"At the Tomerus the inhabitants were found living on the low ground near the sea, in cabins which seemed calculated rather to suffocate their inhabitants than to protect them from the weather; and yet these wretched people were not without courage. Upon sight of the fleet approaching, they collected in arms on the shore, and drew up in order to attack the strangers on their landing. Their arms were spears, not headed with iron, but hardened in the fire, nine feet long; and their number about 600. Nearchus ordered his vessels to lay their heads towards the shore, within the distance of bow-shot; for the enemy had no missile weapons but their spears. He likewise brought his engines to bear upon them, (for such it appears he had on board,) and then directed his light-armed troops, with those who were the most active and the best swimmers, to be ready for commencing the attack. On a signal given, they were to plunge into the sea: the first man who touched ground was to be the point at which the line was to be formed, and was not to advance till joined by the others, and the file could be ranged three deep. These orders were exactly obeyed; the men threw themselves out of the ships, swam forward, and formed themselves in the water, under cover of the engines. As soon as they were in order, they advanced upon the enemy with a shout, which was repeated from the ships. Little opposition was experienced; for the natives, struck with the novelty of the attack, and the glittering of the armour, fled without resistance. Some escaped to the mountains, a few were killed, and a considerable number made prisoners. They were a savage race, shaggy on the body as well as the head, and with nails so long and of such strength, that they served them as instruments to divide their food, (which consisted, indeed, almost wholly of fish,) and to separate even wood of the softer kind. Whether this circumstance originated from design, or want of implements to pare their nails, did not appear; but if there was occasion, to divide harder substances, they substituted stones sharpened, instead of iron, for iron they had none. Their dress consisted of the skins of beasts, and some of the larger kinds of fish."

Along the coast of the Icthyophagi, extending from Malan to Cape Jaser, a distance, by the course of the fleet, of nearly 625 miles, Nearchus was so much favoured by the winds and by the straightness of the coast, that his progress was sometimes nearly 60 miles a day. In every other respect, however, this portion of the voyage was very unfortunate and calamitous. Alexander, aware that on this coast, which furnished nothing but fish, his fleet would be in distress for provisions, and that this distress would be greatly augmented by the scarcity of water which also prevailed here, had endeavoured to advance into this desolate tract, to survey the harbours, sink wells, and collect provisions. But the nature of the country rendered this impracticable; and his army became so straightened for corn themselves, that a supply of it, which he intended for the fleet, and on which he had affixed his own seal, was seized by the men whom he had ordered to protect and escort it to the coast. At last he was obliged to give up all attempts of relieving Nearchus; and after struggling 60 days with want of water,—during which period, if he himself had not, at the head of a few horse, pushed on to the coast, and there obtained a supply, by opening the sands, his whole army must have perished,—he with great difficulty reached the capital of this desert country. Nearchus, thus left to himself, was indebted to the natives for the means of discovering water, by opening the sands, as the king had done; but to the Greeks, who regarded the want of bread as famine, even when its place was supplied by meat, the fish the natives offered them was no relief.

We have already remarked, that the real character of Alexander will be much elevated in the opinion of men of humanity and philosophers, if the particulars we possess of his endeavours to improve the condition of those he conquered, and to advance the interests of science, scanty and imperfect as they are, were more attentively considered, and had not been neglected and overlooked in the glare of his military achievements. His march through the deserts of Gadrosia has been ascribed solely to vanity; but this imputation will be removed, and must give way to a more worthy impression of his motives on this occasion, when it is stated, that it was part of the great design which he had formed of opening a communication between his European dominions and India by sea; and that as the accomplishment of this design mainly depended on the success of the expedition committed to Nearchus, it was a paramount object with him to assist the fleet, which he thrice attempted, even in the midst of his own distress in the deserts.

On their arrival at the river Kalama, which is supposed to be the Churmut, 60 days after their departure from the Indus, they at length obtained from the natives some sheep; but the flesh of it, as well as the fowls which they obtained, had a very fishy taste—the sheep, fowls, and inhabitants, all feeding on fish, there being no herbage or trees of any kind, except a few palm-trees. On the next day, having doubled a cape, they anchored in a harbour called Mosarna, where they found a pilot, who undertook to conduct the fleet to the Gulf of Persia. It would appear from Arrian, that the intercourse between this place and the Gulf was frequent, the voyage less dangerous, and the harbours on the coast better known. Owing to these favourable circumstances, the skill of the pilot, and the breeze which blew from the land during the night, their course was more rapid; and they sailed by night as well as day. The coast, however, still continued barren, and the inhabitants unable to supply them with any thing but fish till they arrived at Barna on the 64th day: here the inhabitants were more civilized; they had gardens producing fruit-trees, flowers, myrtle, &c., with which the Greek sailors formed garlands to adorn their hair.

On the 69th day, December 9., they arrived at a small town, the name of which is not given; nor is it possible to fix its scite. What occurred here we shall give in the words of Dr. Vincent:—

"When the fleet reached this place, it was totally without bread or grain of any kind; and Nearchus, from the appearance of stubble in the neighbourhood, conceived hopes of a supply, if he could find means of obtaining it; but he perceived that he could not take the place by assault, and a siege the situation he was in rendered impracticable. He concerted matters, therefore, with Archias, and ordered him to make a feint of preparing the fleet to sail; while he himself, with a single vessel, pretending to be left behind, approached the town in a friendly manner, and was received hospitably by the inhabitants. They came out to receive him upon his landing, and presented him with baked fish, (the first instance of cookery he had yet seen on the coast,) accompanied with cakes and dates. These he accepted with proper acknowledgments, and informed them he wished for permission to see the town: this request was granted without suspicion; but no sooner had he entered, than he ordered two of his archers to take post at the gate, and then mounting the wall contiguous, with two more and his interpreter, he made the signal for Archias, who was now under weigh to advance. The natives instantly ran to their arms; but Nearchus having taken an advantageous position, made a momentary defence till Archias was close at the gate, ordering his interpreter to proclaim at the same time, that if they wished their city to be preserved from pillage, they must deliver up their corn, and all the provisions which the place afforded. These terms were not rejected, for the gate was open, and Archias ready to enter: he took charge of this post immediately with the force which attended him; and Nearchus sent proper officers to examine such stores as were in the place, promising the inhabitants that, if they acted ingenuously, they should suffer no other injury. Their stores were immediately produced, consisting of a kind of meal, or paste made of fish, in great plenty, with a small quantity of wheat and barley. This, however insufficient for his wants, Nearchus received: and abstaining from farther oppression, returned on board with his supply."

The provisions he obtained here, notwithstanding the consumption of them was protracted by occasionally landing and cutting off the tender shoots of the head of the wild palm-tree, were so completely exhausted in the course of a few days, that Nearchus was obliged to prevent his men from landing, under the apprehension, that though the coast was barren, their distress on board would have induced them not to return. At length, on the 14th of December, on the seventy-fourth day of their departure, they reached a more fertile and hospitable shore, and were enabled to procure a very small supply of provisions, consisting principally of corn, dried dates, and the flesh of seven camels. Nearchus mentions the latter evidently to point out the extreme distress to which they were reduced. As it is evident that this supply would be soon exhausted, we are not surprised that Nearchus, in order to reach a better cultivated district, should urge on his course as rapidly as possible; and accordingly we find, that he sailed at a greater rate in this part of his voyage than he ever had done before. Having sailed day and night without intermission, in which time he passed a distance of nearly sixty-nine miles, he at length doubled the cape, which formed the boundary of the barren coast of the Icthyophagi, and arrived in the district of Karmania. At Badis, the first town in this district, which they reached on the 17th of December, after a voyage of 77 days, they were supplied with corn, wine, and every kind of fruit, except olives, the inhabitants being not only able but willing to relieve their wants.

The length of the coast of the Icthyophagi is about 462 miles; and, as Nearchus was twenty-one days on this coast, the average rate of sailing must have been twenty-one miles a day. The whole distance, from the Indus to the cape which formed the boundary of Karmania, is about 625 miles: this distance Nearchus was above seventy days in sailing. It must be recollected, however, that when he first set out the monsoon was adverse, and that for twenty-four days he lay in harbour: making the proper deductions for these circumstances, he was not at sea more than forty days with a favourable wind; which gives rather more than fifteen miles a day. The Houghton East Indiaman made the same run in thirteen days; and, on her return, was only five days from Gomeroon to Scindy Bay.

The manners of the wretched inhabitants have occasionally been already noticed; but Nearchus dwells upon some further particulars, which, from their conformity with modern information, are worthy of remark. Their ordinary support is fish, as the name of Icthyophagi, or fish-eaters, implies; but why they are for this reason specified as a separate tribe from the Gadrosians, who live inland, does not appear. Ptolomy considers all this coast as Karmania, quite to Mosarna; and whether Gadrosia is a part of that province, or a province itself, is a matter of no importance; but the coast must have received the name Nearchus gives it from Nearchus himself; for it is Greek, and he is the first Greek who explored it. It may, perhaps, be a translation of a native name, and such translations the Greeks indulged in sometimes to the prejudice of geography. "But these people, though they live on fish, are few of them fishermen, for their barks are few, and those few very mean and unfit for the service. The fish they obtain they owe to the flux and reflux of the tide, for they extend a net upon the shore, supported by stakes of more than 200 yards in length, within which, at the tide of ebb, the fish are confined, and settle in the pits or in equalities of the sand, either made for this purpose or accidental. The greater quantity consists of small fish; but many large ones are also caught, which they search for in the pits, and extract with nets. Their nets are composed of the bark or fibres of the palm, which they twine into a cord, and form like the nets of other countries. The fish is generally eaten raw, just as it is taken out of the water, at least such as are small and penetrable; but the larger sort, and those of more solid texture, they expose to the sun, and pound them to a paste for store: this they use instead of meal or bread, or form them into a sort of cakes or frumenty. The very cattle live on dried fish, for there is neither grass nor pasture on the coast. Oysters, crabs, and shell-fish, are caught in plenty; and though this circumstance is specified twice only in the early part of the voyage, there is little doubt but these formed the principal support of the people during their navigation. Salt is here the production of nature, by which we are to understand, that the power of the sun in this latitude, is sufficient for exhalation and crystallization, without the additional aid of fire; and from this salt they formed an extract which they used as the Greeks use oil. The country, for the most part, is so desolate, that the natives have no addition to their fish but dates: in some few places a small quantity of grain is sown; and there bread is their viand of luxury, and fish stands in the rank of bread. The generality of the people live in cabins, small and stifling: the better sort only have houses constructed with the bones of whales, for whales are frequently thrown upon the coast; and, when the flesh is rotted off, they take the bones, making planks and doors of such as are flat, and beams or rafters of the ribs or jaw-bones; and many of these monsters are found fifty yards in length." Strabo confirms the report of Arrian, and adds, that "the vertebrae, or socket bones, of the back, are formed into mortars, in which they pound their fish, and mix it up into a paste, with the addition of a little meal."—(Vincent's Nearchus, p. 265.)

Dr. Vincent, in this passage, does not seem to be aware that no whale was ever found nearly so long as fifty yards, and that half that length is the more common size of the largest whales, even in seas more suitable to their nature and growth. That the animal which Nearchus himself saw was a whale, there can be little doubt: while he was off Kyiza, the seamen were extremely surprised, and not a little alarmed, at perceiving the sea agitated and thrown up, as Arrian expresses it, as if it were forcibly lifted up by a whirlwind. The pilot informed them that it was occasioned by the whales blowing; this information, however, does not seem to have quieted their fears: they ceased rowing, the oars dropped from their hands, and Nearchus found himself under the necessity of exerting all his presence of mind and authority to recall them to their duty. He gave directions to steer towards the place where the sea was lifted up: in their advance the crew shouted all together, dashed the water with their oars, and sounded their trumpets. The whales were intimidated, sunk on the near approach of the vessels, and, though they rose again astern, and renewed their blowing, they now excited no alarm.

The Gulf of Persia, which Nearchus was now about to enter, comprehends the coasts of Karmania, Persis, and Susiana. Nothing important occurred till the vessels arrived off Cape Mussenden in Karmania, where they anchored: at this place Nearchus and Onesicritus differed in opinion relative to the further prosecution of the voyage; the latter wished to explore this cape, and extend the voyage to the Gulf of Arabia. The reason he assigned was, that they knew more of this gulf, than of the Gulf of Persia; and that, as Alexander was master of Egypt, in the former gulf they would meet with more assistance than in the latter. Nearchus, on the contrary, insisted that Alexander's plan in directing, this voyage should be exactly pursued: this plan was, to obtain a knowledge of the coast, with such harbours, bays, and islands, as might occur in the course of the voyage; "to ascertain whether there were any towns bordering on the ocean, and whether the country was habitable or desert." The opinion of Nearchus prevailed, and the voyage was pursued according to its original course and purpose.

As Nearchus had reason to believe that the army of Alexander was at no great distance, he resolved to land, form a naval camp, and to advance himself into the interior, that he might ascertain this point. Accordingly, on the 20th of December, the 80th day after his departure, he formed a camp near the river Anamis; and having secured his ships, proceeded in search of Alexander. The first intelligence of their sovereign, however, seems to have been obtained accidentally. The crew of Nearchus were strolling up the country, when some of them met with a man whose dress and language instantly discovered that he was a Greek: the joy of meeting with a countryman was greatly heightened when he informed them that the army which he had lately left, was encamped at no great distance, and that the governor of the province was on the spot. As soon as Nearchus learnt the exact situation of the army, he hastened towards it; but the governor, eager to communicate to Alexander intelligence of his fleet, anticipated him. Alexander was exceedingly pleased; but when several days elapsed, and Nearchus did not arrive, he began to doubt the truth of what the governor had told him, and at last ordered him to be imprisoned.



In the mean time Nearchus was prosecuting his journey along with Archias and five or six others, when he fortunately fell in with a party from the army, which had been sent out with horses and carriages for his accommodation. The admiral and his attendants, from their appearance, might have passed unnoticed. Their hair long and neglected, their garments decayed, their countenance pale and weather-worn, and their persons emaciated by famine and fatigue, scarcely raised the attention of the friends they had encountered. They were Greeks, however; and if Greeks, it was natural to inquire after the army, and where it was now encamped. An answer was given to their inquiry; but still they were neither recognized by the party, nor was any question asked in return. Just as they were separating from each other, "Assuredly," says Archias, "this must be a party sent out for our relief, for on what other account can they be wandering about the desert? There is nothing strange in their passing us without notice, for our very appearance is a disguise. Let us address them once more, and inform them who we are, and learn from them on what service they are at present employed." Nearchus approved of this advice, and approaching them again, inquired which way they were directing their course. "We are in search of Nearchus and his people," replied the officer: "And I am Nearchus," said the admiral; "and this is Archias. Take us under your conduct, and we will ourselves report our history to the king." They were accordingly placed in the carriages, and conducted towards the army without delay. While they were upon their progress, some of the horsemen, impatient to carry the news of this happy event, set off to the camp to inform the king, that Nearchus and Archias were arrived with five or six of his people; but of the rest they had no intelligence. This suggested to Alexander that perhaps these only were preserved, and that the rest of the people had perished, either by famine or shipwreck; nor did he feel so much pleasure in the preservation of the few, as distress for the loss of the remainder. During this interval, Nearchus and his attendants arrived. It was not without difficulty that the king discovered who they were, under the disguise of their appearance; and this circumstance contributed to confirm him in his mistake, imagining that both their persons and their dress bespoke ship wreck, and the destruction of the fleet. He held out his hand, however, to Nearchus, and led him aside from his guards and attendants without being able to utter a word. As soon as they were alone, he burst into tears, and continued weeping for a considerable time; till, at length recovering in some degree his composure,—"Nearchus," says he, "I feel some satisfaction in finding that you and Archias have escaped; but tell me where and in what manner did my fleet and my people perish?" "Your fleet," replied Nearchus, "are all safe,—your people are safe; and we are come to bring you the account of their preservation." Tears, but from a different source, now fell much faster from his eyes. "Where then are my ships?" says he. "At the Anamis," replied Nearchus; "all safe on shore, and preparing for the completion of their voyage." "By the Lybian Ammon and Jupiter of Greece, I swear to you," rejoined the king, "I am more happy at receiving this intelligence, than in being conqueror of all Asia; for I should have considered the loss of my fleet and the failure of this expedition, as a counterbalance to all the glory I have acquired." Such was the reception of the admiral; while the governor, who was the first bearer of the glad tidings, was still in bonds: upon the sight of Nearchus, he fell at his feet, and implored his intercession. It may be well imagined that his pardon was as readily granted as it was asked.—(Vincent's Nearchus, p. 312.)

Sacrifices, games, and a festival ensued; and when these were ended, Alexander told Nearchus that he would expose him to no further hazard, but despatch another to carry the fleet to Susa. "I am bound to obey you," replied the admiral, "as my king, and I take a pleasure in my obedience; but if you, wish to gratify me in return, suffer me to retain my command, till I have completed the expedition. I shall feel it as an injustice, if, after having struggled through all the difficulties of the voyage, another shall finish the remainder almost without an effort, and yet reap the honour of completing what I have begun." Alexander yielded to this just request, and about the end of the year Nearchus rejoined his fleet.

By the 6th of January, B.C. 345, he reached the island of Kataia, which forms the boundary between Karmania and Persis. The length of the former coast is rather more than three hundred miles: the time occupied by Nearchus in this part of his voyage was about twelve days. He arrived at Badis, the first station in Karmania, on the 7th of December; at Anamis on the 10th; here he remained three days. His journey to the camp, stay there, return, and preparations for again sailing, may have occupied fifteen days. Three hundred miles in twelve days is at the rate of twenty-five miles a day.

Hitherto the voyage of Nearchus has afforded no information respecting the commerce of the ancients. The coasts along which he sailed were either barren and thinly inhabited by a miserable and ignorant people, or if more fertile and better cultivated, Nearchus' attention and interest were too keenly occupied about the safety of himself and his companions, to gather much information of a commercial nature. The remainder of his voyage, however, affords a few notices on this subject; and to these we shall attend.

In the island of Schitwar, on the eastern side of the Gulf of Persia, Nearchus found the inhabitants engaged in a pearl fishery: at present pearls are not taken on this side of the Gulf. At the Rohilla point a dead whale attracted their attention; it is represented as fifty cubits long, with a hide a cubit in thickness, beset with shell-fish, probably barnacles or limpets, and sea-weeds, and attended by dolphins, larger than Nearchus had been accustomed to see in the Mediterranean Sea. Their arrival at the Briganza river affords Dr. Vincent an opportunity of conjecturing the probable draught of a Grecian vessel of fifty oars. At ebb-tide, Arrian informs us, the vessels were left dry; whereas at high tide they were able to surmount the breakers and shoals. Modern travellers state that the flood-tide rises in the upper part of the Gulf of Persia, nine or ten feet: hence it may be conjectured that the largest vessel in the fleet drew from six to eight feet water. The next day's sail brought them from the Briganza to the river Arosis, the boundary river between Persis and Susiana, the largest of the rivers which Nearchus had met with in the Gulf of Persia. The province of Persis is described by Nearchus as naturally divided into three parts. "That division which lies along the side of the Gulf is sandy, parched, and sterile, bearing little else but palm-trees." To the north and north-east, across the range of mountains, the country improves considerably in soil and climate; the herbage is abundant and nutritious; the meadows well watered; and the vine and every kind of fruit, except the olive, flourishes. This part of the province is adorned by the parks and gardens of the kings and nobles; the rivers flow from lakes of pure water, abounding in water-fowl of all descriptions; horses and cattle feed on the rich pastures, while in the woods there is abundance of animals for the chace. To this the third division of Persis forms a striking contrast. This lies farther north, a mountainous district, wild and rugged, inhabited by barbarous tribes: the climate is so cold, that the tops of the mountains are constantly covered with snow.

The coast of Susiana, along which Nearchus was now about to sail, he represents as difficult and dangerous, from the number of shoals with which it was lined. As he was informed that it would not be easy to procure water while he was crossing the mouths of the streams which divide the Delta, he took in a supply for five days before he left the Arosis. On account of the shoals which stretch a considerable way out to sea, they could not approach the coast, and were consequently obliged to anchor at night, and sleep on board. In order to pass this dangerous coast with the least risk, they formed a line by single ships, each following in order, through a channel marked by stakes; in the same manner, Arrian remarks, as the passage between Leukas and Akarnania in Greece, except that at Leukas there is a firm sand, so that a ship takes no damage, if she runs ashore: whereas in this passage there was deep mud on both sides, in which a vessel grounding stuck fast; and if her crew endeavoured to get her off by going overboard, they sunk above the middle in the mud. The extent of this difficult passage was thirty-seven miles, at the end of which Nearchus came to an anchor at a distance from the coast. Their course next day was in deep water, which continued till they arrived, after sailing a day and a half, at a village at the mouth of the Euphrates: at this village there was a mart for the importation of the incenses of Arabia. Here Nearchus learnt that Alexander was marching to Susa; this intelligence determined him to return back, to sail up the Pasi-Tigris, and join him near that city. At Aginis he entered the Pasi-Tigris, but he proceeded only about nine miles to a village which he describes as populous and flourishing; here he determined to wait, till he received further information respecting the exact route of the army. He soon learnt that Alexander with his troops was at a bridge which he had constructed over the Pasi-Tigris, at the distance of about one hundred and twenty miles: at this place Nearchus joined him. Alexander embraced Nearchus with the warmth of a friend; and his reception from all ranks was equally gratifying and honourable. Whenever he appeared in the camp, he was saluted with acclamations: sacrifices, games, and every other kind of festivity celebrated the success of his enterprize. Nearly five months had been occupied in performing the voyage from the mouth of the Indus—a voyage which a modern vessel could perform in the course of three weeks.

Immediately after the junction of the fleet and army, Alexander crossed the Pasi-Tigris, and proceeded to Susa: here he distributed rewards and honours among his followers for their long, arduous, faithful, and triumphant services. Those officers who had served as guards of Alexander's person received crowns of gold; and the same present was made to Nearchus as admiral, and to Onesicritus as navigator of the fleet.

We have already mentioned that Alexander projected the circumnavigation of Arabia to the Red Sea, in order to complete the communication between India and Egypt, and through Egypt with Europe. Nearchus was selected for this enterprize; its execution, however, was prevented by the death of Alexander. That he was extremely anxious for its completion, is evident from the personal trouble he took in the preparations for it, and in the necessary preliminary measures. In order that he might himself take a view of the Gulf of Persia, he embarked on board a division of his fleet, and sailed down the same stream which Nearchus had sailed up. At the head of the Delta, the vessels which had suffered most in Nearchus' voyages were directed to proceed with the troops they had on board, through a canal which runs into the Tigris, Alexander himself proceeding with the lightest and best sailing vessels through the Delta to the sea.

Soon after his return to Opis, where the mutiny of his troops took place, Alexander gave another proof of his attention to maritime affairs; for he despatched Heraclides into Hyrcania, with orders to cut timber and prepare a fleet for the purpose of exploring the Caspian Sea—an attempt which, like that of the projected voyage of Nearchus up the Arabian Gulf, was prevented by Alexander's death. In the mean time Nearchus had been collecting the vessels that were destined for his expedition; they were assembled at Babylon: to this city also were brought from Phoenicia forty-seven vessels which had been taken to pieces, and so conveyed over land to Thapsacus. Two of these were of five banks, three of four, twelve of three, and thirty rowed with fifteen oars on a side. Others likewise were ordered to be built on the spot of cypress, the only wood which Babyloni afforded; while mariners were collected from Phoenicia, and a dock was directed to be cut capable of containing one thousand vessels, with buildings and arsenals in proportion to the establishment. To accomplish this extensive design, Alexander had sent one of his officers to Phoenicia with 500 talents (about 106,830l.) to buy slaves fit for the oar, and hire mariners. These preparations were so extensive, that it seems highly probable that Alexander meant to conquer Arabia, as well as explore the navigation of the Arabian Gulf; and indeed his plan and policy always were to unite conquest with discovery. As soon as he had put these preparations in a proper train, he again embarked, and sailed down the Euphrates as far as Pallacopas. The immediate object of this voyage is not exactly known. As the Euphrates flows over the adjacent country at certain seasons, the Persian monarchs had cut a canal at Pallacopas, which diverted its superfluous waters into a lake, where they were employed to flood the land. This and similar canals had been long neglected; but as Alexander seems to have fixed on Babylon as the future capital of his empire, it was necessary to restore the canals to their original utility, in order that the ground on both sides of the Euphrates might be drained or flooded at the proper season. This may have been the only object of Alexander's voyage, or it may have been connected with the projected voyage of Nearchus. It is certain, however, that by his directions the principal canal was much improved; indeed it was in reality cut in a more convenient and suitable place; for the soil where it had been originally cut was soft and spongy, so that much labour and time were required to restore the waters to their course, and secure its mouth in a safe and firm manner. A little lower down, the soil was much more suitable, being strong and rocky; here then Alexander ordered the opening of the canal to be made: he afterwards entered it with his fleet, and surveyed the whole extent of the lake with which it communicated. On the Arabian side of the Gulf, he ordered a city to be built: immediately afterwards he returned to Babylon, where he died.

In the mean time, and while Nearchus was at Babylon, three vessels were sent down the Arabian side of the Gulf, to collect such information as might be useful to him in his projected voyage. One was commanded by Archias, who proceeded as far as Tylos, or Bahrein, the centre of the modern pearl fishery. A short distance from the mouth of the Euphrates, Archias discovered two islands; on one of which a breed of goats and sheep was preserved, which were never killed, except for the purpose of sacrifice. The second vessel sailed a little way round the coast of Arabia. The third, which was commanded by Hiero of Soli, went much farther than either of the other two, for it doubled Cape Mussendoon, sailed down the coast below Moscat, and came in sight of Cape Ras-el-hed: this cape he was afraid to double. On his return he reported that Arabia was much more extensive than had been imagined. None of these vessels proceeded so far as to be of much service to Nearchus, or to carry into effect the grand object of Alexander: for his instructions to Hiero in particular were, to circumnavigate Arabia; to go up the Red Sea; and reach the Bay of Hieropolis, on the coast of Egypt. All these vessels were small, having only fifty oars, and therefore not well calculated for such a long and hazardous navigation.

At the time when Alexander was seized with the illness which occasioned his death, Nearchus was ready to sail, and he himself, with the army, was to accompany him as far as was practicable, in the same manner as he had done from the Indus to the Tigris: two days before the fever commenced, he gave a grand entertainment to Nearchus and his officers.

Only a very few circumstances regarding Nearchus are known after the death of Alexander: he was made governor of Lycia and Pamphylia, and seems to have attached himself to the fortunes of Antigonus. Along with him, he crossed the mountains of Loristan, when he marched out of Susiana, after his combat with Eumenes. In this retreat he commanded the light-armed troops, and was ordered in advance, to drive the Cosseams from their passes in the mountains. When Antigonus deemed it necessary to march into Lesser Asia, to oppose the progress of Cassander, he left his son Demetrius, with part of his army, in Syria; and as that prince was not above 22 years old, he appointed him several advisers, of whom Nearchus was one. It is by no means improbable that the instructions or the advice of Nearchus may have induced Demetrius to survey with great care the lake of Asphaltes, and to form a computation of the profit of the bitumen which it afforded, and of the balm which grew in the adjacent country, and may have contributed to his love for and skill in ship-building; for after he was declared king of Macedonia, he built a fleet of five hundred gallies, several of which had fourteen, fifteen, and sixteen benches of oars. We are informed that they were all built by the particular contrivance of Demetrius himself, and that the ablest artizans, without his directions, were unable to construct such vessels, which united the pomp and splendour of royal ships to the strength and conveniences of ordinary ships of war. The period and circumstances of the death of Nearchus are not known. Dr. Vincent supposes that he may have lost his life at the battle of Ipsus, where Antigonus fell: or, after the battle, by command of the four kings who obtained the victory. Previous to his grand expedition, it appears that he was a native of Crete, and enrolled a citizen of Amphipolis, it is supposed, at the time when Philip intended to form there a mart for his conquests in Thrace. He soon afterwards came to the court of Philip, by whom he and some others were banished, because he thought them too much attached to the interests of Alexander in the family dissensions which arose on the secession of Olympias, and some secret transactions of Alexander in regard to a marriage with a daughter of a satrap of Caria. On the death of Philip, Nearchus was recalled, and rewarded for his sufferings by the favour of his sovereign.

[4] The object of these dykes is supposed by Niebuhr to have been very different: be observes that they were constructed for the purpose of keeping up the waters to inundate the contiguous level: he found these dykes both in the Euphrates and Tigris. And Tavernier mentions one, 120 feet high, in the fall between Mosul and the great Zab.



CHAPTER III.

HISTORICAL SKETCH OF THE PROGRESS OF DISCOVERY, AND COMMERCIAL ENTERPRIZE, FROM THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT, TO THE TIME OF PTOLEMY THE GEOGRAPHER, A.D. 150.—WITH A DIGRESSION ON THE INLAND TRADE BETWEEN INDIA AND THE SHORES OF THE MEDITERRANEAN, THROUGH ARABIA, FROM THE EARLIEST AGES.

For several centuries after the death of Alexander, the impulse and direction of discovery and commercial enterprize continued towards the countries of the East. Of his successors, Seleucus Nicanor and some of the Ptolemies of Egypt prosecuted his plans of commerce with this part of the world with the most zeal and success. Seleucus, after the death of Alexander, obtained possession of those provinces of his empire which were comprized under the name of Upper Asia; he, therefore, naturally regarded the conquered districts of India as belonging to him. In order to secure these, and at the same time to derive from them all the political and commercial advantages which they were capable of bestowing, he marched into India; and it is supposed that he carried his arms into districts that had not been visited by Alexander. The route assigned to his march is obscurely given; but it seems to point out the country from the Hyphasis to the Hysudrus, from thence to Palibothra, at the junction of the Saone and the Ganges, or, perhaps, where Patna now stands. There is no good reason to believe, with some authors, that he reached the mouth of the Ganges. Seleucus was stopt in his progress by the intelligence that Antigonus was about to invade his dominions; but before he retraced his steps towards the Euphrates, he formed a treaty with the Indian king Sandracottus, who resided at Palibothra: and afterwards sent Megasthenes, who had some knowledge of the country, from having accompanied Alexander, as his ambassador to him. In this city, Megasthenes resided several years, and on his return he published an account of that part of India; fragments of this account are given by Diodorus Siculus, Strabo, and Arrian; and though it contains many false and fabulous stories, yet these are intermixed with much that is valuable and correct. He gives a faithful picture of the Indian character and manners; and his account of the geography and dimensions of India is curious and accurate. Some further insight into these countries was derived from the embassy of Daimachus, to the son and successor of Sandracottus; this terminated the connection of the Syrian monarchs with India which was probably wrested from them soon after the death of Seleucus. At the time when this monarch was assassinated, Pliny informs us, that he entertained a design of joining the Euxine and Caspian seas, by means of a canal; he was undoubtedly the most sagacious of the Syrian kings, and the only one who imitated Alexander in endeavouring to unite conquest with commerce.

But it is to the Egyptian successors of Alexander that we must look for the systematic extension of commerce; towards which they were in a manner impelled by the highly favourable situation of Alexandria. It has justly been observed by Harris, in his Collection of Voyages, that most of the cities founded by the Syrian kings existed little longer than their founders; and, perhaps, with the exception of Antioch, on the Orontes, and Seleucia, on the Tigris, none of them, from the situation in which they were built, and the countries by which they were surrounded, could under any circumstances be of long duration. With respect to the cities founded by Alexander it was quite otherwise. The Alexandria of Paropamisus may still be traced in Candahar; and the Alexandria on the Iaxartes, in Cogend: and the Alexandria of Egypt, after surviving the revolutions of empires for eighteen ages, perished at last, (as a commercial city,) only in consequence of a discovery which changed the whole system of commerce through the world.

On the destruction of Tyre, Alexander sought for a situation on which he might build a city that would rival it in the extent of its commerce; and he quickly perceived the advantages that would be derived from the seat of commerce being established near one of the branches of the Nile. By means of this river his projected city would command at once the commerce of the Red Sea and the Mediterranean. It was, however, necessary to select a spot near the mouths of the Nile, which would secure these advantages in the highest degree, and which would at the same time be of the highest importance in a military point of view, and afford a harbour constantly accessible. The site of Alexandria combined all these advantages: on three sides it has the sea, or the lake Mareotis, which, according to Strabo, was nearly 300 stadia long, and 150 broad; the country adjoining this lake was fertile, and by means of it, and natural or artificial channels, there was a communication with the Delta and Upper Egypt. Between this lake and the Canopic branch of the Nile, Alexander built his city: to less sagacious minds this site would have appeared improper and injudicious in some respects; for the sea-coast from Pelusium to Canopus is low land, not visible at a distance; the navigation along this coast, and the approach to it, is dangerous, and the entrance into the mouths of the Nile, at some seasons, is extremely hazardous. But these disadvantages the genius of Alexander turned to the benefit of his city, by the erection of the Pharos, and the plan of a double harbour, which was afterwards completed by the Ptolemies; for he thus united in a single spot the means of defence and facility of access.

Denocrates, a Macedonian architect, who proposed to Alexander to cut Mount Athos in the form of a statue holding a city in one hand, and in the other a bason, into which all the waters of the mountain should empty themselves, was employed by that monarch to build and beautify Alexandria. Its site was on a deep and secure bay, formed by the shore on the one side, and the island of Pharos on the other; in this bay numerous fleets might lie in perfect safety, protected from the winds and waves. The form in which the city was built was that of a Macedonian chlamys, or cloak; the two ports, one of which only was built by Alexander, though both (as has been already observed) were projected by him, were formed and divided from each other by a moat a mile long, which stretched from the isle of Pharos to the continent: that harbour which lay to the north was called the Great Harbour, and the other, to the west, was called Eunostus, or the Safe Return. In order to secure the vessels from the storms of the Mediterranean, even more effectually than they could be by the natural advantages of these harbours, the piers on each side were bent like a bar, so that only a small space was left for the entrance of vessels.

The successors of Alexander in the Egyptian empire followed his example, in nourishing commerce and improving Alexandria. Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, as soon as he took possession of Egypt, established the seat of government there, and succeeded, partly by harsh and despotic measures, and partly by offering great advantages, and by his just and humane character, to draw thither a great number of inhabitants. He began, and his son completed, the famous watch-tower in the island of Pharos; the causeway which united it to the main land, already mentioned, was built by Dexiphanes. Sostratus, the son of this architect, was employed to erect the watch-tower: the design of this tower was to direct the vessels which entered the harbour, and it was justly reckoned one of the wonders of the world. It was a large and square structure of white marble, on the top of which fires were constantly kept burning for the direction of sailors. The building of this tower cost 800 talents, which, if they were Attic talents, were equivalent to 165,000l. sterling, but if they were Alexandrian, to double that sum. This stupendous and most useful undertaking was completed in the fortieth year of the reign of Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, and in first year of the reign of Ptolemy Philadelphus; and at the same time that Sostratus finished it, his father, Dexiphanes, finished the mole, which united the island of Pharos to the continent. The inscription on the tower was, "King Ptolemy to the Gods, the saviours, for the benefit of sailors;" but Sostratus put this inscription on the mortar, while underneath he cut, in the solid marble, the following inscription, "Sostratus the Cnidian, son of Dexiphanes, to the Gods, the saviours, for the benefit of sailors." In process of time the mortar wore off, the first inscription disappeared along with it, and the second inscription became visible.

The erection of the tower of Pharos was by no means the only service the first Ptolemy did to commerce; throughout all his reign he manifested great attention to it and maritime affairs, as well as to those sciences by which they might be improved and advanced. As soon as he had made himself master of Palestine, Syria, and Phoenicia, he turned his thoughts to the conquest of Cyprus: this island abounded in wood, of which Egypt was almost destitute; and on this account, as well as on account of its situation, in the bosom, as it were, of the Levant, it was of the utmost importance to a maritime power. He succeeded in obtaining possession of this valuable island, and thus improved and enlarged the commercial advantages of Egypt. His next step, with this view, was to invite the sailors of Phoenicia to his new capital. His increasing power, especially at sea, roused the envy of Antigonus, who, by extraordinary exertions, in the course of twelve months built and equipped a fleet, which was able to cope with the naval power of Ptolemy. It is foreign to our purpose to notice the wars between them, except in so far as they are connected with the commercial history of Alexandria. This city was benefited by these wars, for Antigonus, in his progress, had driven many of the inhabitants of Syria, Palestine, and Phoenicia from their native lands: to these Ptolemy gave great encouragement, and extraordinary privileges and immunities, which induced them to settle in Alexandria, where they followed their mercantile or commercial pursuits. The report of these advantages granted to foreigners, led Jews, Greeks and Macedonians to flock to Egypt, by which means the population and wealth of that country, and particularly of its capital, were greatly augmented.

The foundation of the museum and library of Alexandria, both of which contributed so essentially to science and to the establishment of the Alexandrian school of philosophy, which, as we shall afterwards perceive, produced men that greatly advanced geographical knowledge, is another proof of the wise and comprehensive character of Ptolemy's mind.

But Ptolemy rather prepared the way for the advancement of commerce and maritime discovery, than contributed directly to them himself: fortunately, his son, Ptolemy Philadelphus, was a worthy successor, and emulous of treading in his father's steps. About the beginning of his reign, Tyre, the ancient station of the trade with India, again reared its head as a commercial city, and engaged extensively and successfully in this lucrative traffic. It became necessary, therefore, in order to draw it from Tyre and to secure its centering in Alexandria, to extend the facilities and advantages of this city for this traffic. With this view, Ptolemy sent travellers to penetrate into the interior of his dominions, bordering on the Red Sea, by land, while his fleet was exploring the coast: he began to make a canal, 100 cubits broad and 30 deep, between Arsinoe on the Red Sea, and the eastern branch of the Nile, in order to complete a water-communication between India and Alexandria. This canal, however, was never completed; probably on account of the tedious and difficult navigation towards the northern extremity of the Red Sea. He therefore altered his plan, and instead of Arsinoe fixed on Myos Hormos, as the port from which the navigation to India should commence. The same reason which induced him to form this port; led him afterwards to the establishment of Berenice; he was farther led to this, as Berenice was lower down in the Red Sea, and consequently ships sailing from it reached the ocean sooner and with less difficulty. It appears, however, that till the Romans conquered Egypt, the greatest portion of the trade between Alexandria and [Egypt->India] was carried on through Myos Hormos. The route in the time of Ptolemy and his successors was as follows: vessels passed up the Canopic branch of the Nile to Memphis, and thence to Coptus; from Coptus the goods were transported in caravans to Myos Hormos: from this port the vessels sailed for Africa, or Arabia in the month of September, and for India in July. As the country over which the caravans travelled was the desart of Thebais, which is almost destitute of water, Ptolemy ordered springs to be searched for, wells to be dug, and caravanseras to be erected.

In order to protect his merchant ships in the Mediterranean and the Red Sea, he fitted out two great fleets, one of which he constantly kept in each sea. That in the Mediterranean was very numerous, and had several ships of an extraordinary size: two of them in particular had 30 oars on a side, one 20, four 14, two 12, fourteen 11, thirty 9, &c., besides a great number of vessels of four oars and three oars on a side. With these fleets he protected the commerce of his subjects, and kept in subjection most of the maritime provinces of Asia Minor; viz. Cilicia, Pamphylia, Lycia and Caria. The names of some of the most celebrated geographers who were patronized by this monarch, have been handed down to us: Pliny mentions Dalion, Bion, Boselis, and Aristocreon, as having visited Ethiopia, and contributed to the geographical knowledge of that country; and Simonides as having resided five years at Meroe. Timosthenes lived in this reign: he published a description of the known sea-ports, and a work on the measure of the earth. He sailed down the coast of Africa, probably as far as Madagascar, certainly lower down than the Egyptians traded under the Ptolemies, or even under the Romans.

The reign of Ptolemy Euergetes was equally distinguished, with, those of his predecessors, by attention to commerce, and a desire to extend it. As the navigation of the Red Sea had now become a source of great wealth to his subjects, he deemed it necessary to free it as much as possible from the pirates that infested it's coasts; for this purpose, as well as to preserve a communication between Egypt and the countries which extended to its mouth, he established governors from the isthmus of Suez, along the Arabian and African coasts, as far as the straits of Babelmandeb; and planted colonies of Greeks and Egyptians to carry on the commerce, and protect the interests of his subjects. But the most extraordinary instance of his enterprising spirit is to be found in his conquest (evidently for the purpose of facilitating and securing the commerce of the Red Sea) of part of Abyssinia. The proof of this, indeed, rests entirely on an inscription found at Aduli, which there can be no doubt is the harbour and bay of Masuah; the only proper entrance, according to Bruce, into Abyssinia. The inscription to which we have alluded was extant in the time of Cosmas (A.D. 545), by whom it was seen. From it, Ptolemy appears to have passed to the Tacazze, which he calls the Nile, and to have penetrated into Gojam, in which province the fountains of the Nile are found. He made roads, opened a communication between this country and Egypt, and during this expedition obliged the Arabians to pay tribute, and to maintain the roads free from robbers and the sea from pirates; subduing the whole coast from [Leucke->Leuke] Come to Sabea. The inscription adds: "In the accomplishment of this business I had no example to follow, either of the ancient kings of Egypt, or of my own family; but was the first to conceive the design, and to carry it into execution. Thus, having reduced the whole world to peace under my own authority, I came down to Aduli, and sacrificed to Jupiter, to Mars, and to Neptune, imploring his protection for all who navigate these seas."

Ptolemy Euergetes was particularly attentive to the interests of the library at Alexandria. The first librarian appointed by Ptolemy the successor of Alexander, was Zenodotus; on his death, Ptolemy Euergetes invited from Athens Eratosthenes, a citizen of Cyrene, and entrusted to him the care of the library: it has been supposed that he was the second of that name, or of an inferior rank in learning and science, because he is sometimes called Beta; but by this appellation nothing else was meant, but that he was the second librarian of the royal library at Alexandria. He died at the age of 81, A.C. 194. He has been called a second Plato, the cosmographer and the geometer of the world: he is rather an astronomer and mathematician than a geographer, though geography is indebted to him for some improvements in its details, and more especially for helping to raise it to the accuracy and dignity of a science. By means of instruments, which Ptolemy erected in the museum at Alexandria, he ascertained the obliquity of the ecliptic to be 23 deg. 51' 20". He is, however, principally celebrated as the first astronomer who measured a degree of a great circle, and thus approximated towards the real diameter of the earth.

The importance of this discovery will justify us in entering on some details respecting the means which this philosopher employed, and the result which he obtained.

It is uncertain whether the well at Syene, in Upper Egypt, which he used for this purpose, was dug by his directions, or existed previously. Pliny seems to be of the former opinion; but there is reason to believe that it had a much higher antiquity. The following observations on its structure by Dr. Horsley, Bishop of Rochester, are ingenious and important. "The well, besides that it was sunk perpendicularly, with the greatest accuracy, was, I suppose, in shape an exact cylinder. Its breadth must have been moderate, so that a person, standing upon the brink, might safely stoop enough over it to bring his eye into the axis of the cylinder, where it would be perpendicularly over the centre of the circular surface of the water. The water must have stood at a moderate, height below the mouth of the well, far enough below the mouth to be sheltered from the action of the wind, that its surface might be perfectly smooth and motionless; and not so low, but that the whole of its circular surface might be distinctly seen by the observer on the brink. A well formed in this manner would afford, as I apprehend, the most certain observation of the sun's appulse to the zenith, that could be made with the naked eye; for when the sun's centre was upon the zenith, his disc would be seen by reflection on the water, in the very middle of the well,—that is, as a circle perfectly concentric with the circle of the water; and, I believe, there is nothing of which the naked eye can judge with so much precision as the concentricity of two circles, provided the circles be neither very nearly equal, nor the inner circle very small in proportion to the outer."

Eratosthenes observed, that at the time of the summer solstice this well was completely illuminated by the sun, and hence he inferred that the sun was, at that time, in the zenith of this place. His next object was to ascertain the altitude of the sun, at the same solstice, and on the very same day, at Alexandria. This he effected by a very simple contrivance: he employed a concave hemisphere, with a vertical style, equal to the radius of concavity; and by means of this he ascertained that the arch, intercepted between the bottom of the style and the extreme point of its shadow, was 7 deg. 12'. This, of course, indicated the distance of the sun from the zenith of Alexandria. But 7 deg. 12' is equal to the fiftieth part of a great circle; and this, therefore, was the measure of the celestial arc contained between the zeniths of Syene and Alexandria. The measured distance between these cities being 5000 stadia, it followed, that 5000 X 50 = 250,000, was, according to the observations of Eratosthenes, the extent of the whole circumference of the earth.

If we knew exactly the length of the stadium of the ancients, or, to speak more accurately, what stadium is referred to in the accounts which have been transmitted to us of the result of the operations of Eratosthenes, (for the ancients employed different stadia,) we should be able precisely to ascertain the circumference which this philosopher ascribed to the earth, and also, whether a nearer approximation to the truth was made by any subsequent or prior ancient philosopher. The circumference of the earth was conjectured, or ascertained, by Aristotle, Cleomedes, Posidonius, and Ptolemy respectively, to be 400, 300, 240, and 180 thousand stadia. It is immediately apparent that these various measures have some relation to each other, and probably express the same extent; measured in different stadia; and this probability is greatly increased by comparing the real distances of several places with the ancient itinerary distances.

The observation of Eratosthenes respecting the obliquity of the ecliptic (though undoubtedly not so immediately or essentially connected with our subject as his observation of the circumference of the earth) is too important to be passed over entirely without notice. He found the distance between the tropics less than 53 deg. 6', and greater than 52 deg. 96', which gives a mean of 23 deg. 51' for the obliquity of the ecliptic. The observations of Hipparchus (who flourished at Alexandria about 140 years before Christ, and whom we shall have occasion to mention more particularly afterwards) coincided with those of Eratosthenes. Plutarch, however, who died A.D. 119, informs us, that, in his time, the gnomons at Syene were no longer shadowless on the day of the summer solstice. As the interval between Eratosthenes and Plutarch was only about 512 years, Bishop Morsley has very naturally expressed his doubts of the accuracy of Plutarch's assertion. He says, that the change in the obliquity of the ecliptic in this interval was only 2' 36". "A gnomon, therefore, at Syene, of the length of twelve inches, if it cast no shadow on the day of the solstice in the time of Eratosthenes, should have cast a shadow in the time of Plutarch of the length only of 9/1000th, or not quite 1/100th part of an inch. The shadow of a perpendicular column of the height of 100 feet would have been 9/10ths of an inch." As, however, the ancients do not appear to have constructed gnomons of such a size, and as gnomons of inferior size would have given a shadow scarcely perceptible, it is probable that Plutarch is mistaken in his assertion; or, at any rate, that the very small variation which did take place between his time and that of Eratosthenes (if it were observed at all) was ascertained by means of the well itself, which would point it out much more distinctly and accurately than any gnomon the ancients can be supposed to have used.

We are also indebted to Eratosthenes for the first regular parallel of latitude, and also for tracing a meridian. His parallel of latitude began at the Straits of Gibraltar, and passed eastward through Rhodes to the mountains of India; the intermediate places being carefully set down. His meridian line passed through Rhodes and Alexandria, as far as Syene and Meroe. Meroe, on this account, became an object of the greatest interest and importance to all the succeeding ancient geographers and astronomers, and they have taken the utmost labour and care to ascertain its latitude accurately. Strabo informs us, that Eratosthenes constructed a map of the world; but he does not give such particulars as will enable us to trace the extent of his geographical knowledge. At the extremity of the world to the east, bounded by the ocean, Thina was placed in the map of Eratosthenes, in the parallel of Rhodes; a parallel which passes through the empire of China, within the Great Wall. Eratosthenes, according to Strabo, (to whom we are indebted for nearly all we know respecting this philosopher,) asserts that Thina had been, previously to the construction of his map, incorrectly placed in the more ancient maps. His information respecting Meroe or Abyssinia, is most probably derived from Dalion, Aristocreon, and Bion, who had been sent by Ptolemy Philadelphus and his successors into that country, or from Timosthenes, who sailed down the coast of Africa as low as Cerne. His information on the subject of India (which, however, as far as regards oriental commerce, is very confused) must have been derived from the Macedonians. There is little doubt that the library of Alexandria afforded him access to all the knowledge which then existed respecting the various countries of the globe; but the turn of his mind led him rather to astronomical than geographical studies; or rather, perhaps, he directed his labours and his talents to the discovery of the figure and circumference of the earth, thinking, that till this was effected, the delineation of the habitable world, and the relative position of different countries, must be very inaccurate as well as incomplete. This opinion regarding Eratosthenes, that he was more of a geometrician than a geographer, seems to be confirmed by the testimony of Marcian of Heraclia, who informs us, that Eratosthenes took the whole work of Timosthenes, preface and all, as it stood, and in the very same words. If this account be accurate, it is probable that Eratosthenes' knowledge of Thina, and his being able to correct the erroneous position of this country in more ancient maps, was derived from Timosthenes, who had commanded the fleet of Ptolemy Philadelphus on the Indian Ocean.

If we reflect on the rude and imperfect state of science at this period, the paucity and inadequacy of the instruments by means of which it might be improved, and the superstitions and prejudices which opposed the removal of error or the establishment of truth, we shall not be disposed to question the justice of the panegyric pronounced by Pliny on Eratosthenes. This author, after detailing all that was then known on the subject of the circumference of the earth, and on the distances which had been ascertained by actual admeasurement, or approximated by analogy or probable conjecture, between the most remarkable places on its surface, adds, that Eratosthenes, whose acuteness and application had advanced him far in every branch of knowledge, but who had outstripped all his predecessors or contemporaries in that particular branch which was connected with the admeasurement of the earth, had fixed its circumference at 250,000 stadia; a bold and almost presumptuous enterprize, (improbum ausum,) but which had been conducted with so much judgment, and on such sound principles, that it commanded and deserved our credit. Hipparchus, who was distinguished for his correctness and diligence in every part of geometrical and astronomical science, and who had specially exerted those qualities in his endeavours to correct the errors of Eratosthenes, had been able to add only the comparatively small extent of 25,000 stadia to the computation of Eratosthenes.—Plin. Nat. Hist. lib. ii. c. 108.

Eratosthenes seems, from the nature of his studies, not to have availed himself so much as he might have done of the treasures contained in the Alexandrian library under his care, to correct or extend the geographical knowledge of his contemporaries. The same observation will not apply to Agatharcides, who was president of the library after Eratosthenes. The exact time at which he flourished is not known: according to Blair, he was contemporary with Eratosthenes, though younger than him, and flourished 177 A.C., Eratosthenes having died at the age of eighty-one, in the year 194 A.C. Dodwell, however, fixes him at a later period; viz. 104 A.C.; but this date must be erroneous, because Artemidorus of Ephesus, who evidently copies Agatharcides, undoubtedly lived 104 A.C. Agatharcide's was born at Cnidus in Caria: no particulars are known respecting him, except that he was president of the Alexandrian library, in the reign of Ptolemy Philometor, if he flourished 177 A.C.; and in the reign of Ptolemy Lathyrus, if, according to Dodwell, he did not flourish till 104 A.C.

The only work of his which is preserved, is a Treatise on the Erythraean Sea; and this we possess only in the Bibliotheca of Photius, and incorporated in the history of Diodorus Siculus. The authority of Agatharcides was very high among the ancients. Strabo, Pliny, and Diodorus, always mention him with the utmost respect, and place implicit confidence in his details. Diodorus expressly states that Agatharcides and Artemidorus (who, as we have already mentioned, was merely his copyist) are the only authors who have written truth concerning Egypt and Ethiopia; and Strabo follows him in all that relates to the latter country, the countries lying to the south of Egypt, and the western coast of Arabia. In fact, for nearly 200 years, the ancient historians and geographers drew all the information they possessed respecting the portions of the world embraced in the work of Agatharcides from that work. It has been well observed, "that when Pliny speaks of the discoveries on the coast of Malabar in his own age, and adds, that the names he mentions are new, and not to be found in previous writers, we ought to consider him as speaking of all those who had followed the authority of the Macedonians, or the school of Alexandria; of which, in this branch of science, Eratosthenes and Agatharcides were the leaders." From the circumstance that Strabo appeals very frequently to the authority of Eratosthenes, in conjunction with that of Agatharcides, it has been conjectured, that the work of the latter contains all that the former knew, with the addition of his own information; and this conjecture is highly probable, considering that Agatharcides had access to the sources whence Eratosthenes drew his information; to the works of Eratosthenes themselves, which of course would be deposited in the Alexandrian library; and to all the additional works which had enriched the library from the time of Eratosthenes, as well as the additional information which the extensive commerce of Alexandria would supply.

The work of Agatharcides, therefore, having been in such estimation by the ancient historians and geographers, and the only source from which, during 200 years, they drew their information, and having been compiled by a person, who, it is probable, had better and fuller means of rendering it accurate and complete than any of his contemporaries enjoyed; it will be proper to give a pretty full abstract of the most interesting and important part of its contents.

The veracity of this author was questioned by Plutarch, from his narrating a circumstance, which, to us of the present day, is a strong confirmation of the truth and accuracy of his information. Agatharcides takes notice of the worm which is formed in the legs, and which insinuates itself there in such a manner, that it is necessary to wind it out with the utmost caution. Plutarch ridicules and rejects this story, and says it never has happened, and never will. But that such a worm exists, and that when it insinuates itself into the leg it must be drawn out with the utmost caution, lest the smallest portion of it remain, and thus produce disease, is directly and fully attested by all the travellers, and particularly by Bruce, who carried with him to the grave the marks and effects of the attack of this species of worm.

But the most curious and important portion of the work of Agatharcides on the Red Sea, relates to Abyssinia; for in this work we meet with the first genuine characteristics of this nation. He specifies particularly the gold mines wrought by the kings of Egypt on the coast of the Red Sea;—the process which they followed to procure and separate this metal;—the sufferings which the miners underwent in their operations are painted in very strong language: "The multitude of bones still found in these excavations, he says, is incredible, of wretches crushed by the falling-in of the earth, as must naturally happen in a loose and crumbling soil." He adds a circumstance, to which there are many parallel in our own country, in those mines which are supposed to have been wrought by the Romans; viz. the tools of copper found in these gold mines, supposed to have been used by the native Egyptians, prior to the conquest of Egypt by the Persians. The next particular mentioned by Agatharcides, respecting the Abyssinian coast of the Red Sea, is very conclusive, with respect to his accuracy and credibility. In Meroe, or Abyssinia, he says, they hunt elephants and hamstring them, and afterwards cut the flesh out of the animal alive: he adds, that the inhabitants are so extremely fond of the flesh of the elephant, thus procured, that when Ptolemy would have paid any price to purchase these animals alive, as he wanted them for his army, the Abyssinian hunters refused his offer, declaring that not all the wealth of Egypt would tempt them to forego their favourite and delicious repast. It is a remarkable fact, that the credit of Bruce on this topic should thus be confirmed by a writer who lived nearly 2000 years before him, of whose writings we possess only a very short treatise, and of whose life we know scarcely a single particular. It may be added, that Strabo, in a passage, in which he is apparently copying Agatharcides, mentions [Greek: Kreophagoi] and as he would scarcely particularize the fact of a native eating the flesh of animals cooked, it is to be presumed, he means raw flesh. In the same place he mentions the excisio feminarum.

Every reader of Brace's Travels in Abyssinia must remember the fly, called Tsalpsalza, an insect more formidable than the strongest or most savage wild beasts: "As soon as the buzzing of this insect is heard, the utmost alarm and trepidation prevails; the cattle forsake their food and run wildly about the plain, till at length they fall down, worn out with terror, hunger and fatigue; even the camel, elephant and rhinoceros, are not safe from the attacks of this formidable insect." This fly is described by Agatharcides in the same manner as by Bruce. The ensete tree of Bruce, the leaves of which resemble the banana, with fruit like figs, but not eatable, with a trunk esculent till it reaches its perfect growth and is full of leaves, resembles in some of its particulars a tree described by Agatharcides. This author also describes the locusts, as generally used for food; the troglodytes; the rhinoceros; the cameleopard; what he calls sphinxes, but which are represented as tame, and are supposed to be apes, distinguished from the common ape in the face being smooth and without hair. He also mentions an animal he calls crocetta, which is described as being between a wolf and a dog, and as imitating the human voice; these particulars seem to point it out as the hyena, though some suppose it to be the jackall. It deserves to be remarked, that the animals enumerated by Agatharcides as natives of Abyssinia, are all named in the same manner, as well as depicted on the celebrated Palestrine Mosaic.

In his description of the coast of the Red Sea he commences with Arsinoe, and goes down the western side as far as Ptolemais Theron; a place so called, because elephants were there hunted and taken, and are still, according to Bruce. Agatharcides adds, that the usual navigation was to this place for elephants. He notices Myos Hormos, but not Berenice; he has even mentioned the islands at the straits of Babelmandeb, and the prodigies which in his time, and much later, were supposed to lie beyond them. There is, however, one part of his work, in which he seems to indicate the curvature of the African coast to the east beyond the straits; but it is doubtful whether in this place he is speaking of the coast within or without the straits.

In his description of the coast between Myos Hormos and Ptolemais, he points out a bay, which, both from the identity of the name, and the circumstances respecting it which he narrates, undoubtedly is the Foul Bay of the moderns. Strabo, who, as we have already stated, borrows freely and frequently from Agatharcides, describes this bay as full of shoals and breakers, and exposed to violent winds; and he adds, that Berenice lies at the bottom of it. The accuracy of our author, even when he is opposed by the testimony of Bruce, is fully proved in what he relates of the coast below Foul Bay: after mentioning two mountains, which he calls the Bulls, he particularly adverts to the dangerous shoals which often proved fatal to the elephant ships on their passage to and from Ptolemais. Bruce says no such shoals exist; but, as is justly observed by Dr. Vincent; the correctness of the ancients respecting them, especially Eratosthenes, Agatharcides and Artemidorus, is fully borne out by the danger and loss to which many English ships have been exposed by reason of these very shoals.

The description of Agatharcides of this side of the coast of the Red Sea, reaches no lower down than Ptolemais; this circumstance is remarkable, since we have seen that, from the inscription found at Aduli there can be no doubt that Ptolemy Euergetes had conquered Abyssinia, and established a commerce considerably lower down than Ptolemais Theron. As, however, we have not the original, and perhaps not the entire work of Agatharcides, we cannot infer any thing, either respecting his ignorance or inattention, from this omission.

Agatharcides, having thus described this coast, returns from Ptolemais to Myos Hormos, and passing the Bay of Arsinoe, crosses to Phoenicum, in the Elanitic Gulf, and describes the coast of Arabia as far as Sabea. Almost the very first particular noticed by him in this part of his work, bears evidence to his accuracy as a geographer. He states that, at the entrance of the Elanitic Gulph there are three islands, one of which is dedicated to Isis: he describes them as, "covering several harbours on the Arabian shore. To these islands succeeds the rocky coast of Thamudeni, where, for more than 1000 stadia, there is no harbour, no roadsted in which a vessel could anchor, no bay into which she could run for shelter, no point of land which could protect her; so that those who sail alone this part of the coast are exposed to certain destruction, if they should be overtaken by a storm." Yet these islands lying in such a conspicuous situation, and of such importance to the mariner, and this coast so dangerous to him, do not appear to have been noticed in any European chart or description, till, after the lapse of twenty centuries, they were restored to geography by Mr. Irwin.

As one of our principal objects is to do justice to the accuracy of the ancient geographers, by pointing out instances of the extreme care which many of them took to obtain correct information we shall adduce one other proof of this accuracy and care in Agatharcides. This author particularly describes the sea as having a white appearance off the coast of Arabia; on this point he was well informed though the circumstance is treated as fabulous by the ancients, and even by some of the moderns; but more observant modern travellers confirm this phenomenon. It is well observed by Dr. Vincent, that we are every day lessening the bulk of the marvellous imputed to the ancients; and as our knowledge of the east increases, it is possible that the imputation will be altogether removed.

The account which Agatharcides gives of Sabaea is very curious and important; and, as we shall afterwards have occasion to make use of it, in endeavouring to prove that, in very early ages, the Arabians supplied the western world with the productions of the east, we shall extract here what he says of Sabaea from the translation of Dr. Vincent.

"Sabaea, (says Agatharcides,) abounds with every production to make life happy in the extreme: its very air is so perfumed with odours, that the natives are obliged to mitigate the fragrance by scents that have an opposite tendency, as if nature could not support even pleasure in the extreme. Myrrh, frankincense, balsam, cinnamon, and casia are here produced, from trees of extraordinary magnitude. The king, as he is, on the one hand, entitled to supreme honour, on the other, is obliged to submit to confinement in his palace; but the people are robust, warlike, and able mariners: they sail in very large vessels to the country where the odoriferous commodities are produced; they plant colonies there, and import from thence the larimna, an odour no where else to be found. In fact, there is no nation on the earth so wealthy as the Gerrheans and Sabeans, as being in the centre of all the commerce that passes between Asia and Europe. These are the nations which have enriched the kingdom of Ptolemy: these are the nations that furnish the most profitable agencies to the industry of the Phoenicians, and a variety of advantages which are incalculable. They possess themselves every profusion of luxury, in articles of plate and sculpture, in furniture of beds, tripods, and other household embellishments, far superior in degree to any thing that is seen in Europe: their expence of living rivals the magnificence of princes: their houses are decorated with pillars glistening with gold and silver: their doors are crowned with vases and beset with jewels: the interior of their houses corresponds with the beauty of their outward appearance, and all the riches of other countries are here exhibited in a variety of profusion. Such a nation, and so abounding in superfluity, owes its independence to its distance from Europe; for their luxurious manners would soon render them a prey to the European sovereigns, who have always troops on foot prepared for any conquest; and who, if they could find the means of invasion, would soon reduce the Sabeans to the condition of their agents and factors; whereas they are now obliged to deal with them as principals."

The importance and the bearing of these curious facts, first brought to our notice by Agatharcides, as well as the inferences which may be drawn from them regarding the mode in which the ancients obtained their commodities of India, will call our particular attention afterwards: at present we shall merely notice the characteristic and minute picture which Agatharcides has drawn of the Sabeans, and the just notions he had formed on the nature of a commerce, of which all the other writers of antiquity seemed to have been utterly ignorant.

Beyond Sabaea to the east, Agatharcides possessed no information, though, like all the ancients, he is desirous of supplying his want of it by indulging in the marvellous: it is, however, rather curious that, among other particulars, undoubtedly unfounded, such as placing the Fortunate islands off the coast beyond Sabaea, and his describing the flocks and herds as all white, and the females as polled;—he describes that whiteness of the sea, to which we have already alluded, as confirmed by modern travellers. From these unfounded particulars, our author soon emerges again into the truth; for he describes the appearance of the different constellations, and especially notices that to the south of Sabaea there is no twilight in the morning; but when he adds, that the sun, at rising, appears like a column—that it casts no shadow till it has been risen an hour, and that the evening twilight lasts three hours after it has set; it is obvious that the information of that age (of which we may justly suppose the library of Alexandria was the great depository) did not extend beyond Sabaea.

That Agatharcides had access to and made ample use of the journal of Nearchus (of which we have given such a complete abstract), is evident from various parts of his work; but it is also evident, by comparing his description of those countries and their inhabitants, which had been visited and described by Nearchus, that he had access to other sources of intelligence, by means of which he added to the materials supplied by the latter.

It will be recollected that Nearchus describes in a particular manner, the Icthyophagi of Gadrosia: Agatharcides also describes Icthyophagi, though it is not clear whether he means to confine his description to those of Gadrosia, or to extend it to others on the coast of Arabia and Africa. The mode practised by the Icthyophagi, according to him, is exactly that which was practised by them in catching fish, according to Nearchus: he also coincides with that author in various other particulars respecting the use of the bones of whales, or other large fish, in the construction of their houses; their ignorance and barbarism, their dress and mode of life. All this he probably borrowed from Nearchus; but he adds one circumstance which indubitably proves, that the knowledge of the eastern part of the world had considerably advanced since the era of Alexander: he expressly states, that beyond the straits that separate Arabia from the opposite coast, there are an immense number of islands, scattered, very small, and scarcely raised above the surface of the ocean. If we may advert to the situation assigned to these islands, on the supposition that the straits which separate Arabia from the opposite coast, mean the entrance to the Gulph of Persia, we shall not be able to ascertain what these islands are; but if in addition to the circumstances of their being scattered, very small, and very low, we add what Agatharcides also notices, that the natives have no other means of supporting life but by the turtles which are found near them in immense numbers, and of a very large size, we shall be disposed, with Dr. Vincent, to consider these as the Maldive Islands. It may be objected to this supposition, that the Maldives are situated at a very great distance from the straits that separate Arabia from the opposite coast; but a cursory acquaintance with the geographical descriptions of the ancients will convince us, that their information respecting the situation of countries was frequently vague and erroneous, (as indeed it must have been, considering the imperfect means they possessed of measuring or even judging of distances, especially by sea) while, at the same time, their information respecting the nature of the country, the productions of its soil, and the manners, &c. of its inhabitants, was surprisingly full and accurate. In identifying places mentioned by the ancients, we should therefore be guided more by the descriptions they give, than by the locality they assign to them. Agatharcides, it is true, adds that these islands extend along the sea, which washes Gadrosia and India; but he probably had very confused notions of the extent and form of India; and, at any rate, giving the widest latitude to the term, the same sea may be said to wash Gadrosia and the Maldive Islands. If these are the islands actually meant by Agatharcides, it is the earliest notice of them extant.

Our concern with Agatharcides relates only to the geographical knowledge which his writings display; and even of that we can only select such parts as are most important, and at the same time point out and prove the advances of geographical knowledge, and of commercial enterprize; before, however, we leave him, we may add one fact, not immediately relating to our peculiar subject, which he records: after stating that the soil of Arabia was, as it were, impregnated with gold, and that lumps of pure gold were found there from the size of an olive to that of a nut, he adds, that iron was twice, and silver ten times, the value of gold. If he is accurate in the proportionate values which he respectively assigns to these metals, it proves the very great abundance of gold; since, in most of the nations of antiquity, the values of gold and silver were the reverse of what they were in Arabia, gold being ten times the value of silver. The comparative high value of iron to gold is still more extraordinary, and seems to indicate not only a great abundance of the latter metal, but also a great scarcity of the former, or a very great demand for it in consequence of the extended and improved state of those arts and manufactures in which iron is an essential requisite, and which indicate an advanced degree of knowledge and civilization. We are not aware of a similar fact, with respect to the proportionate value of iron and silver, being recorded of any other nation of antiquity. It is not to be supposed, however, that the cheapness of gold, measured by iron and silver, could long continue in Arabia, unless we believe that their intercourse with other nations was very limited; because a regular and extensive intercourse would soon assimilate, in a great degree at least, the value of gold measured by iron and silver, as it existed in Arabia, to its value, as measured by the same metals in those countries with which Arabia traded.