 |
[Footnote 300: H. Nettleship, Lectures, etc., p. III; Wilkins, p. 85; Quintil. xii. 2.]
[Footnote 301: Wilkins, l.c.]
[Footnote 302: Quintil. i. 4. 5; xii. 1. 1; xii. 2 and 7.]
[Footnote 303: Ib. xii. 1. 11.]
[Footnote 304: Plut. Cic. 4; Caes. 3.]
[Footnote 305: ad Fam. xvi. 21. The translation is based on Mr. Shuckburgh's.]
[Footnote 306: See Der Horn, Gutsbetrieb, by H. Gummerus, reprinted from Klio, 1906: an excellent specimen of economic research, to which I am much indebted in this chapter.—E. Meyer, Die Sclaverei im Altertum, p. 46.]
[Footnote 307: Strabo, p. 668.]
[Footnote 308: Livy, xlv. 34.]
[Footnote 309: Livy, Epit. 68.]
[Footnote 310: Caesar, B.G. ii. 33.]
[Footnote 311: ad Att. v. 20. 5.]
[Footnote 312: Wallon (Hist. de l'Esclavage, ii. p. 38) has noted that Virgil alone shows a feeling of tenderness for the lot of the captive, quoting Aen. iii. 320 foll. (the speech of Andromache): but this was for the fate of a princess, and a mythical princess. No Latin poet of that age shows any real sympathy with captives or with slaves.]
[Footnote 313: Cic. pro lege Manilia 12. 23. Plutarch, in his Life of Pompey 24, adds that Romans of good standing would join in the pirates' business in order to make profit in this scandalous way.]
[Footnote 314: Suet. Aug. 32, of the period before Augustus.]
[Footnote 315: Varro, R.R. ii. 10; Diodorus xxxvi. 3. 1.]
[Footnote 316: Hor. Epist. i. 6. 39:—
"Mancipiis locuples eget aeris Cappadocum rex: Ne fueris hic tu." ]
[Footnote 317: Varro, R.R. i. 17.]
[Footnote 318: Ib. 2. 10. 3.]
[Footnote 319: Hor. Epode 2. 65. Cp. Tibull. ii. 1. 25 "turbaque vernarum, saturi bona signa coloni."]
[Footnote 320: See Gummerus, op. cit. p. 63, who considers the obaeratus of Varro as the equivalent of the addictus of the Roman law of debt.]
[Footnote 321: See the well-known description of the Forum in Plautus' Curculio, iv. 1: "pone aedem Castoris, ibi sunt subito quibu' credas male"; Marq. Privatleven, p. 168; Wallon, op. cit. ch. ii.]
[Footnote 322: Gellius iv. 2 gives an extract from the edict of the aediles drawn up with the object of counteracting such sharp practice.]
[Footnote 323: Livy xxxix. 44.]
[Footnote 324: N.H.. vii. 55. This story affords a good example of the tricks of the trade: the boys were not twins, and came from different countries, though exactly alike.]
[Footnote 325: Bevoelkerung, p. 403.]
[Footnote 326: Cic. Off. ii. 21. 73.]
[Footnote 327: Galen v. p. 49, ed. Kuhn; Galen was a native of this great city.]
[Footnote 328: Dr. Gummerus promises it.]
[Footnote 329: Sittengeschichte, i., ed. 5, p. 264.]
[Footnote 330: Probably by Clodius in 58.]
[Footnote 331: Asconius ad Cic. pro Cornel., ed. Clark, p. 75; Waltzing, Corporations professionelles, i. p. 90 foll.]
[Footnote 332: Baking as a trade only came in, as we saw, in 174; Plautus died in 184; some doubt is thus thrown on the Roman character of the passage, or the allusion may not be to a public bakery.]
[Footnote 333: See a remarkable passage of Athenaeus (vi. 104) quoted by Marquardt, Privatleben, p. 156, on the use of slaves at Rome for unproductive labour.]
[Footnote 334: Sallust, e.g., says of his own life in retirement that he would not engage in "agrum colendo aut venando, servilibus officiis."—Catil. 4.]
[Footnote 335: Wallon, Hist. de l'Esclavage, vol. ii. ch. iii.]
[Footnote 336: Sall. Catil. 12.]
[Footnote 337: iv. 3. 11 and 12. Plutarch says that as military tribune Cato the younger had fifteen slaves with him.—Cato minor 9.]
[Footnote 338: Cato, R.R. 2. I.]
[Footnote 339: In ch. 185 he mentions towns where many other objects may be bought best and cheapest: at Rome, e.g., clothing and rugs, at Cales and Minturnae farm-instruments of iron, etc. See also Gummerus, op. cit. p. 36.]
[Footnote 340: R.R. 10 and 11.]
[Footnote 341: Assiduos homines quinquaginta praebeto, i.e. the contractor: ch. 144.]
[Footnote 342: See the discussion of this word in Gummerus, p. 62 foll. Varro defines them as those "qui suas operas in servitutem dant pro pecunia quam debebant" (de Ling. Lat. vii. 105), i.e. they give their labour as against servitude.]
[Footnote 343: R.R. i. 22.]
[Footnote 344: Cp. Plut. Cato the Elder 21; a slave must be at work when he is not asleep.]
[Footnote 345: This is a point on which I cannot enter, but there can hardly be a doubt that in the long run free labour is cheaper. See Cairnes, Slave Power in America, ch. iii.; Salvioli, Le Capitalisme, p. 253; Columella, Praejatio.]
[Footnote 346: Gummerus, p. 81. At the same time the small cultivator is an obvious fact in Columella, cultivating his bit of land without working for others.]
[Footnote 347: For Spartacus, Appian, B.G. i. 116; for Caelius, Caesar, B.C. iii. 22; and cp. B.C. i. 56.]
[Footnote 348: R.R. ii. 10.]
[Footnote 349: Columella i. 8.]
[Footnote 350: Gaius ii. 15.]
[Footnote 351: For examples of slaves' devotion to their masters, Appian, B.C. iv. 29; Seneca, de Benef. iii. 25.]
[Footnote 352: ad Fam. xvi. 1; read also the charming letters which follow. Tiro was manumitted by Cicero at an unknown date.]
[Footnote 353: ad Att. xii. 10.]
[Footnote 354: See the article "Manumissio" in Dict. of Antiquities.]
[Footnote 355: Only in exercising the jus suffragii he was limited with all his fellow libertini to one of the four city tribes.]
[Footnote 356: Val. Max. viii. 6. 2.]
[Footnote 357: Sall. Cat. 24 and 56; Wallon, ii. p. 318 foll.]
[Footnote 358: See, e.g., Cic. ad Att. ii. 24. 3; Asconius, in Milonianam (ed. Clark, p. 31); Milo's host of slaves had gladiators among them, and were organised in military fashion (an antesignanus, p. 32), when he fell in with Clodius.]
[Footnote 359: Pro Sestio, 15. 34.]
[Footnote 360: De Pet. Consulatus, 5. 17.]
[Footnote 361: ad Quint. Fratr. i. 2 ad fin.]
[Footnote 362: Strabo, p. 381.]
[Footnote 363: Dion. Hal. iv. 23.]
[Footnote 364: Wallon, op. cit. ii. p. 436.]
[Footnote 365: See Otto Seeck, Geschichte des Untergangs der antiken Welt, ch. iv. and v.]
[Footnote 366: See Marquardt, Privatleben, p. 172.]
[Footnote 367: Wallon (ii. p. 255 foll.) has collected a number of examples. Plautus' slaves are as much Athenian as Roman, but the conditions would be much the same in each case. Cp. Varro, Men. Sat. ed. Riese, p. 220: "Crede mihi, plures dominos servi comederunt quam canes."]
[Footnote 368: Petronius, Sat. 75.]
[Footnote 369: Diodorus xxxiv. 38.]
[Footnote 370: "Coli rura ab ergastulis pessimum est et quicquid agitur a desperantibus," wrote Pliny (Nat. Hist. xviii. 36) in the famous passage about latifundia.]
[Footnote 371: R.R. i. 17.]
[Footnote 372: See some excellent remarks on this subject in Ecce Homo, towards the end of ch. xii. ("Universality of the Christian Republic ").]
[Footnote 373: The Slave Power, ch. v., and especially p. 374 foll. A living picture of the mean white may be found in Mark Twain's Huckleberry Finn, drawn from his own early experience, particularly in ch. xxi.]
[Footnote 374: "Regum nobis induimus animos," wrote Seneca in a well-known letter about the claims of slaves as human beings, Ep. 47.]
[Footnote 375: Life in Ancient Athens, p. 55.]
[Footnote 376: For this view of the Lar see Wissowa, Religion und Kultus der Roemer, p. 148 foll.; and a note by the author in Archiv fur Religionswissenschaft, 1906, p. 529.]
[Footnote 377: Fasti, vi. 299.]
[Footnote 378: Cato, R.R., ch. ii. init.; Horace, Epode 2. 65; Sat. ii. 6. 65.]
[Footnote 379: Romische Religion, p. 214.]
[Footnote 380: Or lectulus adversus, i.e. opposite the door; Ascon. ed. Clark, p. 43, a good passage for the contents of an atrium.]
[Footnote 381: See Mau's Pompeii, p. 248.]
[Footnote 382: Mau, Pompeii, p. 240.]
[Footnote 383: The extent to which this could be carried can be guessed from Sall. Cat. 12.]
[Footnote 384: Quintus Cicero, growing rich with Caesar in Gaul, had a fancy for a domus suburbana: Cic. ad Q. Fr. iii. I. 7. Marcus tells his brother in this letter that he himself had no great fancy for such a residence, and that his house on the Palatine had all the charm of such a suburbana. His villa at Tusculum, as we shall see, served the purpose of a house close to the city.]
[Footnote 385: A great number of passages about the noise and crowds of Rome are collected in Mayor's Notes to Juvenal, pp. 173, 203, 207.]
[Footnote 386: Some interesting remarks on the general aspect of the city will be found in the concluding chapter of Lanciani's Ruins and Excavations. For the bore elsewhere than in Rome, see below, p. 256.]
[Footnote 387: ad Fam. ii. 12: "Urbem, Urbem, mi Rufe, cole, et in ista luce viva Omnis peregrinatio (foreign travel) obscura et sordida est iis, quorum industria Roma potest illustris esse," etc.]
[Footnote 388: Lucr. ii. 22 foll.; iii. 1060 foll. Cp. Seneca, Ep. 69: "Frequens migratio instabilis animi est!"]
[Footnote 389: de Oratore, ii. 22.]
[Footnote 390: These houses, with the coast on which they stood, have long sunk into the sea, and we are only now, thanks to the perseverance of Mr. R.T. Guenther of Magdalen College, realising their position and former magnificence. See his volume on Earth Movements in the Bay of Naples.]
[Footnote 391: See Cic. pro Caelio, Sec.Sec. 48-50.]
[Footnote 392: Cicero's Villen, Leipzig, 1889.]
[Footnote 393: Varro, R.R. iii. 13.]
[Footnote 394: The villa had once been Sulla's also: and the aristocratic connection gave its owner some trouble. See above, p. 102.]
[Footnote 395: Schmidt, op. cit. p. 31.]
[Footnote 396: de Finibus, iii. 2. 7.]
[Footnote 397: de Legibus, ii. 1.]
[Footnote 398: op. cit. p. 15. I am assured by a travelling friend that the Fibreno is a delicious stream.]
[Footnote 399: ad Quint. Fratr. iii. 1.]
[Footnote 400: ad Att. xiii. 19. 2.]
[Footnote 401: For further details of the amenities of the villa at Arpinum see Schmidt, op. cit.]
[Footnote 402: ad Att. ii. 14 and 15.]
[Footnote 403: O.E. Schmidt, Briefwechsel Cicero's, pp. 66 and 454; but see his Cicero's Villen, p. 46, note.]
[Footnote 404: ad Att. xii. 19 init.]
[Footnote 405: See Seneca, Epist. 69, on the disturbing influence of constant change of scene.]
[Footnote 406: There is an exception in the young Cicero's letter to Tiro, translated above, p. 202.]
[Footnote 407: Censorinus, De die natali, 23. 6.; Pliny, N.H. vii. 213. On the whole subject of the division of the day see Marquardt, Privatlben, p. 246 foll.]
[Footnote 408: In the XII Tables only sunrise and sunset were mentioned (Pliny, l.c. 212). Later on noon was proclaimed by the Consul's marshal (Varro, de Ling. Lat. vi. 5), and also the end of the civil day. Cp. Varro, L.L. vi. 89.]
[Footnote 409: Cic. pro Quinctio, 18. 59.]
[Footnote 410: See the article "Horologium" in Dict. of Antiquities, vol. i.]
[Footnote 411: Our modern hours are called equinoctial, because they are fixed at the length of the natural hour at the equinoxes. This system does not seem to have come in until late in the Empire period.]
[Footnote 412: For the water-clock see Marquardt, op. cit. p. 773 foll.]
[Footnote 413: The lines are so good that I may venture to quote them in full from Gell. iii 3 (cp. Ribbeck, Fragm. Gomicorum, ii. p. 34): "parasitus esuriens dicit:
Ut illum di perdant primus qui horas repperit, Quique adeo primus statuit hic solarium. Qui mihi comminuit misero articulatim diem, Nam olim me puero venter erat solarium, Multo omnium istorum optimum et verissimum: Ubivis ste monebat esse, nisi quom nihil erat. Nunc etiam quom est, non estur, nisi soli libet. Itaque adeo iam oppletum oppidum est solariis, Maior pars populi iam aridi reptant fame."
The fourth line contains a truth of human nature, of which illustrations might easily be found at the present day.]
[Footnote 414: Pliny, N.H. xv. 1 foll, supplies the history of the oil industry. For the candles see Marquardt, Privatleben, p. 690.]
[Footnote 415: See above, p. 93.]
[Footnote 416: Marq. Privatleben, p. 264.]
[Footnote 417: Cic. ad Q.F. ii. 3. 7. For the lippitudo, ad Att. vii. 14.]
[Footnote 418: Hor. Epist. ii. 1. 112; Pliny, Ep. iii. 5, 8, 9.]
[Footnote 419: Hor. Epist. ii. 1. 103: "Romae dulce diu fuit et solenne reclusa Mane domo vigilare, clienti promere iura" etc. It is curious that all our information on this early business comes from the literature of the Empire. The single passage of Cicero which Marquardt could find to illustrate it unluckily relates to his practice as governor of Cilicia (ad Att. vi. 2. 5).]
[Footnote 420: e.g. ad Q.F. i. 2. 16.; and Q. Cic. Commentariolum petitionis, sec. 17.]
[Footnote 421: See what he says of M. Manilius in De Orat. iii. 133.]
[Footnote 422: The word seems to be connected with ieiunium (Plant. Curculio I. i. 73; Festus, p. 346), and thus answers to our breakfast. The verb is ientare: Afranius: fragm. "ientare nulla invitat."]
[Footnote 423: Galen, vol. vi. p. 332. I take this citation from Marquardt, Privatleben, p. 257; others will be found in the notes to that page. Marquardt seems to have been the first to bring the evidence of the medical writers to bear on the subject of Roman meals.]
[Footnote 424: See the interesting account of these (salutatores, deductores, assectatores) in the Commentariolum petitionis of Q. Cicero, 9. 34 foll.]
[Footnote 425: See above, p. 109.]
[Footnote 426: Q. Cicero, Comment. Pet.9. 37.]
[Footnote 427: See the author's Roman Festivals, pp. 125 foll.]
[Footnote 428: Plutarch, C. Gracchus, 6.]
[Footnote 429: Cic. ad Fam. ii. 12.]
[Footnote 430: Fragm. 9. Baehrens, Fragm. Poet. Rom. p. 141. Cp. Galen, vol. x. p. 3 (Kuhn).]
[Footnote 431: Livy xlv. 36; Cic. ad Fam. i. 2; for a famous case of "obstruction" by lengthy speaking, Gell. iv. 10.]
[Footnote 432: Festus, p. 54.]
[Footnote 433: ad Fam. vii. 30.]
[Footnote 434: de Divinatione, ii. 142, written in 44 B.C.]
[Footnote 435: Varro, R.R. i. 2; the words are put into the mouth of one of the speakers in the dialogue. See, for examples from later writers, Marq., Privatleben, p. 262.]
[Footnote 436: ad Att. xiii. 52; the habit may have often been dropped in winter.]
[Footnote 437: Seneca, Ep. 86. The whole passage is most interesting, as illustrating the difference in habits wrought in the course of two centuries.]
[Footnote 438: Mau, Pompeii, p. 300. See above, p. 244.]
[Footnote 439: See the plan in Mau, p. 357; Marquardt, Privatleben, p. 272.]
[Footnote 440: See Professor Purser's explanation and illustrations in the Dict. of Antiquities, vol. i. p. 278.]
[Footnote 441: The subject of the public baths at Rome properly belongs to the period of the Empire, and is too extensive to be treated in a chapter on the daily life of the Roman of Cicero's time. Public baths did exist in Rome already, but we hear very little of them, which shows that they were not as yet an indispensable adjunct of social life; but the fact that Seneca in the letter already quoted describes the aediles as testing the heat of the water with their hands shows (1) that the baths were public, (2) that they were of hot water and not, as later, of hot air (thermae). The latter invention is said to have come in before the Social war (Val. Max. ix. 1. 1.). Some baths seem to have been run as a speculation by private individuals, and bore the name of their builder (e.g. balneae Seniae, Cic. pro Cael. 25. 61). In summer the young men still bathed in the Tiber (pro Cael. 15. 36). At Pompeii the oldest public baths (the Stabian; Mau, p. 183) date from the second century B.C.]
[Footnote 442: The tradition was that the paterfamilias originally also sat instead of reclining. See Marq. Privatleben, p. 292 note 3.]
[Footnote 443: Columella, ii. 1. 19, a very interesting chapter; Plutarch, Cato min. 56.]
[Footnote 444: Plut. Lucullus 40; see above, p. 242.]
[Footnote 445: Plut. Quaest. Conv. 1. 3 foll.; and Marq. p. 295.]
[Footnote 446: Hor. Sat. i. 4. 86; cp. Cic. in Pisonem, 27. 67.]
[Footnote 447: Cic. de Senect. 14. 46.]
[Footnote 448: Lucilius, fragm. 30; 120 foll.; 168, 327 etc. Varro wrote a Menippean satire on gluttony, of which a fragment is preserved by Gellius, vi. 16.]
[Footnote 449: See the interesting passage in Cic. pro Murena, 36. 75, about the funeral feast of Scipio Aemilianus.]
[Footnote 450: Catull. 47. 5: "vos convivia lauta sumptuose De die facitis?"]
[Footnote 451: 26. 65 foll; Hor. Od. iii. 19, and the commentators.]
[Footnote 452: ad Fam. vii. 26, of the year 57 B.C. The sumptuary law must have been a certain lex Aemilia of later date than Sulla. (See Gell. ii. 24: "qua lege non sumptus cenarum, sed ciborum genus et modus praefinitus est.") This chapter of Gellius, and Macrob. iii. 17, are the safest passages to consult on the subject of the growth of gourmandism.]
[Footnote 453: See Munro, Elucidations of Catullus, p. 92 foll.]
[Footnote 454: Tibull. ii. 1. 51 foll. Cp. ii. 5. 83 foll. Several are also described by Ovid in his Fasti. A charming account of feste in a Tuscan village of to-day will be found in A Nook in the Apennines, by Leader Scott, chapters xxviii. and xxix.: a book full of value for Italian rural life, ancient and modern.]
[Footnote 455: Wissowa, Religion und Kultus, p. 366. "Feriae" came in time to be limited to public festivals, while "festus dies" covered all holidays.]
[Footnote 456: de Legibus, ii. 8. 19: cp. 12. 29.]
[Footnote 457: Georg. i. 268 foll. Cato had already said the same thing: R.R. ii. 4.]
[Footnote 458: Thus Ovid describes the rites performed by the Flamen Quirinalis at the old agricultural festival of the Robigalia (Robigus, deity of the mildew) as if it were a curious bit of old practice which most people knew nothing about.—Fasti, iv. 901 foll.]
[Footnote 459: Greenidge, Legal Procedure in Cicero's time, p. 457.]
[Footnote 460: It is the same word as our fair.]
[Footnote 461: Fasti, iii. 523 foll.; Fowler, Roman Festivals, p. 51.]
[Footnote 462: Roman Festivals, p. 185. The custom doubtless had a religious origin.]
[Footnote 463: Ib. p. 268. Augustus limited the days to three.]
[Footnote 464: Wissowa, Religion und Kultus, p. 170. The cult of Saturn was largely affected by Greek usage, but this particular custom was more likely descended from the usage of the Latin farm.]
[Footnote 465: See above, p. 172. Marquardt, Privatleben, p. 586; Frazer, Golden Bough (ed. 2), vol. iii. p. 188 foll.]
[Footnote 466: Cic. Verr. I. 10. 31; where Cicero complains of the difficulties he experienced in conducting his case in consequence of the number of ludi from August to November in that year.]
[Footnote 467: Fowler, Roman Festivals, p. 217 foll.]
[Footnote 468: See the account in Dion. Hal. vii. 72, taken from Fabius Pictor.]
[Footnote 469: See Friedlaender in Marquardt, Staatsverwaltung, iii. p. 508, note 3.]
[Footnote 470: For full accounts of this procession, and the whole question of the Ludi Romani, see Friedlaender, l.c.; Wissowa, Religion und Kultus, p. 383 foll.; or the article "Triumphus" in the Dict. of Antiquities, ed. 2. All accounts owe much to Mommsen's essay in Roemische Forschungen, ii. p. 42 foll.]
[Footnote 471: On the parallelism between the Ludi Plebeii and Romani see Mommsen, Staatsrecht, ii. p. 508, note 4.]
[Footnote 472: Fowler, Roman Festivals, p. 179 foll.]
[Footnote 473: Ib. p. 69.]
[Footnote 474: Ib. p. 72 foll.]
[Footnote 475: Fowler, Roman Festivals, p. 91 foll.]
[Footnote 476: Livy xxii. 10.7; Dionys. vii. 71.]
[Footnote 477: Pliny, N.S. xxxiii. 138. The same thing happened once or twice under Augustus.]
[Footnote 478: Livy xl. 44.]
[Footnote 479: ii. 16, 57 foll.]
[Footnote 480: We have some details of the ridiculously lavish expenditure of this aedile in Pliny, N.H. xxxvi. 114. He built a temporary theatre, which was decorated as though it were to be a permanent monument of magnificence.]
[Footnote 481: Verr. v. 14. 36.]
[Footnote 482: Plut. Caes. 5.]
[Footnote 483: Cio. ad Fam. viii. 9.]
[Footnote 484: ad Att. vi. I. 21.]
[Footnote 485: There is no evidence that slaves were admitted under the Republic. Columella, who wrote under Nero, is the first to mention their presence at the games (R.R. i. 8. 2), unless we consider the vilicus of Horace, Epist. i. 14. 15, as a slave. See Friedlaender in Marq. p. 491, note 4.]
[Footnote 486: See above, p. 13; Fowler, Roman Festivals, p. 208.]
[Footnote 487: Roman Festivals, p. 241.]
[Footnote 488: Ib. p. 77 foll.]
[Footnote 489: Dionys. Hal. in. 68 gives this number for Augustus' time, and so far as we know Augustus had not enlarged the Circus.]
[Footnote 490: Gell. iii. 10. 16.]
[Footnote 491: Pliny, N.H. x. 71: he seems to be referring to an earlier time, and this Caecina may have been the friend of Cicero. In another passage of Pliny we hear of the red faction about the time of Sulla (vii. 186; Friedl. p. 517). Cp. Tertullian, de Spectaculis, 9.]
[Footnote 492: For a graphic picture of the scene in the Circus in Augustus' time see Ovid, Ars Amatoria, i. 135 foll.]
[Footnote 493: ch. 59.]
[Footnote 494: See Schol. Bob. on the pro Sestio, new Teubner ed., p. 105.]
[Footnote 495: Val. Max. ii. 3. 2. The conjecture as to the object of the exhibition by the consuls is that of Buecheler, in Rhein. Mus.1883, p. 476 foll.]
[Footnote 496: The example was set, according to Livy, Epit. 16, by a Junius Brutus at the beginning of the first Punic war.]
[Footnote 497: ad Fam. ii. 3.]
[Footnote 498: The origin of these bloody shows at funerals needs further investigation. It may be connected with a primitive and savage custom of sacrificing captives to the Manes of a chief, of which we have a reminiscence in the sacrifice of captives by Aeneas, in Virg. Aen. xi. 82.]
[Footnote 499: See Lucian Mueller's Ennius, p. 35 foll., where he maintains against Mommsen the intelligence and taste of the Romans of the 2nd century B.C.]
[Footnote 500: Cic. Brutus, 28. 107, where he speaks of having known the poet himself.]
[Footnote 501: ad Att. ii. 19.]
[Footnote 502: Pro Sestio, 55. 117 foll.]
[Footnote 503: ad Q. Fratr. iii. 5.]
[Footnote 504: It is only fair to say that this information comes from a letter of Asinius Pollio to Cicero (ad Fam. x. 32. 3), and as Pollio was one who had a word of mockery for every one, we may discount the story of the tears.]
[Footnote 505: Tibicines, usually mistranslated flute-players; this characteristic Italian instrument was really a primitive oboe played with a reed, and usually of the double form (two pipes with a connected mouthpiece), still sometimes seen in Italy.]
[Footnote 506: See above, p. 70.]
[Footnote 507: Val. Max. ii. 4. 2; Livy, Epit. 48.]
[Footnote 508: Tacitus, Ann. xiv. 20.]
[Footnote 509: Tertullian, de Spectaculis, 10; Pliny, N.H. viii. 20.]
[Footnote 510: See the excellent account in Huelsen, vol. iii. of Jordan's Topographie, p. 524 foll. Some of the arches of the supporting arcade are still visible.]
[Footnote 511: ad Fam. vii. I. Professor Tyrrell calls this letter a rhetorical exercise; is it not rather one of those in which Cicero is taking pains to write, therefore writing less easily and naturally than usual?]
[Footnote 512: I have used Mr. Shuckburgh's translation, with one or two verbal changes.]
[Footnote 513: Pliny, Nat. Hist. viii. 21.]
[Footnote 514: de Div. i. 37. 80. Cp. the story in Plut. Cic. 5.]
[Footnote 515: Hor. Ep. ii. 82; Quintil. ii. 3. Ill.]
[Footnote 516: Val. Max. viii. 10. 2. Cicero was said to have learnt gesticulation both from Aesopus and Roscius.—Plut. Cic. 5.]
[Footnote 517: Pliny, N.H. vii. 128.]
[Footnote 518: Pro Archia, 8.]
[Footnote 519: De Oratore, i. 28. 129.]
[Footnote 520: De Oratore, iii. 27, 59.]
[Footnote 521: A useful succinct account of the literature of this difficult subject will be found in Schanz, Gesch. der rom. Litteratur, vol. i. (ed. 3) p. 21 foll.]
[Footnote 522: This is the view of Mommsen, Hist. iii. p. 455, which is generally accepted. For further information see Teuffel, Hist. of Roman Literature, i. (ed. 2) p. 9. That they were in fashion before the mimus is gathered from Cic. ad Fam. ix. 16.]
[Footnote 523: Plut. Sulla, 2: ep. 36.]
[Footnote 524: Political allusions in mimes, were, however, not unknown. Cp. Cic. ad Alt. xiv. 3, written in 44 B.C., after Caesar's death.]
[Footnote 525: All the passages about Publilius are collected in Mr. Bickford Smith's edition of his Sententiae, p. 10 foll. On mimes generally the reader may be referred to Professor Purser's excellent article in Smith's Diet. of Antiq. ed. 2.]
[Footnote 526: Animo aequissimo, ad Fam. xii. 19. He means perhaps rather that flattering allusions to Caesar did not hurt his feelings.]
[Footnote 527: See Ribbeck, Fragm. Comic. Lat. p. 295 foll.]
[Footnote 528: Seneca, Epist. 108. 8.]
[Footnote 529: See another excellent article of Professor Purser's in the Dict. of Antiq.]
[Footnote 530: See the Hibbert Journal for July 1907, p. 847. In the second sense Cicero often uses the plural "religiones," esp. in de Legibus, ii.]
[Footnote 531: See Middleton, Rome in 1887, p. 423; Horace, Sat. i. 8. 8 foll.; Nissen, Italische Landeskunde, ii. p. 522.]
[Footnote 532: Fowler, Roman Festivals, p. 336 foll.]
[Footnote 533: Monumentum Ancyranum (Lat.), 4. 17.]
[Footnote 534: de Nat. Deor. i. 29. 82.]
[Footnote 535: Valerius Maximus, Epit. 3. 4; Wissowa, Rel. und Kult. p. 293.]
[Footnote 536: See, e.g. Dill, Roman Society from Nero to Marcus Aurelius, ch. v.]
[Footnote 537: See, e.g., pro Sestio, 15. 32; in Vatinium, 7. 18.]
[Footnote 538: Augustine, Civ. Dei, iv. 27.]
[Footnote 539: Cp. i. 63 foll.; iii. 87 and 894; v. 72 and 1218; and many other passages.]
[Footnote 540: iii. 995 foll.; v. 1120 foll.]
[Footnote 541: iii. 70; v. 1126.]
[Footnote 542: ii. 22 foll.; iii. 1003; v. 1116.]
[Footnote 543: Roman Poets of the Republic, p. 306.]
[Footnote 544: The secret may be found in the last 250 lines of Bk. iii., and at the beginning and end of Bk. v.]
[Footnote 545: v. 1203; ii. 48-54.]
[Footnote 546: v. 1129.]
[Footnote 547: "Philosophy has never touched the mass of mankind except through religion" (Decadence, by Rt. Hon. A.J. Balfour, p. 53). This is a truth of which Lucretius was profoundly, though not surprisingly, ignorant.]
[Footnote 548: See above, p. 115.]
[Footnote 549: e.g. xxi. 62.]
[Footnote 550: Ribbeck, Fragm. Trag. Rom. p. 54: Ego deum genus esse semper dixi et dicam coelitum, Sed eos non curare opinor quid agat humanum genus.]
[Footnote 551: See above, p. 114.]
[Footnote 552: See H.N. Fowler, Panaetii et Hecatonis librorum fragmenta, p. 10; Hirzel, Untersuchungen zu Cicero's philosophischen Schriften, i. p. 194 foll.]
[Footnote 553: See above, p. 115.]
[Footnote 554: Schmekel, Die Mittlere Stoa, p. 85 foll.; Hirzel, Untersuchungen, etc., i. p. 194 foll.]
[Footnote 555: The fragments are collected by E. Agahd, Leipzig, 1898. The great majority are found in St. Augustine, de Civitate Dei.]
[Footnote 556: As Wissowa says (Religion und Kultus der Roemer, p. 100), Jupiter does not appear in Roman language and literature as a personality who thunders or rains, but rather as the heaven itself combining these various manifestations of activity. The most familiar illustration of the usage alluded to in the text is the line of Horace in Odes i. 1. 25: "manet sub Iove frigido venator."]
[Footnote 557: ap. Aug. Civ. Dei, iv. 11.]
[Footnote 558: Ib. vii. 9.]
[Footnote 559: ap. Aug. Civ. Dei, vii. 13: animus mundi is here so called, but evidently identified with Jupiter.]
[Footnote 560: Ib. vii. 9.]
[Footnote 561: Ib. iv. 11, 13.]
[Footnote 562: Aug. de consensu evangel. i. 23, 24. Cp. Civ. Dei, iv. 9.]
[Footnote 563: Ib. i. 22. 30; Civ. Dei, xix. 22.]
[Footnote 564: See Wissowa, Religion und Kultus, p. 103.]
[Footnote 565: de Rep. iii. 22. See above, p. 117.]
[Footnote 566: de Legilus, ii. 10.]
[Footnote 567: de Nat. Deor.. i. 15. 40: "idem etiam legis perpetuae et eternae vim, quae quasi dux vitae et magistra officiorum sit, Iovem dicit esse, eandemque fatalem necessitatem appellat, sempiternam rerum futurarum veritatem." Chrysippus of course was speaking of the Greek Zeus.]
[Footnote 568: e.g. de Off. iii. 28; de Nat. Deor. i. 116.]
[Footnote 569: Glover, Studies in Virgil, p. 275.]
[Footnote 570: It is interesting to note that in the religious revival of Augustus Jupiter by no means has a leading place. See Carter, Religion of Numa, p. 160, where, however, the attitude of Augustus towards the great god is perhaps over-emphasised. On the relation of Virgil's Jupiter to Fate, see E. Norden, Virgils epische Technik, p. 286 foll. Seneca, it is worth noting, never mentions Jupiter as the centre of the Stoic Pantheon.—Dill, Roman Society from Nero to M. Aurelius, p. 331.]
[Footnote 571: See an article by the author in Hibbert Journal, July 1907, p. 847.]
[Footnote 572: Plut. Sulla, 6.]
[Footnote 573: Valerius Maximus ii. 3.]
[Footnote 574: de Div. i. 32. 68.]
[Footnote 575: Plut. Brutus, 36, 37.]
[Footnote 576: Sall. Cat. 51; Cic. Cat. iv. 4. 7.]
[Footnote 577: Cic. de Rep. iv. 24.]
[Footnote 578: Reid, The Academics of Cicero, Introduction, p. 18.]
[Footnote 579: ad Att. xii. 36.]
[Footnote 580: ad Att. xii. 37.]
[Footnote 581: Suetonius, Jul. 88. See E. Kornemann in Klio, vol. i. p. 95.]
[Footnote 582: We do not know exactly when this preface was written. Prefaces are now composed, as a rule, when a work is finished: but this does not seem to have been the practice in antiquity, and internal evidence is here strongly in favour of an early date.]
[Footnote 583: Epode 16. 54; cp. 30 foll.]
[Footnote 584: Sir W.M. Ramsay, quoted in Virgil's Messianic Eclogue, p. 54.]
[Footnote 585: Dr. J.B. Mayor, in Virgil's Messianic Eclogue, p. 118 foll.] |
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