaders. In the end an open breach occurred between the Argentine army and a section of the Uruguayans. Artigas flung his devoted bands of soldiery alternately against the Brazilians and against the soldiers from Buenos Aires, and the more peaceful inhabitants of Uruguay watched with dismay the advent of a period of chaos.

During this period, as has been said, the Argentine statesman, Rivadavia, was working whole-heartedly towards the intellectual betterment of his country, and in this he was assisted by Alvear and others. But the warlike stress of the period cut short the majority of these endeavours. The Brazilians, anxious to conclude the war, had brought down their entire fleet to the River Plate, and they were blockading the entrance to the river and the port of Buenos Aires. At the sight of the hostile vessels the local differences were for the time being laid aside, and, war vessels being an urgent necessity, public subscriptions were eagerly forthcoming for the purchase of these.

The small Argentine fleet, when completed, was placed under the orders of that gallant Irishman, Admiral Brown, and the naval leader lost no time in forcing his attacks home upon the hostile fleet. Owing to the fury of these, the efficiency of the blockade was destroyed, although the Brazilian vessels continued in the neighbourhood for some while.

General Alvear was now appointed commander of the land force operating against Brazil, and in conjunction with the Uruguayan General, Lavalleja, he assumed the aggressive, defeated the Imperial army, and was in turn about to invade the Brazilian province of Rio Grande, when he found himself obliged to abandon the project owing to the want of horses from which his army suffered.

In 1827 Rivadavia's Government fell, and after a while Manuel Dorrego, a gifted soldier and politician, found himself at the head of the State. Peace was now signed with Brazil, but on terms which the great majority of the Argentines resented bitterly, and the unrest in the Republic rapidly came to a head. Dorrego was opposed by General Lavalle, one of the most famous personalities of the period. Both parties resorted to arms. Dorrego's force was defeated and its leader captured. On this Lavalle, a brilliant and liberal-minded man, committed the gravest error of his career—one, moreover, the nature of which was entirely foreign to his character—for, after capturing Dorrego, he executed his prisoner. Reasons of State were the cause of this political crime, since no personal animosity was involved.

This act was fiercely resented by Dorrego's party in general. It brought upon Lavalle more particularly the enmity of Juan Manuel Rosas, the man of blood and iron, whose fierce star had now begun its definite ascent. An active warfare took place between the two, and although it was interrupted now and again by truces, these were of short duration, and the struggle continued almost without intermission until the death of Lavalle in 1840, when fleeing after his ultimate defeat at the hands of the opposing party. This, however, is to anticipate somewhat, since it was as early as 1829 that Rosas first took charge of the Argentine Government. While this famous leader was in the act of gradually consolidating his power, the country had become divided into two main parties—the Federals and the Unitarians.



Rosas stood as the chief of the Federal party, while Lavalle and his colleagues represented the Unitarians. After a while it became evident that, so far as the capital was concerned, the influence of Rosas was supreme, and it was not long before Buenos Aires began to feel the weight of that grim personage's hand. Very soon a reign of terror commenced. The alarmed citizens discovered that all personal security was now at an end, and that the laws of the Constitution were replaced by the enactments and degrees made at the will of Rosas. All this time the latter was strengthening his position, and when the dreaded leader succeeded in establishing himself firmly in the Dictator's chair, the severity of his rule increased still more. He laid down laws, not only concerning public affairs, but also affecting the intimate private life of the citizens. Red being the Dictator's favourite colour, it followed in his mind that the nation must mould itself upon his tastes completely. Thus every citizen of Buenos Aires, in order to show his loyalty to the autocratic Governor, was obliged to wear a rosette or band of red.

This wearing of the red naturally became the custom. It was the result of no special decree, but the unwritten law was not to be denied. Indeed, did any rash inhabitant of Buenos Aires refrain from obeying it, the result of his independence was that he betrayed himself an open enemy of the Dictator, and he met with the inevitable punishment for this, which was in any case imprisonment, and possibly death. The blood-like hue, moreover, was encouraged not only in dress, but in general decorations, and even in the walls of houses, and every other object in which it could be employed.

The executions during the twenty and odd years which Rosas held office amounted to many thousands. The melancholy total, indeed, would assuredly have been still further increased had not the majority of the more intellectual and of the more important colonial families fled across the frontiers and taken refuge either in Chile or in Uruguay.

The character of Rosas was strangely complex. It must not be supposed that he was nothing beyond a mere brigand and tyrant, who busied himself with executions and plunder, to the exclusion of all other occupations. He was, indeed, in many respects a man experienced in the ways of the broader world, and was able, after his particular fashion, to hold his own with European diplomats and others of the kind.

The great naturalist, Darwin, for instance, when on his visit to the Argentine Provinces, was brought into contact with Rosas, and admits that he was very struck with the personality of the leader, who in conversation was "enthusiastic, sensible, and very grave. His gravity," he continues, "is carried to a high pitch." General Rosas, as a matter of fact, appears to have possessed the happy knack of impressing favourably almost everyone whom he met, and the explanation of his policy, when recorded from his own lips, was wont to ring very differently from that given by his opponents. It is probable enough that in many respects his views were truly patriotic. His methods, on the other hand, were callous to an altogether inhuman point. It is, in any case, quite certain that the value he placed on life was altogether infinitesimal.

As time went on the power of Rosas steadily increased, and the rival chieftains one by one withdrew from the contest or met with their death in one of the wars of the age. Garibaldi himself had broken a lance in the cause of the Unitarians. Rivera and other progressive leaders had fought against him in vain. There were others of the type of Quiroga, who, brought up in the same school as Rosas, although of lesser birth—for the family of the Dictator was patrician—joined him for a while in a species of tentative alliance, and then broke away—usually to their cost.

This Quiroga was one of the most noted chieftains of the interior of the distraught Republic. He had swept the western provinces with fire and sword, executing, burning, and plundering wherever he went. Had he not fallen foul of Rosas, he might have continued his grim career unchecked for years. As it was, he came in contact with a master-mind, and, as was inevitable, perished.

There are many Argentines even to-day who claim that, for all the tyranny of the Dictator, the country was none the worse for his rule, and that the regime which he introduced, however bloodthirsty and horrible, was at all events one of discipline such as the distracted collection of provinces had never known since the days of the Spanish rule. There is no doubt whatever concerning the existence of this discipline. So severe was the phase, and so vague was the slender amount of liberty left to the private citizens, that many of these latter lived at periods immured within their houses, lest by sallying forth into the street they should unwittingly offend the powers and pay the penalty.

The relations of Rosas with the foreign Powers soon grew strained. He fell foul of the French and British nations, and as a result the allied fleets arrived off the mouth of the River Plate and blockaded Buenos Aires. The outcome of this, however, was purely negative. Although the Republic suffered inconvenience from the cessation of trade, the community was self-supporting, while it was impossible, of course, for the European forces to attempt to carry on land operations. Thus, after a prolonged stay in the waters of the River Plate, the blockade was raised, and the French and British fleets sailed away, having to all intents and purposes failed to achieve their object.

The extraordinary force of Rosas's character is best instanced by the length of his rule. This, as has been said, continued for over twenty years, until the year 1852. That a Dictator should have continued to hold the reins of power for this length of time in the face of the opposition and hatred which, although smothered, were rampant on every side of him was undoubtedly a most amazing feat. His political end, when it came, was a rapid one. After having humbled every aspirant who strove to challenge his power, he was confronted by General Urquiza, who had for years dominated the province of Entre Rios.

The numbers of the actively discontented had now reached truly formidable dimensions. Brazil and Uruguay both came to the assistance of those Argentines who were disposed to attempt rebellion afresh, after years of enforced and trembling peace. A large army composed of Argentines, Brazilians, and Uruguayans, under the joint command of the Brazilian Marquis de Caxias and General Urquiza, crossed the Parana River, invaded the province of Buenos Aires, defeated Rosas's troops, and advanced on the capital. On February 3, 1852, the fateful Battle of Caseros was fought, rather less than ten miles from the town of Buenos Aires. The terrified civilian inhabitants of the town awaited the result in profound suspense. All the while the fight was raging a succession of messengers came galloping through the streets bearing contradictory fragments of news. After some hours the citizens were no longer left in doubt. The stragglers of Rosas's beaten army came pouring into the town, and it became known that the Dictator, completely defeated, had fled. General Rosas and his daughter were received on a British warship, and sailed for Southampton, in which town the famous leader remained until the day of his death.

Urquiza was received by the inhabitants of Buenos Aires with delirious joy as the deliverer of the Republic. By means of the proclamations which he showered upon the populace he endeavoured to make it clear that he would continue in that capacity. It was not long, however, before his actions aroused the suspicions of the townsfolk. In fact, after a while it became fairly evident that Urquiza, having once found himself in the full enjoyment of power, was by no means indisposed to follow the example so grimly set by Rosas—although this possibly in a minor degree. It is true that the new chief of the Republic passed some progressive measures, including one which opened the waters of the River Plate (closed during the rule of Rosas) to foreign commerce; but the general tendency of his government was popularly held to be of the reactionary order.

Revolutions against his authority broke out, and in July of 1853, some eighteen months after the Battle of Caseros, General Urquiza was conveyed from Buenos Aires in a United States man-of-war to his head-quarters in his own province of Entre Rios, where he remained, leading a semi-private life in the enjoyment of his vast estates.

With the retirement of Urquiza we come practically to the modern conditions of the great Republic of Argentina, for General Bartolome Mitre now came into power, and with the advent of the famous Argentine President the Republic began to assume something of its present importance. It was, however, not until thirty years later that the final differences between Buenos Aires and the other provinces were completely adjusted.

The effect of this settlement was remarkable and immediate, for simultaneously with the removal of the jealousies which had hitherto reigned between the great province of Buenos Aires and its neighbours the last impediment in the path of progress vanished, and the Republic advanced with an almost startling rapidity to the importance of its present position in the world's affairs.

During all this while the small Republic of Uruguay, which had cut itself adrift from Argentina in the course of the War of Independence, had continued on a somewhat chequered and stormy career. After innumerable struggles, the dauntless little State succeeded in freeing itself from the aggressions of its powerful neighbours to the north and south. This did not suffice to put an end to internal unrest, and the rival parties—the Colorados and the Blancos—made a battle-ground of the Republic for generation after generation. Notwithstanding this, the intellectual progress of the Uruguayans has continued throughout, and the development of the national industries on a fitting scale is now proceeding.



CHAPTER XXVIII

THE NORTHERN REPUBLICS

Such history as can be claimed by the remaining Republics of South America has been achieved, from the political point of view, on a far smaller and less conspicuous scale than that of the great southern and central states. In many respects the happenings have been more strictly local, although, of course, there have been a certain number of incidents, such as that of President Castro in Venezuela, whose irresponsible conduct roused half the European Powers to take action against his country, and whose childish obstinacy was responsible for temporarily strained relations between Great Britain and the United States. This may serve as an example of what weighty influences may be brought to bear by totally insignificant causes.

Of this group of lesser Republics, however, Venezuela may well enough be taken among the last, since that State still remains one of the rapidly declining number of Republics whose affairs continue in a really backward condition. Of the remaining countries of the north, Bolivia is, it scarcely need be said, by far the most important. That the interests of this country have up to the present not been of a more cosmopolitan character is due mainly to the fact of the great difficulty experienced in the establishing of modern communications in so wealthy yet so mountainous a land.

According to F. Garcia Calderon—

"Bolivia sprang, armed and full-grown as in the classic myth, from the brain of Bolivar. The Liberator gave to her a name, a Constitution, and a President. In 1825 he created, by decree, an autonomous Republic in the colonial territory of the district of the Charcas, and became its Protector. Sucre, the hero of Ayacucho, succeeded him in 1826. During the War of Independence this noble friend of Bolivar resigned from power, disillusioned; he was the Patroclus of the American Iliad."

Sucre's name is one of those most intimately and gloriously associated with the history of the youthful State. After his passing and that of Bolivar, Andreas Santa Cruz became the virtual ruler of Bolivia. Santa Cruz was a powerful chief, who feared not to shed blood in the cause of civilization, as he understood it, and who, considering the circumstances in which he found himself, proved an extremely able and enlightened President. Under his fostering care the national security became a little more assured, and the treasury of the Republic waxed.

Santa Cruz is said by some to have cherished Imperialistic ambitions. It is certain that his talents were recognized to some extent in Europe, if from no other evidence than from the fact that he received the Order of the Legion of Honour from Louis Philippe of France. There is no doubt that the new Chief-of-State realized to the full the benefits which the influx of foreigners must bring to his country. On this account he encouraged immigration from Europe. Santa Cruz, indeed, did his utmost to introduce every measure likely to increase the population of Bolivia, and, as has been explained in another place, carried his policy to the length of proposing the exclusion of celibates from all public offices.



The powerful personality of Santa Cruz soon enabled him to become the virtual Protector of Peru, in addition to President of Bolivia, and he now began to organize the fusion of the two Republics into a single State. These measures were regarded with great uneasiness by the Chilians, who ultimately invaded the territory of Santa Cruz. The first Chilian expedition was defeated, but the second gained a decisive victory at Yungai in 1838, and, as a result of this battle, the star of Santa Cruz became totally eclipsed in South America. He retired to Paris, where he became the friend of Napoleon III., and where he died in 1865.

With the exile of Santa Cruz ended the first period of tranquillity enjoyed by the youthful Republic. His powerful figure was followed by many others, the majority of whom were tyrannical, some incapable, and a few whose aims were really progressive. Progress, indeed, in the vortex of the whirlpool of events which ensued was practically an impossibility. It is said that from 1825 to 1898 more than sixty revolutions burst out in Bolivia, to say nothing of intermittent foreign wars! In the course of these various struggles no less than six Presidents were assassinated, and it was not until the advent to power of Colonel (now General) Pando that the situation of the country changed definitely for the better.

In the year 1899 President Pando inaugurated civil government, and, having proved himself an able and powerful soldier, now turned his attention to the industrial and commercial status of the country. These desirable features he fostered by modern and liberal methods, which proved eminently successful, and it was during the period of his office that the first really important plans were matured for the opening up of the remoter districts by means of the railway.

The most severe blow with which Bolivia has met since the foundation of the Republic in that country has been the loss of her coast-line, as the result of the unsuccessful war waged against Chile. Negotiations have on several occasions been initiated with a view to an attempt to recover some strip of the lost territory, even if no more than sufficient for the building of a port and for the accommodation of a railway-line to connect this point on the seaboard with the interior of the Republic; but, so far, none of these negotiations have been brought to a favourable issue.

Bolivia thus remains an inland State. But in spite of a disadvantage such as this, there is no doubt that the extraordinary natural wealth of the country, which must in the near future be exploited, will rapidly bring the Republic into the forefront of the South American nations from the commercial and industrial point of view.

With the exception of this and one or two other circumstances of the kind, the majority of the South American States have suffered very little frontier alteration since their first foundation. Such, however, has not been the case with the Northern States of Colombia, Ecuador, and Venezuela. Here, for almost half a century after the liberation of the provinces, a process of alternate fusion and disintegration continued. Thus, in 1832, the three States of Venezuela, Ecuador, and New Granada were formed. In 1863 the latter country became the United States of Colombia; but it was not until 1886 that the Republic of Colombia as it now stands was instituted.

Colombia has suffered from as many revolutions as the majority of its neighbours. General Santander, one of the many of Bolivar's lieutenants who became Presidents, was the first Chief-of-State of Venezuela. A strong ruler, he governed in comparative peace until 1831. The next important President to follow him was General Mosquera, who likewise held the reins of power with a firm hand, and, with two or three breaks, ruled from 1845 to 1867. Dr. Rafael Nunez succeeded him, and proved himself an intellectual President, who became more and more autocratic as his years of office increased. He continued, indeed, whether in the actual tenure of office or not, to exercise an influence of personal absolutism over the Republic until 1894, when he died.

His death was the signal for the breaking out of internal disturbances which his long rule had steadily kept in check. It was in 1903 that, owing to the negotiations in progress for the enterprise of the Panama Canal, the portion of Colombia which had been chosen for the purpose of the cutting seceded from the Republic, and established itself as a separate State—that of Panama. The new Republic immediately concluded arrangements with the United States of America, and granted concessions for the immense enterprise which is now in the act of being completed.

The history of Ecuador since the establishment of the Republic requires very little comment. In this State the proportion of the white races to the coloured is unusually small; nevertheless, this has not had the effect of checking the revolutions, of which the Republic has been extremely prolific.

General Juan Jose Flores stands as the chief hero of Ecuador. He it was who actually founded the Republic in 1830. Flores provides one more instance of the power of the men who stood at the helm of these new States when they were first of all launched on the stormy waters of their careers. When his fifteen years of power ended came the inevitable flock of revolutions, and Ecuador went the way of her neighbours.

A military Dictatorship endured until 1860, when Garcia-Moreno, being declared President, supported the clerical influence and established a species of Dictatorship. His influence continued for many years after he had ostensibly resigned his office, and the sincerity of his acts was unquestionable. Considering that the situation of the country rendered it necessary, he resumed power and arrested various attempts at revolutions. In 1875, however, he was assassinated. A statesman of disinterested merit and high ideals, he was generally mourned by the populace.

Venezuela began its fateful career under the guardianship of General Paez, one of the principal heroes of the revolution. It was Paez who had led his Llanero cavalry so often to victory against the Spaniards, and who, as already related in these pages, had achieved the unique feat of capturing a flotilla of Spanish gunboats—or, to be more accurate, gun-barges—by means of this very cavalry. Those were certainly remarkable men who swam their horses into the river where the flotilla was anchored, and succeeded in this most extraordinary onslaught!

Paez, whose strain was half Spanish and half Indian, was intensely practical in his views of government. Caring nothing for idealists and for those who indulged in abstract theories, he severed himself abruptly from Bolivar shortly after the final patriot victories, and in the end was the chief cause of the exile of the Liberator. There is no doubt that both his views and those of the Liberator had changed considerably in the interval, for it is said that in 1826 General Paez had implored Bolivar to mount the throne of the new kingdom which it was proposed to found. The career of Paez fluctuated between a tenure of the office of President and an apparent retirement into private life, in the course of which, however, his influence and actual power remained as great as ever.

Eventually Jose Tadeo Monagas, who had long enjoyed the support of Paez, revolted against the authority of the old chief. Paez, nothing loath, accepted the challenge, rallied his followers, and marched to battle. Here he was defeated and subsequently exiled, while Monagas was left in power.

Paez eventually made his way to the United States. In his absence the condition of Venezuela became chaotic, and its populace writhed in a ceaseless frenzy of civil strife. Paez returned from the United States in 1861, and at the spectacle of the terrible condition of his country he resolved, though eighty years and more of age, to enter once again the arena of public life. He succeeded in obtaining power, but only for a short while. The spirited but tottering old man was followed by Guzman-Blanco, and died in 1873.

Guzman-Blanco was a man of education, who had enjoyed the advantage of travel in various parts of the world, and proved himself an able leader. It was not long, however, before the party of the Monagas rose in rebellion against his authority. These adherents of the Monagas were now known as the "Blues," and the party of Guzman-Blanco was christened the "Yellows."

In 1870, after various victories and defeats, Guzman-Blanco caused himself to be declared Dictator. He enjoyed immense popularity until his resignation in 1877. He was succeeded by General Alcantara, and left for Europe. On his return he found that his influence and power had already been destroyed. Placing himself at the head of a revolution, he again became chief of the State, which he continued to govern, either from within the Republic itself, or from the banks of the Seine, until 1889, when his power was finally overthrown. Blanco himself made no attempt to return to the country. He remained in Paris, where he died in 1898.

In 1895, when President Crespo was in power, a diplomatic incident occurred between Great Britain and Venezuela, owing to the arrest of two British police officers, who had been detained by the Venezuelan authorities. The actual cause of the dispute resolved itself into the question of frontier delimitation, and soon the excitement in Venezuela had reached fever heat. This was by no means allayed when it became known that the United States were inclined to intervene on behalf of the minor Republic. President Crespo himself displayed admirable tact, and it was largely due to his policy that the incident had a pacific ending. It was in 1899, not long after these events, that General Crespo was slain in a skirmish with insurgents.

After a period of anarchy General Castro was elected President. Not long after his accession this President succeeded in embroiling the State with Great Britain, Germany, and Italy. The main reason for the breaking off of friendly relations was his arbitrary refusal to consider the claims of these nations on account of the damage done to the property of their subjects in Venezuela in the course of the numerous revolutions which had recently occurred.

The result of the obstinacy of General Castro was the establishment of a blockade of the port of La Guayra by the naval forces of Great Britain, Germany, and Italy in 1902. The Custom-House was seized, and the three Powers signified their intention of retaining this until satisfaction could be obtained. Upon this the matter was referred to the Hague tribunal, and awarded in favour of the three European Powers concerned.

International incidents of the kind have occurred, naturally enough, far more rarely in the history of South America than revolutions and civil war. Indeed, in the popular mind the chief feature of the Continent was, until quite recently, represented by internal strife. How far from the truth is this estimate can only be judged by one who enjoys a personal acquaintance with Republics such as Argentina and Chile.

The sole centres where the phase of revolution has lingered on with an intermittent flourishing are those of the Northern Republics referred to in this chapter and the inland State of the centre of the Continent, Paraguay.

A work of history, however slight and condensed though its form may be, is no place in which to indulge in prophecy. Yet it may safely be supposed that even in these less settled Republics the age of tranquillity is now at hand. In order to justify this assertion, it is merely necessary to take a glimpse into the past, and to investigate the actual causes of these numerous revolutions which have splashed their marks so thickly on the clear road of South American progress.

A country of great natural riches and of wonderful opportunities for mankind, a dearth of population, an unusual lack of facilities of communication, and, finally, an urgent need of ready cash in the midst of material plenty—all these circumstances must necessarily tend to unrest in a land populated by inhabitants whose temperament contains an unusual measure of imagination and theoretical creative power. With the removal of these factors, the political situation tends to become tranquil, as has been proved in the case of the more progressive Republics.

It may safely be said that the South American temperament is, in itself, no more revolutionary than any other. When the material circumstances of one of these States have been brought to resemble those which prevail in a European country, the conditions of politics necessarily grow to resemble each other as well. Thus the difficulty with which the more advanced Republics are confronted is no longer one connected with rapid and disorderly changes of Government and Presidents. The States in question are now too wealthy in themselves and too loaded with serious responsibilities for the possibility of such casual recurrences. The strife, in consequence, tends rather to centre itself, as in Europe, to a contest between capital and labour, and, as elsewhere in the world, strikes have taken the place of more sanguinary battles.

All this, of course, applies with greater force to some of the South American countries than to others. The vitality and power of the Continent in general is now, at all events, beginning to assert itself to the full, and in the minds of a certain number of its educated and intelligent inhabitants South America is destined in the future, however distant this may be, to become the rallying-ground of the Latin races.



INDEX

Abipones, 12

Aboriginal tribes, 145, 146

Alberdi, Manuel, 167

Alfinger, 28, 33

Almagro, 47, 48, 52, 54

Almagro, Diego (the Younger), 112

Alvarado, Pedro de, 51, 52

Alvear, 170, 172, 255, 276

Andradas, the, 198, 203, 204, 211-214

"Araucana, La," 23

Araucanians, 13, 56, 58, 122, 128

Artigas, 172, 193, 201, 275

Asuncion, 67, 69, 73

Atahualpa, 48-51

Ayacucho, Battle of, 184

Aymaras, tribe of the, 56

Ayolas, Juan de, 66-68

Bahia, 40, 42, 96-98, 103, 107, 186, 194, 198, 200

Balboa, Nunez de, 31, 32, 33

Balcarce, 168

Balmaceda, 271

Belgrano, 159, 167-170, 173, 245

Benalcazar, 34

Bogota, Santa Fe de, 115, 147, 149, 223

Bolivar, Simon, 154-156, 159-166, 175, 182-184, 229, 232-235

Bolivia, 283-285

Brazil, 36-46, 79, 80, 185-227

Brazil wood, 37

British mariners, 95-98

British, hardships endured on northern campaign, 161, 162

British settlers, methods of, 43

British invasion of the River Plate, 139-141

Brouwer, 126

Buccaneers, 93, 94, 146

Buenos Aires, first settlements at, 65

Buenos Aires, 71, 115, 118, 167-173, 208, 209, 234, 236

Buonaparte, Joseph, 156, 157

Buonaparte, Napoleon, 156, 157

Cabot Sebastian, 64

Cabral, Pedro Alvarez, 24, 37

Caceres, 244

Carabobo, Battle of, 165, 166

Caracas, 90, 147-149, 159

Caribs, 12

Carrera, the Brothers, 173, 174, 266

Casa de Contratacion de los Indias, 75, 76

Casas, Bartolome de Las, 61, 63

Caseros, Battle of, 280

Castelfuerte, Viceroy, 179

Castelli, 167, 168

Castilla, Ramon, 241

Castro, Cristobal Vaca, 112, 113

Castro, President, 290

Caupolican, Araucanian Chief, 58, 59, 124

Cavendish, 93, 96

Chacabuco, Battle of, 176

Charles I. of England, 108

Charles V. of Spain, 28, 33

Chibcha, Indians, 11, 34, 56, 149

Chile, 13, 64-71

Chiquitos, 12

Chiriguanos, 12

Chunchos, 12

Cisneros, Baltasar, Hidalgo de, 167

Cocapac, 5, 6

Cochabamba, 169

Cochrane, Lord, 175, 177, 200, 201

Coelho, Duarte, 39

Colombia, 186, 187

Colonia, 80

Columbus, Bartholomew, 23

Columbus, Christopher, 13-25

Columbus, Diego, 31

Conquistadores, 2, 26-31, 57, 58, 60, 67, 68, 159

Correia, 40

Crespo, President, 289, 290

Criminals used to explore fresh countries, 19, 20, 38, 39

Cuzco, 4, 6, 50, 53

Da Cunha, Paulo, 102

Darwin, 278

Davis, 93

Devereux, General, 161

Dorrego, 276

Drake, Sir Francis, 86, 89, 90, 125

Dutch, 40, 44, 95, 97-109, 126, 127, 129, 148

Dutch method of colonization, 44, 45

Earthquakes, 122, 166

Ecuador, 286-288

Encomiendas, 70, 121

English, General, 161

Ercilla, 73, 124

Fenton, Edward, 96

Ferdinand of Spain, 17-19, 21-24

Fernandes, Joao, 106

Fernando de Noronha, 108

Flores, General Juan Jose, 287

Fonseca, General Deodoro, 218, 220-223

Francia, Jose Gaspar Rodriguez de, 236, 245-250

French in Brazil, 40, 98

Gallado, Antonio, 116

Gama, Admiral da, 224, 225

Gama, Vasco da, 38

Gamarra, President, 240

Garay, Juan de, 71

Gasca, Pedro de la, 113, 114

Gran Reunion Americana, the, 170

Guarani, Indians, the, 11, 67, 81

Guarayos, Indians, 12

Guatavita, Lake of, 60

Guemes, 159, 171, 173

Gueneche, 168, 169

Guianas, the, 12

Guido, 167

Guzman-Blanco, 289

Hawkins, Sir John, 87-89

Henry, Prince, the Navigator, 15

Hernandarias, 135, 136

Hispaniola, or Haiti, 19, 21-23, 29, 61

Hoogstraten, Dirk van, 105, 107

Huasca, 48, 51

Huguenots, 41

Huitotos, 12

Iberian, colonization system of, 44, 45

Incas, 1, 2, 4-11, 56

Incas, origin of, 4-7

Incas, revolt of, 53, 54

Inquisition, 128, 129

Inter-marriage, 45

Ipurines, 12

Irala, Domingo Martinez de, 68-71

Isabella, Princess of Brazil, 211, 213, 215-218

Isabella of Spain, Queen, 16, 17, 21, 23, 24, 34

Jamamaries, 12

Jesuits, 8, 81, 148

Jews in Brazil, 97, 100

Joao VI., 186-196, 199, 209

Junin, Battle of, 183, 184

Junot, 186

Junta of Argentina, 167

Knight, 93

Lancaster, James, 96

Lautaro, 59, 123

Lavalle, General, 276

Lavalleja, General, 276

Ledesma, Alonso, Andrea de, 92

Leopoldina, wife of Pedro I. of Brazil, 193, 205, 206

L'Ermite, Jaques, 94

Lima, Regent of Brazil, 212, 213

Lima, town of, 52, 110, 111, 117, 118, 182, 270

Liniers, General, 140, 166, 168, 236

L'Ollonais, Francois, 94

Lopez, Carlos Antonio, 250

Lopez, Francisco Solano, 215, 250-263

Luques, Hernando, 47

Lynch, Madame, 251, 261

Maciel, 103

Maipu, Battle of, 174, 176, 180

Mamelucos, 81

Manco-Capac, 5

Manco-Capac, brother to Huasca, 51, 52, 54

Maranhao, 103, 104

Marie I. of Portugal, 188, 193

Marie II. of Portugal, 194, 209

Mauritz, Prince of Nassau, 99, 100, 102-105

Mello, Admiral Custodio de, 223, 225

Mendoza, Andres Hurtado de, 114

Mendoza, Garcia Hurtado de, 123, 124

Mendoza, Pedro de, 27, 65, 66

Miguel, Dom, of Portugal, 194, 209

Miranda, Francisco, General, 154-156, 159-160, 164, 264, 265

Mitre, Bartolome, General, 153, 281

Mojos, 12

Monagas, Jose Tadeo, 288, 289

Monte Video, 168, 170-172, 193, 201

Moraes, Prudente Barros de, Dr., 226

Moreau, 137

Moreno, Garcia, 288

Moreno, Mariano, 170

Morgan, Captain, 146, 209

Narborough, Sir John, 127

Navarro, Deputy, 213, 214

Negro slaves, 81

New Granada, 145, 148, 160, 238, 286

Nicuesa, 31

Noorte, van, 94

Nunez, Raphael, 287

O'Higgins, Ambrose, 119, 120, 265

O'Higgins, Bernardo, 120, 173, 174, 233, 235, 264, 268

Ojeda, Alonso, 23, 31

Olinda, capture of, 99

Omaguas, Indians, 12

Origin of the Incas, 2, 3

Ovando, Nicolas de, 24, 29, 31

Paez, General, 162-165, 288-289

Pampa Indians, 57, 66

Panama, exploration of, 47

Pando, General, 185

Paraguay, 67-71, 215, 245-263

Pardo, Manuel, 242, 243

Pedrarias, 32, 33

Pedro I. of Brazil, 194-210, 212

Pedro II. of Brazil, 210-219

Peixoto, General Floriana, 218, 223, 226

Pena Nicolas Rodriguez, 167

Penna, Affonso, Dr., 227

Pernambuco, 95, 194, 205, 215

Peru, 3-5, 47-55, 65, 110-114, 237-244

Pierola, Nicolas de, 243, 244

Pinzon, Admiral, 241, 242

Pinzon, Vincente, 24, 36

Pizarro, Francisco, 47-54

Pizarro, Gonzales, 113, 114

Popham, Admiral Home, 139, 140

Portugues, Bartholomew, 94

Portuguese settlers, methods of, 42, 45, 46

Prado, General, 242, 243

Puyrredon, 173

Quesada, Gonzalo Jimines de, 34, 35, 142-144

Quiroga, 231, 232, 279

Quito, 7, 146, 147, 148

Raleigh, Sir Walter, 92, 93

Recife, 96, 97, 99, 100, 102, 105, 108

Repartemiento, 61

Rio de Janeiro, 41, 42, 65, 187-190, 205, 221-223

Rio Grande, 215, 222, 223-225

Rivadavia, 172, 235, 275, 276

Rivera, 278

River Plate, 12, 27, 64, 65, 69, 82, 159, 166, 205, 230, 272-281

River Plate, colonization of, 65

River Plate, discovery of, 64

Rolt, extract from, 127

Rondeau, General, 173

Rosario, 65, 171

Rosas, 215, 274, 276-281

Royal audience, 113

Saavedra, Cornelio de, 167, 170

Salles, Campos, Dr., 226, 227

San Martin, General, 159, 170-172, 175-177, 182, 183, 229, 232, 233, 235

Santa Cruz, Andreas, 240, 241, 284, 285

Santander, General, 286

Santiago, town of, 72, 180, 181

Sao Paulo, town of, 80, 81, 198, 215, 216

Sharpe, 93

Slave trade abolished in Brazil, 217

Smith, Sir Sydney, 186, 189

Smuggling, 78, 79

Sobremonte, Viceroy, 140

Socialism of the tribes, 13

Solis, Juan de, 64

Sousa, Martin Affonso de, 39

Souza, Thome de, 42

Spanish gunboats captured by cavalry, 163, 164

Spanish methods of settling, 44, 45

Suarez, 184

Sucre, General, 159, 175, 184, 284

Suipacha, victory of, 168

Sun, worship of the, 5, 7, 8, 11

Tacanas, 12

Tamayo, newspaper, 203

Teixeira, Bishop Marcos, 98

Terra Firma, 110

Titicaca, Lake, 4, 5, 56

Titles, 152

Treaties with Araucanians, 128

Tribes, names of, 12

Tupac-Amaru (Condorcanqui), 114, 116, 117

Tupis, 12

Tuyuti, Battle of, 257

Uraba, 31, 32

Urquiza, 215, 280, 281

Ursua, Francisco de Paula Bucareli y, 138

Uruguay, disputed territory, 80

Uruguay, rival parties, 282

Vaca, Alvar Nunez Cabeza de, 69, 70

Valdivia, Pedro de, 59, 65, 72

Valdivia, town, 125, 127, 129

Vasconcellos, 214

Vela, Blasco Nunez, 113

Venezuela, 148, 150, 155, 288-290

Venner, Captain, 96

Vespucci, Amerigo, 23, 36

Viamonte, 167

Viceregal functions, Peru, 110-112

Villagran, Francisco, 122, 124

Villanueva, Colonel Alonzo de, 125

Villegagnon, Nicolas Durant de, 41

War of Independence, 118, 159-184

Welzers, the, 28, 33

West India Company (Dutch), 97, 99, 105, 106

Whitelocke, General, 140, 141

Willikens, Jacob, 97

Yegros, Fulgencio, 246, 247

Zapiola, Matias, 170



ERRATA.—Page 188, lines 6 and 7, for "Queen Francisca Isabel," read "Queen Maria."

THE END

BILLING AND SONS, LTD, PRINTERS, GUILDFORD