Not a theory of government, however, but a political exigency called out a working principle of state rights. When the industrial policy of the government fell under the complete control of the north, and the social system of the south seemed to be menaced, state sovereignty controlled the southern policy. The increase in popularity of Clay's American system of internal improvements and a protective tariff aroused the apprehensions of the whole planting section; the struggle over the admission of Missouri taught the south the power of an unfriendly national majority; and, in 1822, a threatened insurrection of the Negroes at Charleston brought home to the whole section, and particularly to South Carolina, the dangers arising from an agitation of the question of slavery. [Footnote 2: Cf. Hart, Slavery and Abolition (Am. Nation, XVI.), chap. viii.] In the irritated condition and depression of this section, the triumph of loose construction principles and the possible election of a northern president seemed to presage not only the sacrifice of their economic interests, but even the freeing of their slaves. [Footnote 3: See the resolutions of Virginia, December 23, 1816, in Ames, State Docs. on Federal Relations, No. 5, p. 3.] The colonization society, which in its origin had been supported by southern men, became an object of denunciation by the lower south after the Missouri controversy and the insurrection of 1822. The opposition was intensified by the disposition of the society, towards the close of the period, to advocate emancipation, as well as the removal of the existing free Negroes. [Footnote: Cf. Hart, Slavery and Abolition (Am. Nation, XVI.), chap. xiv.]

In Virginia the doctrine of state rights was supported by the friends of Crawford, and, in general, by the older portion of the state. In her western counties, however, where a movement was in progress for a constitutional convention to redistribute political power so that the populous interior should not be subordinated to the slave-holding minority of the coast, there was a strong sentiment in favor of the constitutionality and expediency both of federal internal improvements and the tariff. Nevertheless, Virginia's voice was determined by the ascendancy of the old-time plantation interests. In 1825, Jefferson suggested that the legislature of Virginia should pass a set of resolutions, declaring the internal-improvement laws null and void. He advised, however, that, at the same time, the issue should be avoided by an act of the Virginia legislature validating these congressional laws [Footnote 2: Jefferson, Writings (Ford's ed.), X., 348-352; Ames, State Docs. on Federal Relations, No. 4, p. 8.] until action could be taken on a carefully guarded proposal to amend the Constitution so as to grant the right. This was the last effort of Jefferson to stay the tide of internal improvements which was sweeping opposition before it, and even he withdrew his project before it was acted on. His death (July 4, 1826) removed from Virginia the most influential advocate of state sovereignty and the greatest of the Virginia dynasty since Washington. On the same day John Adams died. The men who made the declaration of independence were passing away, but the spirit of that epoch was reviving in the south.

South Carolina was the theatre of a conflict between the old-time forces of nationalism, of which Calhoun had been the most prominent exponent, and the newer tendencies which would safeguard the interests of the commonwealth by appealing to the doctrine of state sovereignty. [Footnote: Houston, Nullification in S. C., chap. iv. ] At first, the conservative party was in the ascendancy. In 1820 the House of Representatives of South Carolina passed a resolution which deprecated the system of protection as premature and pernicious, but admitted that Congress possessed the power of enacting all laws relating to commerce, and lamented the practice "of arraying upon the questions of national policy the states as distinct and independent sovereignties in opposition to, or (what is much the same thing), with a view to exercise a control over the general government"; [Footnote 2: Ames, State Docs. on Federal Relations, No. 4, p. 3.] and, as late as 1824, the same body passed resolutions declaring that the man "who disseminates doctrines whose tendency is to give an unconstitutional preponderance to State, or United States' rights, must be regarded as inimical to the forms of government under which we have hitherto so happily lived"; and that "the People have conferred no power upon their state legislature to impugn the Acts of the Federal Government or the decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States." [Footnote: Ames, State Docs. on Federal Relations, No. 4, p. 6.] The state Senate was already controlled by the opponents of national power, led by Judge Smith; and the next year the Lower House also fell under their dominance.

The attitude of McDuffie illustrates the transitional conditions in South Carolina. In 1821 he published a pamphlet supporting a liberal construction of the powers of Congress, and refuting the "ultra doctrines respecting consolidation and state sovereignty." [Footnote 2: Defense of a Liberal Construction, etc., by "One of the People." Reprinted in Philadelphia, 1831. To this pamphlet, Governor Hamilton had prefixed "an encomiastic advertisement."] In 1824, also, he supported the constitutionality and expediency of the general survey act, and repudiated the idea that the state governments were "in any respect more worthy of confidence than the General Government." [Footnote 3: Annals of Cong., 18 Cong., I Sess., 1372.] But he opposed the tariff of 1824, and in 1825 he voted against specific measures for internal improvement. Soon after this he joined the ranks of the advocates of state sovereignty, and, together with Hamilton and Hayne, so far outstripped the leaders of that faction that Judge Smith and his friends found themselves in a conservative minority against the ultra doctrines of their former opponents. Doubtless the reversal of South Carolina's attitude was accelerated by the slavery agitation which followed the emancipation proposition of Ohio, already mentioned, and by the contest over the Negro seamen act, [Footnote: Passed December 21, 1822. See Ames, State Docs. on Federal Relations, No. 5, p. 12; cf. Hart, Slavery and Abolition (Am. Nation, XVI.), chap. xix.] a measure by which South Carolina, in consequence of the plot at Charleston, required that free Negroes on vessels entering a port of South Carolina should be imprisoned during the sojourn of the ship. The act brought out protests, both from other states and from Great Britain, whose subjects were imprisoned; and it was declared unconstitutional by Adams's attorney-general and by the federal courts nevertheless, it remained unrepealed and continued to be enforced. [Footnote 2: McMaster, United States, V., 200-204, 417.] The Senate of South Carolina met the situation, at the close of 1824, by resolutions affirming that the duty of preventing insurrections was "paramount to all laws, all treaties, all constitutions," and protesting against any claims of right of the United States to interfere with her domestic regulations in respect to the colored population. [Footnote 3: Ames, State Docs. on Federal Relations, No. 5, p. 14.]

Georgia, a few years later (December, 1827), in opposition to the Colonization Society, [Footnote 4: Ibid., 17, 19.] vehemently asserted her rights, and found the remedy no longer in remonstrance, but in "a firm and determined union of the people and the states of the south" against submission to interference. Already Georgia had placed herself in the attitude of resistance to the general government over the question of the Indians within the state. From the beginning of the nation, the Indians on the borders of the settled area of Georgia were a menace and an obstacle to her development. Indeed, they constituted a danger to the United States as well: their pretensions to independence and complete sovereignty over their territory were at various times utilized by adventurers from France, England, and Spain as a means of promoting the designs of these powers. [Footnote: Am. Hist. Rev., X., 249.] Jackson drove a wedge between the Indian confederacies of this region by his victories in the War of 1812 and the cessions which followed. [Footnote: Babcock, Am. Nationality (Am. Nation, XIII.), chaps, ii., xvii.] Although, in 1821, a large belt of territory between the Ocmulgee and Flint rivers was ceded by the Creeks to Georgia, the state saw with impatience some of the best lands still occupied by these Indians in the territory lying between the Flint and the Chattahoochee.

The spectacle of a stream of Georgia settlers crossing this rich Indian area of their own state to settle in the lands newly acquired in Alabama and Mississippi provoked Georgia's wrath, and numerous urgent calls were made upon the government to carry out the agreement made in 1802, [Footnote: Phillips, "Georgia and State Rights," in Am. Hist. Assoc., Report 1901, II., 34.] by completing the acquisition of these Indian lands. Responding to this demand, a treaty was made at Indian Springs in February, 1825, by which the Creeks ceded all of their lands in Georgia; but when Adams came to the presidency he was confronted with a serious situation arising from this treaty. Shortly after it had been ratified, Mclntosh, a principal chief of the Lower Creeks, who had signed the treaty, contrary to the rule of the tribe and in spite of the decision to sell no more land, was put to death; and the whole treaty was repudiated by the great body of the Creeks, as having been procured by fraud and made by a small minority of their nation. The difficulty arose from the fact that the various villages of these Indians were divided into opposing parties: the Upper Creeks, living chiefly along the forks of the Alabama, on the Tallapoosa and the Coosa in Alabama, constituting the more numerous branch, were determined to yield no more territory, while the principal chiefs of the Lower Creeks, who dwelt in western Georgia, along the Flint and Chattahoochee branches of the Appalachicola, were not unfavorable to removal.

When Governor Troup, of Georgia, determined to survey the ceded lands, he was notified that the president expected Georgia to abandon the survey until it could be done consistently with the provisions of the treaty. Although the treaty had given the Creeks until September, 1826, to vacate, Governor Troup informed General Gaines, who had been sent to preserve peace, that, as there existed "two independent parties to the question, each is permitted to decide for itself," and he announced that the line would be run and the survey effected. The defiant correspondence which now ensued between the governor and the war department doubtless reflected the personal hot-headedness of Troup himself, but Georgia supported her governor and made his defiances effective. He plainly threatened civil war in case the United States used force to prevent the survey. [Footnote: Ames, State Docs on Federal Relations, No. 3, pp. 25-31; Phillips, "Georgia and State Rights," in Am. Hist. Assoc., Report 1901, II., 58-60; 40 (map).]

On investigation, President Adams reached the conclusion that the treaty was wrongfully secured, and gave orders for a new negotiation. This resulted in the treaty of Washington, in January, 1826, supplemented by that of March, 1826, by which the Creek Indians ceded all of their lands within the state except a narrow strip along the western border. This treaty abrogated the treaty of Indian Springs and it provided that the Indians should remain in possession of their lands until January 1, 1827. Throughout the whole of these proceedings Georgia was bitterly incensed. Claiming that the treaty of Indian Springs became operative after its ratification, and that the lands acquired by it were thereby incorporated with Georgia and were under her sovereignty, the state denied the right of the general government to reopen the question. "Georgia," said Troup, "is sovereign on her own soil," and he entered actively upon the survey of the tract without waiting for the date stipulated in the new treaty. When the surveyors entered the area not ceded by the later treaty, the Indians threatened to use force against them, and at the beginning of 1827 another heated controversy arose. The president warned the governor of Georgia that he should employ, if necessary, "all the means under his control to maintain the faith of the nation by carrying the treaty into effect." Having done this, he submitted the whole matter in a special message to Congress. [Footnote: February 5, 1827. Richardson, Messages and Papers, II., 370.]

"From the first decisive act of hostility," wrote Troup to the secretary of war, "you will be considered and treated as a public enemy"; and he announced his intention to resist any military attack on the part of the United States, "the unblushing allies of the savages." [Footnote: Harden, Troup, 485.] He thereupon made preparations for liberating any surveyors who might be arrested by the United States, and for calling out the militia. In the House of Representatives, a committee recommended the purchase of the Indian title to all lands in Georgia, and, until such cession were procured, the maintenance of the treaty of Washington by all necessary and constitutional means; but the report of the Senate committee, submitted by Benton, supported the idea that the ratification of the treaty of Indian Springs vested the title to the lands in Georgia, and reached the conclusion that no preparations should be made to coerce the state by military force. In November, 1827, the Creeks consented to a treaty extinguishing the last of their claims, and the issue was avoided.

In the mean time, the Cherokees in the north-western portion of the state gave rise to a new problem by adopting a national constitution (July 26, 1827) and asserting that they constituted one of the sovereign and independent nations of the earth, with complete jurisdiction over their own territory to the exclusion of the authority of any other state. [Footnote: Text in Exec. Docs., 23 Cong., 2 Sess., III., No. 91 (Serial No. 273); Ames, State Docs. on Federal Relations, No. 3, p. 36; see also House Reports, 19 Cong., 2 Sess. No. 98.] This bold challenge was met by Georgia in the same spirit which guided her policy in regard to the Creek lands. The legislature, by an act of December 20, 1828, subjected all white persons in the Cherokee territory to the laws of Georgia, and provided that in 1830 the Indians also should be subject to the laws of the state. Thus Georgia completed her assertion of sovereignty over her soil both against the United States and the Indians. But this phase of the controversy was not settled during the presidency of Adams.



CHAPTER XIX

THE TARIFF OF ABOMINATIONS AND THE SOUTH CAROLINA EXPOSITION (1827- 1828)

While the slavery agitation was inflaming the minds of South Carolina and her sister states of the cotton region, and while Georgia, half a frontier state, was flinging defiance at the general government when it checked her efforts to complete the possession of her territory, the reopening of the tariff question brought the matter of state resistance to a climax.

The tariff of 1824 was unsatisfactory to the woolen interests. In the course of the decade there had been an astonishing increase of woolen factories in New England, [Footnote: See chap. ii., above.] and the strength of the protective movement grew correspondingly in that section. By a law which took effect at the end of 1824, England reduced the duty on wool to a penny a pound, and thus had the advantage of a cheap raw material as well as low wages, so that the American mills found themselves placed at an increasing disadvantage. Under the system of ad valorem duties, the English exporters got their goods through the United States custom-house by such under valuation as gravely diminished even the protection afforded by the tariff of 1824; and the unloading of large quantities of woolen goods by auction sales brought a cry of distress from New England. This led to an agitation to substitute specific duties in place of ad valorem, and to apply to woolens the minimum principle already applied to cottons. At the same time sheep-raisers were demanding increased protection.

Early in 1827, therefore, Mallory, of Vermont, a state which was especially interested in wool-growing, brought into the House of Representatives a report of the committee on manufactures, proposing a bill which provided three minimum points for woolen goods, with certain exceptions, those that cost less than 40 cents a square yard were to be rated as though they cost 40 cents in imposing the tariff; those which cost between 40 cents and $2.50 were reckoned at $2.50; and those which cost between $2.50 and $4, at $4. Upon unmanufactured wool, after 1828, a duty of forty per cent, was imposed, and all wool costing between 10 and 40 cents a pound was to be rated at 40 cents. [Footnote: Stanwood, Tariff Controversies, I., 255.]

The political situation exercised a dominant influence upon the tariff legislation at this time. As the campaign between Adams and Jackson was approaching its end, the managers of Jackson faced the problem of how to hold together the forces of the south, which were almost to a man opposed to tariff legislation, and those of Pennsylvania and New York, where protection was so popular. Jackson himself, as we have seen, announced his belief in the home-market idea, and, although with some reservations, committed himself to the support of the protective system.

While the forces of Jackson were not harmonious on the tariff, neither was there consistency of interests between the friends of protection in New England, the middle states, and the west. If New England needed an increased tariff to sustain her woolen factories, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and parts of New York were equally interested in extending the protection to wool, the raw material of the New England mills. If the New England shipping interests demanded cheap cordage, on the other hand, the Kentucky planters were ever ready to plead for an increased duty upon the hemp which made the ropes. If iron foundries were developing among the towns of the New England coast, where ships brought in the raw material from Sweden and from England, the Pennsylvania forges found an opposite interest in their desire for an increased duty on pig-iron to protect the domestic product.

The history of the tariff has always been the history of the struggle to combine local and opposing interests into a single bill. Such conditions furnished opportunity for the clever politicians who guided Jackson's canvass to introduce discordant ideas and jealousy between the middle states, the west, and New England. The silence of the New England president upon the question of the tariff, the "selfishness of New England's policy," and the inducements offered to the middle region and the west to demand protection for their special interests were all successfully used to break the unity of the tariff forces. Even protectionist Pennsylvania, and Kentucky, home of the champion of the American system, gave a large share of their votes against the bill. Although it passed the House (February 10, 1827), the Senate laid it on the table by the casting-vote of Vice-President Calhoun, who was thus compelled to take the responsibility of defeating the measure, [Footnote: See the account of Van Buren's tactics at this time, in Stanwood, Tariff Controversies, I., 258; and Calhoun, Works, III., 47.] and to range himself permanently with the anti-tariff sentiment of his section.

Hardly had the woolens bill met its fate when the rival forces began to reorganize for another struggle. From the south and from the shipping interests of New England came memorials in opposition to the tariff and in support of the theory of free-trade. [Footnote: Am. State Papers, Finance, V. passim.] At a convention which met in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, July 30, 1827, a hundred delegates from thirteen states met to promote the cause of protection. Finding it necessary to combine the various interests, the convention recommended increased duties both upon wool and woolen goods, and the establishment of the minimum system. This combination was made possible by the proposal of effectively counterbalancing the prohibitory duties on wool by such use of the minimum device as would give a practical monopoly of the American market to the domestic manufacturers in the class of goods in which they were most interested. To conciliate other sections, the convention adopted the plan of an additional duty on hammered bar-iron, hemp and flax, and various other products. [Footnote: Stanwood, Tariff Controversies, I., 264; Niles' Register, XXXII., 369, 386, XXXIII., 187; Elliott, Tariff Controversy, 239.]

When the twentieth Congress met, in December, 1827, Stevenson, of Virginia, defeated the administration candidate, Taylor, of New York, for the speakership, and both branches of Congress and the important committees were put in the hands of the opposition to Adams. Rejecting the plan of the Harrisburg Convention, the House committee brought in a bill framed to satisfy the producers of raw material, wool, hemp, flax, and iron, and to deny the protection desired by New England. [Footnote: Taussig, Tariff Hist., 89-92; Dewey, Financial Hist. of the U.S., 178-181.] Protection was afforded to raw material even where the producers did not seek it; and in some important cases high duties were imposed on raw material not produced in this country. The essential point of the provision respecting woolens favored by the Harrisburg Convention was the fixing of four minimum points, but the committee on manufactures interposed between the minimum of 50 cents and that of $2.50 a minimum of $1, which effectively withdrew protection from the woolen goods most largely manufactured in New England. Moreover, the committee refused to establish the increasing rate of duty asked for at Harrisburg.

Calhoun afterwards explained the attitude of the southern representatives as follows: [Footnote: Calhoun, Works, III., 49; cf. Houston, Nullification in S. C., 34, for similar explanations by Mitchell and McDuffie; Clay, Works (Colton's ed.), II., 13; Jenkins, Wright, 53.] Having before them the option of joining New England in securing amendments satisfactory to the section, or, by resisting all amendment, to force New England to join with the south in rejecting the bill, which would involve Adams in the responsibility for its defeat, they chose the latter alternative. Assurances were given them by Jackson men that the two tariff interests would not be united by mutual concession in the last stages of the discussion to insure the passage of the bill; and so the south consistently threw its weight against the passage of amendments modifying this designedly high tariff. "We determined," said McDuffie later, "to put such ingredients in the chalice as would poison the monster, and commend it to his own lips." At the same time the Jackson men in Pennsylvania, New York, and the west shifted their votes so as to deprive New England of her share in the protective system. When an amendment was proposed, striking out the duty on molasses—an article essential to the rum distilleries of New England, but obnoxious to the distillers of whiskey in Pennsylvania and the west- -Pennsylvania and a large share of the delegation from Ohio, New York, Indiana, and Kentucky voted with most of the south against the amendment. On the motion to substitute the proposals of the Harrisburg Convention with respect to wool and woolens, almost all of the delegation of Pennsylvania, and a large portion of that of New York and Kentucky, as well as the members from Indiana and Missouri and the south, opposed the proposition. Thus the interests of the seaboard protectionists were overcome by the alliance between the middle states and the south, while the west was divided.

Bitter as was the pill, it was swallowed by enough of the eastern protectionists to carry the act. The vote, 105 to 94, by which the measure passed in the House [Footnote: See map.] (April 22, 1828) showed all of the south in opposition, with the exception of certain districts in Maryland and the western districts of Virginia, while the great area of the states of the Ohio Valley and the middle region was almost a unit in favor. The lower counties of New York along the Hudson revealed their identity with the commercial interests by opposing the bill. New England broke in two; Vermont, New Hampshire, and Connecticut voted almost unanimously in favor of the proposition; while Maine cast a unanimous vote in opposition. Rhode Island was divided, and in Massachusetts only two districts— that of the Berkshire wool-growing region and the Essex county area- -supported the bill.

In the Senate, an amendment was passed making the duty on woolens an ad valorem rate of forty-five per cent., but retaining the minima. Various considerations induced some New England friends of Adams to support the measure. Webster defended his action in voting for the bill by declaring that New England had accepted the protective system as the established policy of the government, and after 1824 had built up her manufacturing enterprises on that basis. Nevertheless, in the final vote in the Senate, the five northern members who opposed were all from New England.

Thus the "tariff of abominations," shaped by the south for defeat, satisfactory to but a fraction of the protectionists, was passed by a vote of 26 to 21 in the Senate, May 13, 1828, and was concurred in by the House. John Randolph did not greatly overstate the case when he declared that "the bill referred to manufactures of no sort or kind, but the manufacture of a President of the United States"; for, on the whole, the friends of Jackson had, on this issue, taken sides against the friends of Adams, and in the effort to make the latter unpopular had produced a tariff which better illustrated sectional jealousies and political intrigues than the economic policy of the nation. [Footnote: Register of Debates, 20 Cong., I Sess., IV., pt. ii., 2472; Niles' Register, XXV., 55-57, analyzes the votes to show the political groupings; cf. Taussig, Tariff History, 101, 102.]

The tariff agitation of 1827 and the passage of the act of 1828 inflamed the south to the point of conflagration. John Randolph's elevation of the standard of revolt in 1824 now brought him credit as the prophet of the gospel of resistance. "Here is a district of country," he had proclaimed, in his speech on the tariff in that year, "extending from the Patapsco to the Gulf of Mexico, from the Allegheny to the Atlantic; a district... which RAISES FIVE-SIXTHS of all the exports of this country that are OF HOME GROWTH.... I bless God that in this insulted, oppressed and outraged region, we are as to our counsels in regard to this measure, but as one man. We are proscribed and put to the ban; and if we do not feel, and feeling, do not act, we are bastards to those fathers who achieved the Revolution." [Footnote: Annals of Cong., 18 Cong., I Sess., II., 2360.]

It was South Carolina, rather than Virginia, however, that led in violent proposals. [Footnote: Houston, Nullification in S. C.] Dr. Cooper, an Englishman, president of South Carolina College, had long been engaged in propagating the Manchester doctrines of laissez- faire and free-trade, and he was greeted with applause when he declared that the time had come to calculate the value of the Union. [Footnote: Niles' Register, XXXIII., 59+] Agricultural societies met to protest and to threaten. Turnbull, an aggressive and violent writer, in a stirring series of papers published in 1827, under the title of The Crisis, over the signature of Brutus, sounded the tocsin of resistance. He repudiated the moderation and nationalism of "Messrs. Monroe and Calhoun," and stood squarely on the doctrine that the only safety for the south was in the cultivation of sectionalism. "In the Northern, Eastern, Middle, and Western States," said he, "the people have no fears whatever from the exercise of the implied powers of Congress on any subject; but it is in the SOUTH alone where uneasiness begins to manifest itself, and a sensitiveness prevails on the subject of consolidation." "The more NATIONAL and the less FEDERAL the government becomes, the more certainly will the interest of the great majority of the States be promoted, but with the same certainty, will the interests of the SOUTH be depressed and destroyed."

On their return from the session of 1828, the South Carolina delegation added fuel to the fire. In a caucus of the members, held shortly after the passage of the tariff, proposals were even made for the delegation to vacate their seats in Congress as a protest, and in this temper they returned to their state. [Footnote: Niles' Register, XXXV., 184, 202.] McDuffie told his constituents that there was no hope of a change of the system in Congress; that the southern states, by the law of self-preservation, were free to save themselves from utter ruin; and that the government formed for their protection and benefit was determined to push every matter to their annihilation. He recommended that the state should levy a tax on the consumption of northern manufactured goods, boycott the live-stock of Kentucky, and wear homespun; and he closed by drawing a comparison between the wrongs suffered by the colonists when they revolted from Great Britain and that by which the south was now oppressed. [Footnote: Niles' Register, XXXIII., 339; cf. ibid., XXXV., 82, 131.]

Although South Carolina and all of the staple-producing section except Louisiana and Kentucky were in substantial agreement upon the iniquity of the tariff, yet, in respect to the remedy, they were widely at variance. Protest had proven ineffective; proposals of resistance by force, plans for a southern convention, and threats of disunion were rife. [Footnote: Houston, Nullification in S.C., 49- 52, 73-75.]

Such was the situation which confronted Calhoun when he returned from Washington and found that his section had passed beyond him. The same considerations that had aroused this storm of opposition also had their effect upon him. But he was still hopeful that, by the election of Jackson, a cotton-planter, the current of northern power might be checked; and he looked forward also to the prospect that he himself might eventually reach the presidential chair. Before him lay the double task of uniting himself to his friends in South Carolina, lest he lose touch with the forces of his own section, and of framing a platform of opposition that should be consistent, logical, and defensible; and, at the same time, of providing some mode of avoiding the forcible revolution that the hotheads of his section threatened as an immediate programme.

It was by the very processes of western growth that the seaboard south now found itself a minority section and the home of discontent. As the rich virgin soil of the Gulf plains opened to cotton culture, the output leaped up by bounds. In 1811 the total product was eighty million pounds; in 1821 it was one hundred and seventy-seven millions; in 1826 it was three hundred and thirty millions. Prices fell as production increased. In 1816 the average price of middling uplands in New York was nearly thirty cents, and South Carolina's leaders favored the tariff; in 1820 it was seventeen cents, and the south saw in the protective system a grievance; in 1824 it was fourteen and three-quarters cents, and the South-Carolinians denounced the tariff as unconstitutional. When the woolens bill was agitated in 1827, cotton had fallen to but little more than nine cents, and the radicals of the section threatened civil war.

Moreover, the price of slaves was increased by the demands of the new cotton-fields of Alabama, Mississippi, and the rest of the southwest, so that the Carolina planter had to apply a larger capital to his operations, while, at the same time, the cheap and unexhausted soil of these new states tended still further to hamper the older cotton areas in their competition, and the means of transportation from the western cotton-fields were better than from those of South Carolina. By devoting almost exclusive attention to her great staple, South Carolina had made herself dependent on the grain and live-stock of the west and the manufactures of the north or of England; and, when the one crop from which she derived her means of purchasing declined in value, the state was plunged in unrelieved distress. Nevertheless, the planters of the old south saw clearly but two of the causes of their distress: the tariff, which seemed to them to steal the profits of their crops; and internal improvements, by which the proceeds of their indirect taxes were expended in the west and north. Their indignation was also fanned to a fiercer flame by apprehensions over the attitude of the north towards slavery.

In the summer of 1828, Calhoun addressed himself to the statement of these grievances and to the formulation of a remedy. After consultation with leading men in his home at Fort Hill, he was ready to shape a document which, nominally a report of a legislative committee (since it was not expedient for the vice-president to appear in the matter), put in its first systematic form the doctrine of nullification. This so-called Exposition, [Footnote: Calhoun, Works, VI., 1-59.] beginning with the unconstitutionality and injustice of protection, developed the argument that the tax on imports, amounting to about twenty-three million dollars, fell, in effect, solely on the south, because the northern sections recompensed themselves by the increased profits afforded to their productions by protection; while the south, seeking in the markets of the world customers for its staples, and obliged to purchase manufactures and supplies in return, was forced to pay tribute on this exchange for the benefit of the north. "To the growers of cotton, rice, and tobacco, it is the same whether the Government takes one-third of what they raise, for the liberty of sending the other two-thirds abroad, or one-third of the iron, salt, sugar, coffee, cloth and other articles they may need in exchange for the liberty of bringing them home."

Estimating the annual average export of domestic produce at fifty- three million dollars, the Exposition attributed to the planting section at least thirty-seven million dollars—over two-thirds of the total exports; the voting power of this section in the House of Representatives was but seventy-six, while the rest of the Union had one hundred and thirty-seven members. Thus, one-third of the political Union exported more than two-thirds of the domestic products. Assuming imports to equal exports, and the tariff of 1828 to average forty-five per cent., the south would pay sixteen million six hundred and fifty thousand dollars as its share of contributions to the national treasury. Calhoun then presented the ominous suggestion that, if the staple section had a separate custom-house, it would have for its own use a revenue of sixteen million six hundred and fifty thousand dollars from foreign trade alone, not counting the imports from the north, which would bring in millions more.

"We are mere consumers," he declared, "the serfs of the system—out of whose labor is raised, not only the money paid into the Treasury, but the funds out of which are drawn the rich rewards of the manufacturer and his associates in interest."

Taking for granted that the price at which the south could afford to cultivate cotton was determined by the price at which it received its supplies, he argued that, if the crop could be produced at ten cents a pound, the removal of the duty would enable the planter to produce it at five and one-half cents, and thus to drive out competition and to add three or four hundred thousand bales annually to the production, with a corresponding increase of profit. The complaints of the south were not yet exhausted, for the Exposition went on to point out that, in the commercial warfare with Europe which protection might be expected to engender, the south would be deprived of its market and might be forced to change its industrial life and compete with the northern states in manufactures. The advantages of the north would probably insure it an easy victory; but if not, then an attack might be expected on the labor system of the south, in behalf of the white workmen of the north.

What, then, was the remedy? Calhoun found this, although in fragmentary form, ready to his hand. The reserved rights of the sovereign states had long been the theoretical basis of southern resistance. In the argumentation of such writers as Taylor, Turnbull, and Judge Roane, not to mention Madison and Jefferson in the Virginia and Kentucky resolutions, there was material for the system; but as yet no one had stated with entire clearness the two features which Calhoun made prominent in his Exposition. First, he made use of reasoning in sharp contrast to that of the statesmen of the days of the American Revolution, by rejecting the doctrine of the division of sovereignty between the states and the general government. [Footnote: McLaughlin, in Am. Hist. Rev., V., 482, 484.] Clearly differentiating government from sovereignty, he limited the application of the division to the powers of government, and attributed the sovereignty solely to the people of the several states. This conception of the unity of sovereignty was combined with the designation of the Constitution as articles of compact between sovereign states, each entitled to determine whether or not the general government had usurped powers not granted by the Constitution, and each entitled peacefully to prevent the operation of the disputed law within its own limits, pending a decision by the same power that could amend the Constitution—namely, three-fourths of the states.

These doctrines were brought out with definiteness and with the deliberate intention of creating from them a practical governmental machinery to be peacefully applied for the preservation of the rights of the states. In effect, therefore, Calhoun, the logician of nationalism in the legislation that followed the War of 1812, became the real architect of the system of nullification as a plan of action rather than a protest. As it left his hands, the system was essentially a new creation. In the Exposition, the doctrine was sketched only in its larger lines, for it was in later documents that he refined and elaborated it. It was intended as a substitute for revolution and disunion—but it proved to be the basis on which was afterwards developed the theory of peaceable secession. Calhoun did not publicly avow his authorship or his adhesion to nullification until three years later.

The rallying of the party of the Union in South Carolina against this doctrine, the refusal of Georgia, Virginia, and other southern states to accept it as the true exposition of the Virginia and Kentucky resolutions, the repudiation of it by the planting states of the southwest, all belong to the next volume of this series.

Yet the Exposition marks the culmination of the process of transformation with which this volume has dealt. Beginning with nationalism, the period ends with sectionalism. Beginning with unity of party and with the almost complete ascendancy of republicanism of the type of Monroe, it ends with sharply distinguished rival parties, as yet unnamed, but fully organized, and tending to differ fundamentally on the question of national powers. From the days when South-Carolinians led in legislation for tariff and internal improvements, when Virginians promoted the Colonization Society, and Georgians advocated the policy of mitigating the evils of slavery by scattering the slaves, we have reached the period when a united south protests against "the American system," and the lower south asserts that slavery must not be touched—not even discussed.

In various southern states the minority counties of the coast, raising staples by slave labor, had protected their property interests against the free majority of farmers in the interior counties by so apportioning the legislature as to prevent action by the majority. Now the same conditions existed for the nation. The free majority embraced a great zone of states in the north and west; the south, a minority section, was now seeking protection against the majority of the Union by the device of state sovereignty; and Calhoun made himself the political philosopher of the rights of this minority section, applying to the nation the experience of South Carolina. [Footnote: Calhoun. Works, I., 400-405.]

Still the great currents of national growth ran on. New England was achieving unity and national feeling as a manufacturing region, and Webster was developing those powers which were to make him the orator of consolidation. While the leaders of the middle states played the game of personal politics, their people and those of the growing west were rallying around the man who personified their passion for democracy and nationalism—the fiery Jackson, who confused sectional opposition to the government with personal hostility to himself. This frontiersman was little likely to allow political metaphysics, or even sectional suffering, to check his will. And on the frontier of the northwest, the young Lincoln sank his axe deep in the opposing forest.



CHAPTER XX

CRITICAL ESSAY ON AUTHORITIES

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL AIDS

The authorities characterized in the Critical Essays of Babcock's Rise of American Nationality, MacDonald's Jacksonian Democracy, and Hart's Slavery and Abolition (American Nation, XIII., XV., XVI.), include most of the general authorities, and need not be repeated here in detail. In addition, account should be taken of several indexes to government documents: L.C. Ferrell, Tables... and Annotated Index (1902); two by J.G. Ames: Finding List (1893) and Check List (1895); J.M. Baker, Finding List (1900-1901); the Index to the Reports of... Committees of the House (1887); and Index to Reports of... Committees of the Senate (1887); Ben Perley Poore, Descriptive Catalogue of Government Publications (1885); L.P. Lane, Aids in the Use of Government Publications (American Statistical Association, Publications, VII. (1900), 40-57); L.C. Ferrell, "Public Documents of the United States" (Library Journal, XXVI., 671); Van Tyne and Leland, Guide to the Archives of the Government of the United States in Washington (Carnegie Institution, Publications, No. 14, 1904). For bibliography of state official issues, see R.R. Bowker [editor], State Publications: a Provisional List of the Official Publications of the Several States of the United States from their Organization (3 vols., issued 1899-1905); see also J.N. Larned, Literature of American History (1902), 7-13; and I.S. Bradley, in American Historical Association, Report, 1896, I., 296-319, a bibliography of documentary and newspaper material for the Old Northwest.

GENERAL SECONDARY WORKS

The general histories of the period 1819-1829 almost without exception extend over earlier or later fields, and are described in earlier or later volumes of this series. To the usual list, James Schouler, J.B. McMaster, George Tucker, H.E. Von Hoist, J.P. Gordy, may be added: S. Perkins, Historical Sketches of the United States, from the Peace of 1815 to 1830 (1830), the work of a careful contemporary.

BIOGRAPHIES

The most serviceable biographies in this period can be found through the lists in Channing and Hart, Guide to the Study of American History (1896), p. 25. The volumes of the American Statesmen series are accurate and well written, especially Morse's John Quincy Adams, Schurz's Henry Clay, Adams's John Randolph, Roosevelt's Thomas H. Benton, McLaughlin's Lewis Cass, Shepard's Van Buren. SECTIONAL HISTORY

Among the bibliographies useful for attacking the mass of local and state histories for this period are the following: R.R. Bowker, State Publications (New York, 1899, 1902, 1905); A.P.C. Griffin, Bibliography of Historical Societies of the United States (American Historical Association, Reports, 1890, 1892, 1893).

NEW ENGLAND.—The history of this section, since the Revolution, has been neglected, but indications of its importance appear in Justin Winsor, Memorial History of Boston (4 vols., 1880-1882), III., IV., and I.B. Richman, Rhode Island: a Study in Separatism (1905). M. Louise Greene, The Development of Religious Liberty in Connecticut (1905), deals with the toleration movement. The various historical societies print documentary material; but, for the most part, New England's activity in this decade must be sought in original material, biographies, travels, scattered monographs, and, in fragments, in state histories.

MIDDLE STATES.—The state and local histories of the middle region are more satisfactory on this period, but the political life must be sought chiefly in biographies; and the economic and social conditions in the scattered material elsewhere cited in this bibliography. J.G. Wilson, Memorial History of the City of New York (4 vols., 1891-1893); and Scharf and Westcott, History of Philadelphia (3 vols., 1884), are serviceable accounts of the development of the great cities of the section.

THE SOUTH.—Virginia has been neglected in this period, but the travelers afford interesting material; and a good view of plantation life is T.C. Johnson, Life and Letters of Robert Lewis Dabney (1903). For North Carolina, the literature is cited in S.B. Weeks, Bibliography of the Historical Literature of North Carolina (1895). Two monographs by J.S. Bassett, Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina (Johns Hopkins University Studies, XVI., No. 6), and History of Slavery in North Carolina (ibid., XVII., Nos. 7, 8), are especially important for the up-country. W.E. Dodd, Life of Nathaniel Macon (1903), is useful on this period. South Carolina conditions are shown in R. Mills, Statistics of South Carolina (1826); and W.A. Schaper, Sectionalism and Representation in South Carolina (American Historical Association, Report, 1900, I.). Georgia is depicted in U.B. Phillips, Georgia and State Rights (ibid., 1901, II.); [G.R. Gilmer], Sketches of Some of the First Settlers of Upper Georgia (1855); and [A.B. Longstreet], Georgia Scenes (last edition, 1897), the latter made up of rollicking character-sketches. Among the many travelers useful (after criticism) for the South and Southwest may be mentioned, the Duke of Saxe-Weimar, Murat, Paulding, Hodgson, and Mrs. Royall. Correspondence illustrating Mississippi conditions is printed in J.F.H. Claiborne, Life and Correspondence of John A. Quitman (2 vols., 1860). Two lists by T.M. Owen, Bibliography of Alabama (American Historical Association, Report, 1897); and Bibliography of Mississippi (ibid., 1889, I.), open a wealth of southwestern material. For Louisiana, there are various popular histories of New Orleans; and A. Fortier, History of Louisiana (1904), III.; S.D. Smedes, Memorials of a Southern Planter [Thomas Dabney], (1887, also 1890), is highly valuable in the developed opening of the Gulf area. One of the best pictures of southwestern conditions is Lincecum's "Autobiography" (so called), in the Mississippi Historical Society, Publications, VIII. W.G. Brown, Lower South in American History (1902), is illuminative.

THE WEST.—The material for the West is scattered, the general histories of the Mississippi Valley failing to deal extensively with settlement. John B. McMaster, History of the People of the United States (1883-1900), IV., chap, xxxiii., and V., chap, xlv., give good accounts of the westward movement. B.A. Hinsdale, Old Northwest (2 vols., 1888, 1899), is scholarly, but brief on this period. W.H. Venable, Beginnings of Literary Culture in the Ohio Valley (1891), is important. Of especial value are the travelers, gazetteers, etc., among which the following are exceptionally useful: Timothy Flint, Recollections of the Last Ten Years (1826); Timothy Flint, History and Geography of the Mississippi Valley (2 vols., 2d edition, 1832); four books by J. Hall, viz.: Letters from the West (1828), Legends of the West (1833 and 1869), Notes on the Western States (1838), Statistics of the West (1836); Ohio Navigator (1821 and many other editions); J.M. Peck, Guide for Emigrants (1831); H.S. Tanner, View of the Valley of the Mississippi (1834). All of these, of course, must be used critically.

Among the contemporaneous state histories, T. Ford, History of Illinois (1854); J. Reynolds, My Own Times (1854-1855, also 1879), though unreliable in detail, have a value as material on pioneer conditions. The historical societies of the western states abound in old settlers' accounts. W.C. Howells, Recollections of Life in Ohio (1895), is a gem. P.G. Thomson, Bibliography of Ohio (1880), is the key to an extensive literature. There is no good history of Kentucky in this period; but J. Phelan, History of Tennessee (1888), is excellent. Lives of Clay, Jackson, and Benton all aid in understanding the region.

THE FAR WEST.—H.M. Chittenden, The American Fur Trade of the Far West (3 vols., 1902), is excellent. The larger histories of the Pacific states, viz.: H. . Bancroft, Works; Hittell, California; and Lyman, Oregon, are characterized by Garrison, Westward Expansion (American Nation, XVII.). The publications of the Oregon Historical Society and the Quarterly of the Texas Historical Society are extremely useful. D.G. Wooten [editor], Comprehensive History of Texas (2 vols., 1899), has material on settlement in this period. G.P. Garrison, Texas (1903), is an excellent little book. Brief accounts of exploration in this period are in E.C. Semple, American History and Its Geographic Conditions (1903); and R.G. Thwaites, Rocky Mountain Exploration (1904). J. Schafer, History of the Pacific Northwest (1905), and G.W. James, In and about the Old Missions of California (1905), are useful brief presentations of conditions on the coast. For all this field the H.H. Bancroft library, now the property of the University of California, is the great collection of documentary material. Illustrative books by contemporaries are: R.H. Dana, Two Years before the Mast (1849 and other editions), giving California life; W. Irving, Adventures of Captain Bonneville (1849), giving Rocky Mountain life; and J. Gregg, Commerce of the Prairies; or, the Journal of a Santa Fe Trader (2 vols., 1844, also in Thwaites, Early Western Travels, XIX., XX.).

HISTORIES OF PARTIES AND POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS

Charles McCarthy, The Antimasonic Party (American Historical Association, Report, 1902, I.), sets a high standard as a monographic party history; C.H. Rammelkamp gives a detailed study of the Campaign of 1824 in New York (in ibid., 1904, pp. 175-202); all of the biographies of the contemporary statesmen deal with the parties of this period; and J.D. Hammond, History of Political Parties in the State of New York (2 vols., 1852), is a good history by a contemporary. U.B. Phillips, Georgia and State Rights (American Historical Association, Report, 1901, II.), gives a modern treatment of state politics.

On political institutions the following are particularly useful: Edward Stanwood, History of the Presidency (1898); M. P. Pollett, The Speaker of the House of Representatives (1896); L. G. McConachie, Congressional Committees (1898); C. R. Fish, The Civil Service and the Patronage (Harvard Historical Studies, XI., 1905); F. W. Dallinger, Nominations for Elective Office in the United States (ibid., IV., 1897); J. B. McMaster, Acquisition of Political, Social, and Industrial Rights of Man in America (1903).

PUBLIC DOCUMENTS

For a list of records of debates, legislative journals, documents, statutes, judicial decisions, treaties, and the like, see the "Critical Essays" in the neighboring volumes, and in Channing and Hart, Guide, p. 30.

WORKS OF AMERICAN STATESMEN

To the various editions of the works of James Monroe, Henry Clay, Daniel Webster, John C. Calhoun, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, Rufus King, described in other volumes of this series, may be added John Quincy Adams, Memoirs: Comprising Portions of His Diary from 1795 to 1848 (edited by Charles Francis Adams, 12 vols., 1874-1877). The diary is unusually full, and abounds in valuable material for understanding the politics of the period and the character of Adams. He was biased and harsh in his judgment of contemporaries, but conscientious in his record. The Adams papers are now in the private archives of the family at Quincy.

For statesmen of lesser distinction, see W. W. Story, Life and Letters of Joseph Story (2 vols., 1851); L. G. Tyler, Letters and Times of the Tylers (3 vols., 1884, also 1896). A collection of De Witt Clinton's letters was published in Harper's Magazine, L., 409, 563, and other letters and papers are in the following: David Hosack, Memoir of De Witt Clinton (1829); W. C. Campbell, Life and Writings of De Witt Clinton (1849); James Renwick, Life of De Witt Clinton (1854). There is no collection of Crawford's works; he is said to have destroyed his papers; a few letters remain, some of them in the possession of Dr. U. B. Phillips (University of Wisconsin). In E. B. Washburne [editor], Edwards Papers (1884), and N. W. Edwards, History of Illinois and Life and Times of Ninian Edwards (1870), are important letters illustrating national as well as western politics; see also the letters of Senator Mills of Massachusetts, in Massachusetts Historical Society, Proceedings, 1st series, XIX., 12-53; and those of Marshall, Kent, Story, and Webster, in ibid., 26. series, XIV., 320 et seq., 398, 412 et seq. A collection of Macon's letters in this decade is in North Carolina University, James Sprunt Historical Monographs, No. 2. Literary men and journalists are described by Herbert B. Adams, Life and Writings of Jared Sparks (2 vols., 1893); John Binns, Recollections of His Life, Written by Himself (1854); Amos Kendall, Autobiography (edited by W. Stickney, 1872), valuable for Dartmouth College life and for Kentucky in this period; Thurlow Weed, Autobiography (1883), useful also for western New York; E. S. Thomas, Reminiscences of the Last Sixty-five Years (2 vols., 1840), editor in Charleston, South Carolina, and in Cincinnati; William Winston Seaton of the National Intelligencer: a Biographical Sketch (1871), contains useful letters by various persons from Washington; The John P. Branch Historical Papers of Randolph—Macon College, Nos. 2 and 3 (1902, 1903), contain some letters and a biography of Thomas Ritchie, editor of the Richmond Enquirer.

AUTOBIOGRAPHIES

In the group of autobiographies, reminiscences, etc., Thomas H. Benton, Thirty Years' View; or, A History of the Working of the American Government, 1820—1850 (2 vols., 1854), is the most important: as a member of the Senate, Benton was active and influential, and, despite his positive character, he aims at fairness; Nathan Sargent, Public Men and Events [1817-1853], (2 vols., 1875), is made up of chatty sketches, with an anti-Jackson bias; Josiah Quincy, Figures of the Past (1901), pen-pictures of men of the period; B. F. Perry, Reminiscences of Public Men (two series: 1st, 1883; 2d, 1889), anecdotal views of South Carolinians; S. G. Goodrich, Recollections of a Lifetime; or, Men and Things I Have Seen (2 vols., 1886).

MANUSCRIPT COLLECTIONS

Manuscript collections are located in the reports of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, published by the American Historical Association in its annual Reports; and in Justin Winsor, Narrative and Critical History of America, VIII. (1889). The Library of Congress contains important manuscripts of Madison (calendared in Bureau of Rolls and Library, Department of State, Bulletin, IV.); of Jefferson (ibid., VI., VIII., X.); Monroe (indexed in ibid., II.), and in W. C. Ford [editor], Papers of James Monroe (1904); indexes of the manuscripts of Jackson and Van Buren are in progress. In the New York Public Library are collections of correspondence of various statesmen of the period (New York Public Library, Bulletin, V., 306 et seq.), including Monroe (calendared in ibid., V., 316, VII., 210, 247-257); Jackson (ibid., IV., 154-162, 188-198, 292-320, V., 316); Calhoun (ibid., III., 324-333); James Barbour (ibid., V., 316, VI., 22-34). The Clinton Papers are in the State Library at Albany, N. Y. (American Historical Association, Report, 1898, p. 578). The papers of Senator Mahlon Dickerson, of New Jersey, including letters from important statesmen of the period, are in the possession of William. Nelson, corresponding secretary of the New Jersey Historical Society. The correspondence of Senator W. P. Mangum, of North Carolina, including letters from Clay, Webster, etc., is in the possession of Dr. S. B. Weeks, San Carlos, Arizona. The papers of Vice-President Tompkins in the State Library at Albany are described in Albany Institute, Transactions, XI., 223-240. The Plumer papers are in the New Hampshire Historical Society.

PERIODICALS

The newspapers and periodicals constitute indispensable sources. For the former the following catalogues are useful: Check List of American Newspapers in the Library of Congress (1901); Wisconsin Historical Society, Annotated Catalogue of Newspaper Files (1899); W. F. Poole [editor], Index to Periodical Literature (1853 and later editions), renders the magazines of the period accessible; and W. B. Cairns, Development of American Literature from 1815 to 1833, with especial Reference to Periodicals, in University of Wisconsin, Bulletin (Literature Series, I., 1898), enumerates a list of periodicals not indexed in Poole. Easily first in importance among the periodicals useful on the period from 1819 to 1829 is Niles' Weekly Register, edited by Hezekiah Niles (76 vols., 1811-1849), which abounds in material, political, social, and economic; although Niles was a strong protectionist, he was also fair-minded and conscientious in collecting information. The North American Review (Boston, begun in 1815 and still continues); The American Quarterly Review (Philadelphia, 1827-1837); The Southern Review (Charleston, 1828-1832); The American Annual Register (New York, 1825-1833). The Quarterly Register and Journal of the American Education Society (1829-1843); The Methodist Magazine (1818-1840); The Christian Examiner (Boston, 1824-1869); and Christian Monthly Spectator (1819- 1828), are examples of religious and educational publications. Among periodicals which contain articles dealing with the decade, although published later, are The Democratic Review, of which the first number appeared in 1837; Hunt's Merchants' Magazine and Commercial Review (first volume, 1839); and D. B. De Bow's Commercial Review of the South and West (first volume, 1846). Among the short-lived magazines of the West are: The Western Review (Lexington, 1820- 1821); The Western Monthly Review (edited by Timothy Flint, Cincinnati, 1827-1830); The Illinois Monthly Magazine (edited by James Hall, 1830-1831); The Western Monthly Magazine (continuation of the former, Cincinnati, 1833-1837).

GAZETTEERS AND GUIDES

Among the important sources for understanding the growth of the country are various descriptions, gazetters, etc. Of the many books of this class may be mentioned the following: Emigrants' Guide; or, Pocket Geography of the Western States and Territories (Cincinnati, 1818); William Amphlett, Emigrants' Directory of the Western States of North America (London, 1819); D. Blowe, Geographical, Commercial, and Agricultural View of the United States (Liverpool, about 1820); John Bristed, Resources of the United States of America (New York, 1818); S. R. Brown, The Western Gazetteer (Auburn, N. Y., 1817); J. S. Buckingham, America, Historical, Statistical, and Descriptive (New York and London, 1841); J. S. Buckingham, Eastern and Western States (London, 1842); J. S. Buckingham, Slave States (London, 1842); William Cobbett, The Emigrant's Guide London, 1830); S. H. Collins, The Emigrant's Guide to and Description of the United States of America (Hull, 1830); Samuel Cumings, Western Pilot (Cincinnati, 1840); E. Dana, Geographical Sketches on the Western Country (Cincinnati, 1819); William Darby, Emigrants' Guide to Western and Southwestern States and Territories (New York, 1818); William Darby, Geographical Description of the State of Louisiana, the Southern Part of the State of Mississippi, and Territory of Alabama (New York, 1817); Timothy Flint, Condensed Geography and History of the Western States (2 vols., Cincinnati, 1828); Timothy Flint, History and Geography of the Mississippi Valley (2 vols., Cincinnati, 1833); F. Hayward, The New England Gazetteer (3d edition, Boston, 1839); D. Hewett, The American Traveller (Washington, 1825); Isaac Holmes, An Account of the United States of America (London, 1823); Indiana Gazetteer (ad edition, Indianapolis, 1833); John Kilbourne, Ohio Gazetteer (Columbus, 1819, 1833); Win. Kingdom, Jr., America and the British Colonies (London, 1820); W. Lindsay, View of America (Hawick, 1824); E. Mackenzie, Historical, Topographical, and Descriptive View of the United States (Newcastle- upon-Tyne, 1819); Joseph Martin, New and Comprehensive Gazetteer of Virginia (Charlottesville, 1835); John Melish, A Geographical Description of the United States (Philadelphia, 1816, 1822, 1826); John Melish, Information and Advice to Emigrants to the United States (Philadelphia, 1819); John Melish, The Travellers' Directory through the United States (Philadelphia, 1815, 1819, 1822, New York, 1825); Robert Mills, Statistics of South Carolina (Charleston, 1826); J. M. Peck, A Guide for Emigrants (Boston, 1831, 1837); J. M. Peck, New Guide to the West (Cincinnati, 1848); J. M. Peck, Gazetteer of Illinois (Jacksonville, 1834; Philadelphia, 1837); Abiel Sherwood, Gazetteer of the State of Georgia (3d edition, Washington, 1837); T. Spofford, Gazetteer of the State of New York (New York, 1824); [H. S. Tanner, publisher], View of the Valley of the Mississippi (Philadelphia, 1834); [H. S. Tanner, publisher], Geographical, Historical, and Statistical View of the Central or Middle United States (Philadelphia, 1841); D. B. Warden, Statistical, Political, and Historical Account of the United States of North America (3 vols., Edinburgh, 1819.)

TRAVELS

The life of this period is illustrated by the reports of travelers; but the reader must remember that the traveller carries his prejudices, is prone to find in striking exceptions the characteristics of a region, and is exposed to misinformation by the natives; many of these travelers are, nevertheless, keen observers, well worth attention, and, when checked by comparison with others, they are a useful source. A full list of the travels bearing on the West and South from 1819 to 1829 would take more space than can be allotted here. Bibliographies of travels in the United States may be found in Justin Winsor, Narrative and Critical History of America (1884-1889), VIII., 493; Channing and Hart, Guide to American History (1896), p. 24; W. B. Bryan, Bibliography of the District of Columbia (1900), Article "America" (Senate Document, 56 Cong., 1 Sess., No. 61); P. G. Thomson, Bibliography of Ohio (1880); R. G. Thwaites, On the Storied Ohio (1897), App.; H. T. Tuckerman, America and Her Commentators (1864); B.C. Steiner, Descriptions of Maryland (Johns Hopkins University Studies, XXII., No. 6.), 608-647. The most important collection of travels is R. G. Thwaites [editor], Early Western Travels (1748-1846), to be completed in thirty volumes and an analytical index. For an estimate of English travellers, see J. B. McMaster, United States, V., chap, xlviii. A list of travels in the period 1820-1860 will be found in Albert Bushnell Hart, Slavery and Abolition (American Nation, XVI.), chap. xxii.

SLAVERY, COTTON, AND THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE

For works on slavery, see Hart, Slavery and Abolition (American Nation, XVI.), chap. xxii. The general histories, such as W. H. Smith, Political History of Slavery (1903), and G. W. Williams, History of the Negro Race in America (2 vols., 1883), leave much to be desired. Among the most important references are the Reports of the American Colonization Society; J. H. T. McPherson, History of Liberia (Johns Hopkins University Studies, IX., No. 10.); John S. Bassett, Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina (ibid., XVI., No. 6); and Slavery in the State of North Carolina (ibid., XVII., Nos. 7, 8); H. S. Cooley, Study of Slavery in New Jersey (ibid., XIV., Nos. 9, 10); S. B. Weeks, Anti-Slavery Sentiment in the South (Southern History Association, Publications, II., No. 2); S. B. Weeks, Southern Quakers and Slavery (1896); William Birney, James G. Birney and His Times (1890); W. H. Collins, Domestic Slave-Trade (1904); W. E. B. Du Bois, The Suppression of the African Slave-Trade to the United States of America (Harvard Historical Studies, I., 1896); Mary S. Locke, Anti-Slavery in America... 1619-1808 (Radcliffe College Monographs, No. 11, 1901); J. P. Dunn, Indiana, a Redemption from Slavery (1888); N. D. Harris, The History of Negro Servitude in Illinois (1904); E. B. Washburne, Sketch of Edward Coles, Second Governor of Illinois, and of the Slavery Struggle of 1823-4 (1882). The economic history of slavery can be written only after much monographic work; compare U. B. Phillips, "Economic Cost of Slave-Holding in the Cotton Belt," in Political Science Quarterly, XX., 267.

On the history of cotton, see M. B. Hammond, Cotton Industry, in American Economic Association, Publications, new series, No. 1 (1897); E. Von Halle, Baumwollproduktion (in Schmoller, Staats und Social-wissenschaftliche Forschungen, XV.); E. G. Donnell, History of Cotton (1872); J. L. Watkins, Production and Price of Cotton for One Hundred Years (U. S. Department of Agriculture, Division of Statistics, Miscellaneous Series, Bulletin, No. 9, 1895).

The best sketch of the Missouri Compromise is J. A. Woodburn, The Historical Significance of the Missouri Compromise (American Historical Association, Report, 1893, pp. 249-298). Source material is in the Annals of Congress; the works of King, Jefferson, Benton, and J. Q. Adams, above-mentioned; and also Congressional Globe, 30 Cong., 2 Sess., App.; William and Mary College Quarterly, X.

STATE SOVEREIGNTY

On the reaction towards state sovereignty, documentary material so well selected as to have the effect of a monograph is in H. V. Ames, State Documents on Federal Relations (1900-1905), Nos. 3-5. The works of John Taylor of Caroline are essential, especially Construction Construed (1820), Tyranny Unmasked (1822), and New Views of the Constitution of the United States (1823); Brutus [R. Turnbull], The Crisis; or, Essays on the Usurpations of the Federal Government (1827), is equally important. Defense of a Liberal Construction of the Powers of Congress as regards Internal Improvements, etc., with a Complete Refutation of the Ultra Doctrines Respecting Consolidation and State Sovereignty, Written by George M'Duffle, Esq., in the Year 1821 over the Signature "One of the People" (1831), is an important pamphlet to mark the extent of the changing views of southern leaders. Judge Spencer Roane's antagonism to Marshall's nationalizing decisions is brought out in his articles in Randolph-Macon College, John P. Branch Historical Papers, No. 2; see also Jefferson, Writings (Ford's edition), X.; Massachusetts Historical Society, Proceedings, ad series, XIV., 327 (Marshall's strictures on Roane); and the case of Cohens vs. Virginia, in 6 Wheaton, 264. Calhoun's "Exposition of 1828" is in his Works, VI., 1-59. Governor Troup's defiance of the United States is best given in E. J. Harden, Life of George M. Troup (1859), containing many of his letters. T. Cooper, Consolidation, an Account of Parties (2d edition, 1830, and in Examiner, II., 86, 100), is a South Carolina view. The best monographs in this field are David F. Houston, A Critical Study of Nullification in South Carolina (Harvard Historical Studies, III., 1893), and U. B. Phillips, Georgia and State Rights (American Historical Association, Report, 1901, II.).

ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL TOPICS

Commerce and Trade.-For this period, the best commercial authorities, aside from government documents, are Timothy Pitkin, A Statistical View of the Commerce of the United States of America (1835), and W. P. Sterns, Foreign Trade of the United States, 1820- 1840, in Journal of Political Economy, VIII., 34, 452. See also Hazard's United States Commercial and Statistical Register (6 vols., 1840-1842); Register of Pennsylvania (16 vols., 1828-1835); J. R. M'Culloch, A Dictionary, Practical, Theoretical, and Historical, of Commerce and Commercial Navigation (edited by Henry Vethake; 2 vols., 1852); John MacGregor, Commercial Statistics of America: a Digest of Her Productive Resources, Commercial Legislation, Customs, Tariffs, Shipping, Imports and Exports, Monies, Weights, and Measures (London, no date). On internal trade, see W. F. Switzler. Report on Internal Commerce of the United States, Treasury Department, Bureau of Statistics, submitted January 30, 1888, pt. ii., Document No. 1039b; Timothy Flint, History and Geography of the Mississippi Valley; and H. S. Tanner [publisher], View of the Valley of the Mississippi, both cited above.

Navigation and Shipping.—See the above and the following: W. H. Bates, American Navigation: the Political History of Its Rise and Ruin, and the Proper Means for Its Encouragement (1902); W. L. Marvin, The American Merchant Marine: Its History and Romance from 1620 to 1902 (1902); D. A. Wells, Our Merchant Marine: How It Rose, Increased, Became Great, Declined, and Decayed (1882). In these works there is a tendency to controversy.

Finance.—The best manual on the financial history of the period is Davis R. Dewey, Financial History of the United States (1903), clear and judicious, with full bibliography. The best accounts of banking are: R. C. H. Catterall, The Second Bank of the United States (University of Chicago, Decennial Publications, 2d series, II., 1903); W. G. Sumner, A History of Banking in the United States (in A History of Banking in All the Leading Nations, I.), 1896.

Manufactures.—On the development of manufactures, see C. D. Wright, Industrial Evolution of the United States (1905); William Bagnall, Textile Industries of the United States (1893); J. L. Bishop, A History of American Manufactures from 1608 to 1860 (3d edition, 3 vols., 1868); S. N. D. North, A Century of Wool Manufacture (Association of Wool Manufacturers, Bulletin, 1894); J. M. Swank, History of the Manufacture of Iron (1884, revised 1892); Eleventh Census of the United States, Report on Manufacturing Industries (1890). American State Papers, Finance, IV.; Secretary of the Treasury, Report, 1854-1855 (Executive Documents, 34 Cong., 1 Sess., No. 10). 86-92, valuable statistics.

The Tariff.—For the history of the tariff in the decade, the following are useful: O. L. Elliott, The Tariff Controversy in the United States, 1789-1833 (Leland Stanford, Jr., University, Monographs, History and Economics, No. 1, 1892); Edward Stanwood, American Tariff Controversies in the Nineteenth Century (2 vols., 1903); F. W. Taussig, Tariff History of the United States (1888); American State Papers, Finance, III.-V., memorials up to 1828; Edward Young, Special Report on the Customs-Tariff of the United States (1872); Committee on Finance, U. S. Senate, The Existing Tariff on Imports into the United States, etc., and the Free List, together with Comparative Tables of Present and Past Tariffs, and Other Statistics Relating Thereto (Senate Reports, 48 Cong., 1 Sess., No. 12).cited as Tariff Compilation of 1884.

Labor.—The labor movement in the period is as yet insufficiently studied; but see John B. McMaster, History of the People of the United States, V.; and R. T. Ely, The Labor Movement in America (1886; 3d edition, 1890); G. E. McNeill, The Labor Movement, the Problem of To-Day (1887); John B. McMaster, Acquisition of the Rights of Man in America, above mentioned; C. D. Wright, The Industrial Evolution of the United States (1895).

Land.—On the land question, the American State Papers, Public Lands, are the main reliance. See also Thomas Donaldson, The Public Domain: Its History, with Statistics (Washington, 1884; also in House Miscellaneous Documents, 47 Cong., 2 Sess., XIX., 1882-1883); Emerick, The Credit System and the Public Domain (Vanderbilt Southern History Society, Publications, No. 3, 1899). The actual operation of the land system may be studied in the emigrant guides and works of travelers previously cited.

INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS

General Views.—Upon the internal improvements of the United States note the following: [G. Armroyd], Connected View of the Whole Internal Navigation of the United States (Philadelphia, 1826; 2d edition, 1830); G. T. Poussin, Travaux d'ameliorations interieurs des Etats-Unis de 1824 a 1831 (Paris, 1836); S. A. Mitchell, Compendium of the Internal Improvements of the United States (Philadelphia, 1835); Michel Chevalier, Society, Manners, and Politics in the United States (Boston, 1839); D. Hewett, The American Traveller; or, National Directory Containing an Account of all the Great Post-Roads and Most Important Cross-Roads in the United States (Washington, 1825). The best estimate of the significance of internal improvements in this period is G. S. Callender, "Early Transportation and Banking Enterprises of the States in Relation to the Growth of Corporations," in Quarterly Journal of Economics, XVII., 3-54. A useful history of federal internal improvement legislation is H. G. Wheeler, History of Congress (1848), II., 109-513. J. L. Ringwalt, Development of Transportation Systems in the United States (1888), a summary but valuable account; H. V. Poor, Sketch of the Rise and Progress of Internal Improvements, in his Manual of the Railroads of the United States for 1881.

Official Publications.—Especially significant are: Niles' Register, XXXVI., 168, a statement of the amount of money expended in each state and territory upon works of internal improvement to October 1, 1828; J. C. Calhoun's report on carrying out the general survey act of 1824, in his Works, V., 137-147; the historical survey of the canals of the United States, Census of the United States, 1880, IV. In the American State Papers, Post-Office, 120, is the Report of the Postmaster-General, January, 1825, giving post routes, frequency of mails, and cost of transportation. See, for statistical data on internal improvements, River and Harbor Legislation from 1790 to 1887 (Senate Miscellaneous Documents, 49 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 91); and Secretary of the Interior, Statement Showing Land Grants Made by Congress to Aid in the Construction of Railroads, Wagon Roads, Canals, and Internal Improvements,. . . from Records of the General Land Office (1888).

Constitutional Aspects.—For this side of the question, see Joseph Story, Commentaries on the Constitution of the United States (2 vols., 5th edition, 1891); James Monroe. View of the Conduct of the Executive in Foreign Affairs of United States, in his Writings, VI., 216-284, and in J. D. Richardson, Messages and Public Papers of the Presidents, II., 144-183 (1899); E. C. Nelson, "Presidential Influence on the Policy of Internal Improvements," in Iowa Journal of History and Politics, IV., 3-69.

Special Monographs.—Among the more useful are R. Mills, Treatise on Inland Navigation (1820); G. W. Ward, The Early Development of the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal Project (Johns Hopkins University Studies, XVII., 431, 1899); C. C. Weaver, History of Internal Improvements in North Carolina Previous to 1860 (ibid., XXI., 1903); E. J. Benton, The Wabash Trade Route, in the Development of the Old Northwest (ibid., XXI., 1903); J. S. Young, Political and Constitutional Study of the Cumberland Road (University of Chicago Press, 1904), is badly arranged, but useful; T. B. Searight, Old Pike (Uniontown, Pa., 1894), entertaining; T. K. Worthington, Historical Sketch of Finances of Pennsylvania, in American Economic Association, Publications, II., 126, gives a good sketch of the internal improvements of that state; C. McCarthy, Antimasonic Party, in American Historical Association, Report, 1902, chaps, viii.-x., shows the political influence of canal schemes in Pennsylvania. For Ohio internal improvements, see C. N. Morris, Internal Improvements in Ohio, in American Historical Association, Papers, III., 107 (1889); G. W. Dial, in Ohio Archeological and Historical Society, Publications, XIII., 479; C. P. McClelland and C. C. Huntington, History of the Ohio Canals; A. B. Hulbert, Historic Highways of America (16 vols., 1902-1905), including IX., Waterways of Westward Expansion; X., The Ohio River and Its Tributaries; XI., The Cumberland Road; XII., Pioneer Roads and Experiences of Travellers; XIII., XIV., Great American Canals [Chesapeake and Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Erie], useful, but not well digested.

The best sources for the Erie Canal are Laws of the State of New York, in Relation to the Erie and Champlain Canals, together with the Annual Reports of the Canal Commissioners (Albany, 1825), and the succeeding Reports of the Canal Commissioners; View of the Grand Canal (pamphlet, Albany, 1825); and the biographies of Clinton by Hosack and Renwick above mentioned.

FOREIGN RELATIONS

On foreign relations, especially the Monroe Doctrine, see C. Seignobos, Political History of Europe since 1814 (1899), 762, for bibliography of the Holy Alliance. The following serve to elucidate British policy: H. W. V. Temperley, Life of Canning (1905); A. G. Stapleton, Political Life of the Right-Honourable George Canning (3 vols., 1831); E. J. Stapleton, Some Official Correspondence of George Canning (3 vols., 1887); Festing, J. H. Frere and His Friends; Memoirs and Correspondence of Viscount Castkreagh (8 vols., 1848-1851), VII.; and Richard Rush, Memoranda of a Residence at the Court of London [1817-1819], (2d edition, 1833), and Memoranda of a Residence at the Court of London. . . from 1819 to 1825 (1845). For Spanish America, see F. L. Paxson, Independence of the South American Republics (1903), an excellent sketch, with bibliography; J. H. Latane, Diplomatic Relations of the United States and Spanish America (1900); J. M. Callahan, Cuba and International Relations (1899). On the genesis of Monroe's message announcing the Doctrine, the best survey is in the two articles by Worthington C. Ford, John Quincy Adams: His Connection with the Monroe Doctrine, in Massachusetts Historical Society, Proceedings, 2d series, XV. (1902), 373-436, and in American Historical Review, VII., 676-696, and VIII., 28-52. W. F. Reddaway, The Monroe Doctrine (1898; 2d edition, 1906), is a particularly lucid and valuable study. Albert Bushnell Hart, Foundations of American Foreign Policy (1901), chap. vii.; John B. Moore, in Harper's Magazine, CIX., 857; G. Tucker, Monroe Doctrine (Boston, 1885); and D. C. Gilman, James Monroe (Boston, 1883), are other useful brief accounts. See also Frances Wharton [editor], Digest of the International Law of the United States (3 vols., 1887), I., superseded by John B. Moore, Digest (5 vols., 1906).

On the Panama Congress, considerable material is collected in The Congress of 1826 at Panama (International American Conference, IV., Historical Appendix, 1890).

THE END