With this aspect of the matter I have not, however, been specially concerned. It has been left on one side in order to concentrate attention upon another and a more neglected aspect of the subject—that of the conditions that have served to perpetuate the religious idea. Grant, what cannot be well denied in the face of modern investigation, that ideas of the supernatural began in primitive delusion. How comes it that this idea has not by now disappeared from civilised society? What are the causes that have given it such a lengthy lease of life? Experience has shown that all really verifiable knowledge counts as an asset of naturalism, and is so far opposed to supernaturalism. Moreover, the history of science has been such that one feels justified in the assumption that, given time and industry, there are no phenomena that are not susceptible to a naturalistic explanation. Why, then, has not supernaturalism died out? Even the religious idea cannot persist without evidence of some kind being offered in its behalf. This evidence may be to a better instructed mind inconclusive or irrelevant, but evidence of some sort there must have been all along, and must still be. Granted that the religious idea began with primitive mankind, granted also that it was based on a mistaken interpretation of natural phenomena, these reasons are quite insufficient to explain why thousands of generations later that idea is still with us. "Our fathers have told us" offers to the average mind a strong appeal, but surely the children will require some further proof than this. What kind of evidence is it that throughout the ages religious people have accepted as conclusive? A study of primitive psychology shows clearly enough how the religious idea vitalised the facts. What we next have to discern is the class of facts that have kept the religious idea alive.

The foregoing pages constitute an attempt to answer this question. The need for some such investigation was clearly shown by the publication of the late Professor William James's Varieties of Religious Experience and its reception by the religious press of the country as an epoch-marking work. As a mere collection of documents, the work is interesting enough. But its critical value is extremely small. How religious visionaries have felt, or what has been their experiences, can only furnish the mere data of an enquiry, and their explanation of the cause of their experiences is a part of the data. This, apparently, Professor James overlooked; and it will be noted by critical readers of his book that it proceeds on the assumption that the statements of religious visionaries are to be taken, not only as true concerning their subjective experiences at a given time, but also as approximately true as to the causes of their mental states. This, of course, by no means follows. A scientific enquiry cannot separate mental conditions from the subject's interpretation of their causation. Whether this interpretation is genuine or not must be decided finally by an appeal to what is known of the laws of mental life, under both normal and abnormal conditions. If these are adequate to explain the "Varieties of Religious Experience," there is no need whatever to assume the operation of a supernatural agency. Nor does calling this agency 'transcendent' or 'supermundane' make any substantial difference. For, in this connection, these are only names that serve to disguise a visitant of a highly undesirable character.

The evidence on behalf of a naturalistic explanation of religious phenomena has been purposely stated in a suggestive rather than in an exhaustive manner. The main lines of evidence are threefold. First, there is the indisputable fact that in the lower stages of culture all mental and bodily diseases are universally attributed to spiritual agency. This explanation holds the field; it is the only one possible at the time, and it is not replaced until a comparatively late stage of human history. But of special importance is the fact that a belief does not die out suddenly. It is only destroyed very slowly, and even after the facts upon which the belief was originally based have been otherwise interpreted, the attitude of mind engendered by the long reign of a belief remains. It has by that time become part of the intellectual environment. Theories of a quasi-philosophic or quasi-scientific character are elaborated, and give to the original belief something of a rational air. Even to-day the extent to which superstitious practices still gather round the subject of disease is known only to the curious in such matters. Not that the original reason is given for the practice. In nearly every case a different one is invented. To take only a single example. We still find saffron tea largely used in cases of measles. All medical men are aware that it possesses not the slightest curative value. Students of folklore are aware that it has its origin in the theory of sympathetic cures. Its redeeming feature is that it is harmless; so we find it still in common use, and the recovery of a child from measles is often enough attributed to the potency of the concoction. So with the relation of disease to the persistence of the belief in the supernatural. The conclusion that disease—whether bodily or mental—is due to the agency of spirits is one that follows from the existence of the religious idea; but in turn the observed facts react and strengthen the religious belief. Every case of disease becomes to the primitive mind an unanswerable proof in favour of the original hypothesis. The disease is there, and the only explanation possible is in terms of the animistic idea. And all the time the religious idea is becoming more deeply embedded in the social consciousness, more firmly established as a social fact.

The next line of evidence is that furnished by what I have called the culture of the supernatural. By some means or other—probably by accident in the first instance—it is discovered that certain herbs and vegetable drugs have a peculiar effect on one's mental state. Those who use them see or hear things other people do not normally hear or see. Abstention from food and other bodily privations produce similar results. What is the inevitable conclusion? The only one possible under the existing conditions is that communication has been set up with an invisible world from which one is shut off under normal conditions. From this to the next step is obvious and easy. If a drug, or a fast, brings one into communication with the supernatural world, one has only to repeat the conditions in order to repeat the experience. And repeated they are in all religions, with, at most, those modifications induced by changed times and circumstances. This is why fasting and other forms of 'fleshly mortification' play so large a part in the history of religion. The savage medicine man, the Hindu fakir, the medieval saint, all create their ecstasies by the simple plan of disturbing the normal operations of the nervous system. It is not, of course, implied that this is done with a full consciousness of all that is involved in the practice. The derangement is to them the condition of the supernatural manifestation, not the physiological and psychological cause of the experience.

The third main line of evidence is connected with the phenomena of sexuality. It has been shown that in early stages of culture man everywhere connects the phenomena of the sexual life with the activity of supernatural forces. Following the lines of investigation indicated by Mr. Sidney Hartland, we saw reason to believe that the primitive conception of procreation is not that afterwards prevalent, but that of assuming the birth of a child to be due to the direct action of spiritual beings on the mother. Proofs of this are found in existing beliefs among primitive peoples, in the magical practices so widely current to obtain children, and in numerous other customs connected with childbirth. The phenomenon of puberty in the male and of menstruation in the female gives a terrifying reality to this belief. But still more important is the fact that a great deal of assumed religious feeling is found on analysis to be little more than masked sexuality. The connection between eroticism and piety has been noted over and over again by medical observers in the cases that have been brought professionally under their notice. And it is hardly less marked in a large number of instances that are usually classed as normal. Thus great religious teachers have often emphasised the value of a celibate life as a means of furthering religious devotion, and nearly all have treated it with marked respect. The reason given for this is that marriage involves a greater absorption in material or worldly cares, while celibacy leaves one free to full devotion to the spiritual. But the bottom reason for it is that sexual and domestic feelings, lacking their proper outlet in marriage and family life, run with greater force in the outlet provided by religion. So it happens that we find unmarried men and women, devoted to the religious life, expressing themselves towards Jesus or the Virgin in language which, separated from its religious associations, leaves no doubt as to its origin in unsatisfied sexual feeling. In these cases we are dealing with a perversion of one of the deepest of human instincts. And it is one of the commonest of observations in psychology that when a feeling is denied outlet through its proper channel it finds vent in some other direction, and is to that extent masked or disguised.

Allied to the fact of perversion is that of misinterpretation. In the chapter on Conversion we have seen how largely this occurs at the period of adolescence. The significant features of adolescence are a development of the sexual nature and an awakening of a consciousness of race kinship. Connected with these, and flowing from them, is a more or less rapid development of what are called the altruistic feelings, the individual becoming less self-centred and more concerned for the well-being of others. From an evolutionary point it is easy to read the fundamental meaning of these transformations, although in the course of social development they have become overlaid with a number of secondary characteristics. Still, in a completely rationalised social life, with adequate knowledge concerning the nature of adolescence, every care would be taken to direct these developing energies into purely social channels. Adolescence is the great formative period; it is then that imitation and suggestion play their most important parts, and it is then that the foundations may be laid of a really good and useful citizenship. If we fail then, we fail completely.

In a society where supernaturalism still exerts considerable power another, and a more disastrous, policy is pursued. Every endeavour is made by religious organisations to exploit adolescence in their own interest. Thousands of priests, often, no doubt, with the best of motives, are engaged in impressing upon the youthful mind an entirely erroneous notion of the character and the direction of the feelings experienced. The sense of restlessness, consequent upon a period of great physiological disturbance, is utilised to create an unhealthy 'conviction of sin,' or the need of 'getting right with God.' Social duties and obligations are made incidental rather than fundamental. Activities that should be consciously directed to a social end are diverted into religious channels, and one consequence of this, as we have seen, is a large crop of nervous disorders that might be avoided were a healthier outlet provided. In this the modern priest is acting precisely as his savage forerunner acted. As the savage medicine man associates sexual phenomena with the activity of the tribal ghosts, so the modern priest often associates the psychological conditions that accompany adolescence with a supernatural influence. The distinction between the two is a purely verbal one. In neither case is there a recognition of the nature of the processes actually at work; in both cases the phenomena are used to emphasise the reality and activity of the supernatural. In both cases the social feelings are disguised by the religious interpretation given, with the result that instead of adolescence being, as it should be, the period of a conscious entry into the larger social life, it only too often marks the beginning of a lifelong servitude to retrogressive forces.

These are the main lines along which, I conceive, the study of the pathologic elements that enter into the history of religion must be studied. And so long as we restrict our study to the lower culture stages the evidence is clear and unmistakable. It is when we reach the higher stages of civilisation that the problem becomes more difficult. For although it is possible to detect the same factors at work they are expressed in a different way, and affiliated to current philosophic and even scientific ideas. Thus, it would be readily admitted by most people nowadays that visions seen by a fasting man, or by a taker of drugs, or by one suffering from some nervous disorder, were wholly inadmissible as evidence. So far we have advanced beyond the point of view of primitive races. But the testimony of one who by constantly dwelling upon a single idea, and by excluding rational and corrective influences, has brought about a quite abnormal state of mind, is still counted of value by theologians. Much of the current cant concerning 'mysticism' may be cited in illustration of this. Exactly what mysticism is no one appears to know. Definitions are numerous and varied. So far as most mystics are concerned the definition of Harnack—"Mysticism is rationalism applied to a sphere beyond reason"—appears to hit the mark, although how reason can be used in a sphere to which it does not apply is precisely one of those unintelligible statements that so delights those with yearnings after the ineffable. The normal mind will probably find more satisfaction in John Stuart Mill's description of mysticism as being "neither more nor less than ascribing objective existence to the subjective creations of the mind, and believing that by watching and contemplating these ideas of its own making, it can read what takes place in the world without."

But the general claim of 'mystics,' and, indeed, of supernaturalists generally, is that they are, in virtue of the exercise of certain qualities or 'faculties,' either inoperative at certain times, or absent in the case of normal folk, able to perceive a truth not perceptible to people less fortunately endowed. And these claims, I have no hesitation in saying, are wholly false. There are all degrees of development of human faculty, but it is substantially the same with all. There is no royal road to truth in this direction more than in others. Truth is reached in the same way by all, and although an induction may in the case of certain well-dowered individuals be so rapid as to rank as an 'intuition,' a careful analysis destroys the illusion.

When we clear away from the claims of the 'mystic' all the superfluities of language that are there, and so reduce these claims to their lowest and plainest terms, we find ourselves face to face with the claim of the supernaturalist as it has existed from savage times onward. The method remains true to itself. In the first instance, we have the claim to illumination based upon direct interference with the normal workings of the mind. In the next stage, we find this interference still marked, but less direct. Finally, we have the unhealthy operation of fixed ideas, and the exclusion of all conditions that would prevent the operation of hallucination or illusion. But the method remains the same throughout, and it is equally sterile throughout. In all history these mystical states of illumination have discovered no verifiable truth; they have never at any time advanced human knowledge in the smallest degree. And the reason for this is plain: The brain of the mystic, like that of the non-mystic, can only work on the basis of its acquired knowledge or experience. It can create nothing new; it can declare no truth that is not in the nature of an induction from existing knowledge. All that the religious mystic can accomplish after brooding upon inherited religious beliefs is to create new combinations, or effect certain modifications or developments of them, and by continued contemplation endow his subjective creations with an objective existence. That is why the Christian mystic remains a Christian. The Mohammedan mystic remains a Mohammedan. The 'supersensible reality' is always of the kind consonant with their inherited beliefs and their social environment. That is also why mysticism has its fashions like all other forms of religious extravagance. And as he is "applying rationalism to a sphere above reason," the mystic may give full vent to his imaginative powers. That which is above reason may defy reasonable disproof. To some, however, it has the disadvantage of not admitting of reasonable verification. There is nothing here but the primitive delusion operating under changed conditions.

In addition, to the lines of investigation followed in the foregoing pages, a great deal might be said as to how far the religious idea has been perpetuated by an exploitation of purely social qualities. It must be obvious to even the cursory student that a great deal of what is now being put forward as religious is really no more than a sociology with a religious label. The feeling for truth, beauty, justice, the desire for social intercourse, are all treated as expressions of religious conviction. All sorts of social reforms are urged in the name of religion, and the degree of success achieved dwelt upon as fruits of the religious spirit. But in no legitimate sense of the word can these things be called religious. They may or may not be consonant with the existing religion, but in themselves they are very clearly the outcome of man's social nature, and would exist even though religion disappeared entirely. The appeals made to man's moral sense, to his sense of justice, to his sympathies, are thus fundamentally appeals made to his social nature, and so far as the religious appeal is placed upon this basis it becomes an exploitation of the social consciousness. Unfortunately, the long association of religious forms with social life and institutions, due ultimately to the immense power of supernaturalism in early society, this, combined with early education, makes it a matter of no small difficulty for the average man or woman to separate the two things.

Finally, let us imagine for a moment that the course of human history had been different to what it actually has been. Suppose that by some miracle humanity had started its career in full possession of that knowledge of nature which has been so laboriously accumulated. In that case, would the belief in the supernatural have ever existed? Would the thousand and one 'spiritual beings' of primitive society have ever had being? And if not called into being then, from what other source could they have been derived? Is there anything in later scientific knowledge that would ever have suggested the supernatural? We know there is not; we know that the whole of modern science is an emphatic protest against its existence. Unfortunately the scientist does not come first, but last; and by the time he appears, the supernatural has made good its foothold; it has permeated human institutions, and has bitten so deeply into habits of thought as to make its eradication the most difficult of all tasks.

Let us carry our imagining yet a step further. Imagine that even after primitive ignorance had created the supernatural, it had come to an abrupt stop when man had emerged from the purely savage stage. Suppose a generation born, not without knowledge of what their progenitors believed, but with a sufficient knowledge of their own to correct their ancestor's errors. Suppose that generation in a position to recognise disease, insanity, delusion, hysteria, hallucination for what they are. Assume them to be under no delusion concerning the nature of man, physically or mentally. Would the religious idea have persisted in the way that it has done? Granted religion would still have continued to exist as an ultimate philosophy of nature that appealed to some minds, as other systems of philosophy number their disciples, would it have been the dominating power it has been? What under such conditions would have become of that evidence for the supernatural, accepted generation after generation, but which is now rejected by all educated minds? Where would have been that long array of seers, prophets, illuminants, whose credentials have been found in states of mind that are now seen to have been pathological in character? For remember it was not always—very seldom, in fact—the justice, or the reasonableness of the teachings set forth, that won support, but generally the 'signs and wonders' that were pointed to as evidence of the divine commission of the teachers. Assume, then, that these 'signs and wonders' had been wanting, and that for thousands of years people had looked at natural phenomena from the point of view of the educated mind of to-day, what would have been the present position of the religious idea? Would it not have been like a tree divorced from the soil?

Well, we know that the course of history has been far different from what I have assumed to be the case. We know that the savage dies out very slowly, and that even in civilised States to-day he is honoured in the existence of a whole army of representatives. Each generation moves along the road marked out by its predecessors, and broadens or lengthens it to but a small extent. For many, many generations people went on adopting the conclusions of the savage concerning man and the universe, and finding proofs of the soundness of those conclusions in exactly the same kind of experiences. The beliefs thus engendered were wild and absurd—admittedly so, and many of such a nature that educated people are now ashamed of them. But such as they were, they served the purpose of perpetuating the belief in the supernatural, and so served to strengthen the general religious idea. Of that there can be no reasonable doubt. For the influence of beliefs that have been long held does not end with the intellectual perception of their falsity. A belief such as witchcraft dies out, but by that time it has done its work in familiarising the general mind with the reality of the supernatural, and so prepares the ground for other harvests. These long centuries of superstitious beliefs have left behind in society a psychological residuum that is at all times an obstacle and is sometimes fatal to scientific thinking. We are like men who have obtained freedom after almost a lifetime of slavery. We may be no longer in any real danger of the lash, but fear of the whip has become part of our nature, and we shrink without cause. So with all those now admitted delusions that have been described in the foregoing pages, and which for generations were asserted without question. They bit deeply in to social institutions; the temper of mind they induced became part of our social heritage. They perpetuated the long reign of supernaturalism, and still interpose a serious obstacle to sane and helpful conceptions of man and the universe.



INDEX

Adolescence and Religion, 177-8, 181, 276-7.

Adolescence and Primitive Customs, 178.

Adolescence and Nervous Disorders, 196-7.

Adolescence, Social Significance of, 183-5.

Agapae, 152.

Asceticism, 121, 125, 146, 208-13.

Asceticism and Purity, 213.

Asceticism, Influence on Religion, 224-5.

Augustine, 157.

Authority, Conflict with Science, viii.

Baring-Gould, S., 147, 153, 209.

Baring-Gould, S., on Mysticism and Sexualism, 125, 151.

Brinton, D. G., on Origin of Religion, 14.

Bryce, J., 232.

Buckle, T. H., 256.

Catherine of Sienna, 85, 129.

Celibacy, 214-5.

Celibacy, Results on Morals, 220-3.

Celibacy, Social Consequences of, 216-9, 220-3.

Clouston, Sir T. S., on Revivals, 195.

Clouston, Sir T. S., on the Connection between Sexualism and Religion, 140.

Conversion, Pathological Nature of, 194.

Conversion and Adolescence, 32, 176-7, 276.

Conversion, Theological Notions of, 169-71.

Conversion, Ages of Converts, 174-5, 194-5.

Conversion, Statistics of, 173-5.

Conversion and Imitation, 188.

Conversion, Social Aspects of, 200.

Convulsionnaires (The), 239.

Crowd Psychology, 206.

Crusades, Character of, 227-9.

Crusades, Children's, 230.

Crusades, Consequences of, 232-3.

Cudworth, R., 259.

Dalyell, J. G., 257.

Dancing and Religious Ecstasy, 60-1.

Dancing Epidemics, 236-40.

Death, Savage Ideas of, 44.

Demoniacs, 77.

Disease, Theory of, amongst Primitive Peoples, 46.

Disease, Theory of, amongst the Early Christians, 47.

D'Israeli, I., on Sexualism and Religion, 17, 135.

Draper, J. W., 231.

Drugs, their use in the history of Religion, 57.

Environment, 36, 38.

Environment, Nature of Primitive, 39.

Epilepsy, Influence of, in fostering Supernaturalism, 74-9.

Epilepsy, Opinion of Dr. Hollander, 75.

Epilepsy, Opinion of Sir T. S. Clouston, 75.

Epilepsy, Opinion of Dr. C. Norman, 76.

Epilepsy, Opinion of Emanuel Deutsch, 77, 79.

Epilepsy in New Testament, 77.

Erotic Sects, 155-60, 165.

Eroticism and Supernaturalism, 126-8, 132, 136-9.

Evidence for the Supernatural, 2, 271.

Fasting, 61-5.

Flagellation, 234-5.

Forlong, Maj.-Gen., 109 n.

Fox, George, Account of Visions, 82.

Frazer, J. G., 39, 46, 97, 99, 111.

Free Love—Religious, 150, 161-4.

Galton, Francis, on Religious and Morbid States, 86.

Galton, Francis, 219.

Gibbon, E., 227.

Gowers, Sir W. R., 197.

Granger, Prof., 84, 141-3.

Hallucinations, 23-4-5, 62, 84.

Hecker, J. F. C., 236-7.

Hopkins, Mathew, 261-2.

Human Qualities, Identity of, 6.

Interpretation, Growth of Scientific, xiii.

Ireland, Dr. W. W., on Hallucinations, 23-4.

James, W., 10, 11, 14, 15, 16, 17, 21, 81, 83, 130, 131, 145, 175-6, 272.

Kingsley, Mary, on Primitive Thought, 42.

Lea, H. C., 220-1.

Le Bon, Gustave, on Crowd Psychology, 206.

Lecky, W. E. H., 154, 212, 221.

Luther and Demonism, 25, 58, 82, 253.

Maudsley, H., on the Relation between Nervous States and Ecstasy, 66, 76, 133.

Medicine and the Church, 70-1.

Menstruation, 95-6-7-8.

Mental States, Reality of, xi, 7, 22.

Mercier, C., Connection between Sexualism and Religion, 124, 140-1, 187, 197.

Milman, H. H., 219, 222-3, 225-6, 229, 232.

Mind, Theories of, x.

Mistletoe, Origin of Kissing under, 109 n.

Mohammed, his Account of Inspiration, 78, 81.

Monasticism, 225.

Monasticism and the Family, 216-7, 219, 222-3.

Monasticism and Morals, 220.

Mysticism, 131, 279-80.

Mysticism and the Abnormal, 55.

Mysticism and Puberty, 186.

Mysticism, Definitions of, 278-9.

Mystics, Claims of, xi.

Opium, Effects of, 58.

Pathological States and Religious Belief, 5, 49.

Pathological Aspects of Revivals, 190-1-2-3, 201.

Pathology of Religion, Need of, 3.

Phallicism, 104-5-6-7-8-9.

Pike, L. O., on Character of Crusaders, 229.

Procreation, Primitive Beliefs concerning, 93-4.

Psychological Epidemics, 207.

Psychology, Normal and Abnormal, 3.

Psychology as a Social Force, 37-8.

Puberty, 180-6.

Puberty Customs, 62, 95, 96.

Religion, Definition of, 1. Association of, with Non-religious Forces, 4. and Intuition, 51. and Puberty, 180. and Dancing, 60-1-2. and Fasting, 63-4-5. and Environment, 199, 202. in Primitive Life, 40, 44-5-6, 53. its Connection with Pathological Conditions, 8, 14, 68-9, 70-1-2-3-4.

Religious Faculty, Fallacy of, 7, 19, 20.

Religious Idea and Modern Thought, vii.

Renan, E., 145.

Revivalistic Religion, 163, 172, 189, 190, 193, 201.

Russian Sects, 164-7.

Saints, Medical Uses of, 70.

Santa Teresa, 85.

Science, Function of, xi-xii.

Sexualism and Religious Belief, 9, 11-2, 89-90, 120, 121, 125-9, 145, 275.

Sexualism and Religious Belief, Opinion of Dr. Norman, 122; of Dr. Forel, 123; of Dr. Mercier, 124; of Dr. Krafft-Ebing, 125; of Dr. Maudsley, 133-4.

Smith, W. R., on the Meaning of 'Unclean,' 101.

Sociability, Significance of, 35.

Social Life and Religious Theories, 13, 281.

Spencer, H., 37, 46.

Spiritual Wifehood, 148-9.

Spiritualism, 53-4.

Starbuck, E. D., on Conversion, 174, 200.

Sully, J., 20.

Supernaturalism, Causes of Persistence of, 271, 273, 277, 282.

Supernaturalism, Consequences of, 283-4.

Supernaturalism, Persistence of, 2.

Suso, Austerities of, 85.

Swedenborg, E., 80.

Symonds, J. A., Experience under Chloroform, 29.

Theologians, Attitude towards Science, ix.

Thomas, W. I., 182.

Tylor, E. B., 1, 49, 54, 55, 71, 182, 193.

Unclean, Religious Significance of, 100-1.

Whittaker, T., on the Effects of Opium, 58.

Williams, A., 250.

Witchcraft, 27, 243. Pathology of, 246-7. and Christian Church, 244. Bull of Innocent VIII., 248. Extent of Epidemic, 250. and Sir Thomas Browne, 265. and Montaigne, 267. and Sir M. Hale, 266. and John Wesley, 259. and Luther, 253. and Protestantism, 252-3. Scottish, 255-6-7-8, 267. American, 254-5. Children burned for, 251. Description of Trial, 263-6. Legislation in England, 253, 267.

Witches, Methods of Detection, 260-1.

Witches, Number killed, 250-1.

Woman, Christian Church and, 102.

Woman, why considered religiously unclean, 103.

Woman, a Source of Spiritual Infection, 99.

Woman, Influence of Religious Beliefs in determining her Social Position, 102-3, 110-9.

Woman, Position among Primitive Peoples, 115.

Wright, T., 251.

[Transcriber's Note:

The following corrections were made:

p. 21: extra open quote removed (In what sense)

p. 24: Dr. W. H. Ireland to Dr. W. W. Ireland (as given by Dr. W. W. Ireland)

p. 25: Nuremburg to Nuremberg (came from Nuremberg), to match cited text

p. 46: Crook to Crooke (says Mr. W. Crooke)

p. 46: Ahmadnager to Ahmadnagar (Mahadeo Kolis of Ahmadnagar)

p. 57: DeCandolle to De Candolle (says De Candolle)

p. 58 (Footnote 26): Pharmaecology (with ae ligature) to Pharmacology (Text-Book of Pharmacology)

p. 70: Persel to Pernel (St. Pernel for agues), to match cited text

p. 75: everyone to every one (every one of the senses)

p. 76: Connolly to Conolly (Dr. Conolly Norman)

pp. 86 (Footnote 63), and 130 (Footnote 107): Joli to Joly (H. Joly)

p. 101 (Footnote 76): on to in (Studies in the Psychology of Sex)

p. 114: is to are (Nor are the substantial facts)

p. 123 (Footnote 96): Problem to Question (The Sexual Question)

pp. 125, 128 (Footnote 105), and 287 (Index): Kraft-Ebing to Krafft-Ebing

p. 127: Loudon to Loudun (Convent of Ursulines of Loudun)

p. 127 (Footnote 104): of America to in North America (Jesuits in North America)

p. 128: Alacocque to Alacoque (The blessed Mary Alacoque)

p. 149 (Footnote 123): Life of St. Paul to Study of St. Paul

p. 166 (Footnote 140): Churches to Church (Heard's description, Russian Church)

p. 178: tatooing to tattooing (tattooing forms part of the religious ceremony)

p. 182 (Footnote 151): missing 4 added in 241 (pp. 241-48)

p. 209: Brahminism to Brahmanism (Brahmanism has its order of ascetics), to match cited text

p. 209: missing close quote added (consecrated to Tezcatlipoca.")

p. 249 (Footnote 188): Enenmoser to Ennemoser (is given by Ennemoser)

p. 250 (Footnote 190): A. Williams, The Superstition of Witchcraft to H. Williams, The Superstitions of Witchcraft

p. 251 (Footnote 191): History to Narratives (Narratives of Sorcery and Magic)

p. 255: Burroughes to Burroughs (George Burroughs)

pp. 263, 264: Tacy to Pacy (Elizabeth and Deborah Pacy)

p. 286 (Index): Ireland, Dr. W. H. to Ireland, Dr. W. W.

p. 286 (Index): Millman, H. H. to Milman, H. H.

Irregularities in hyphenation (e.g. supernormal vs. super-normal) and misquotations have not been corrected. Unless it was found that the error also occurred in the cited text, misspellings have been corrected.

Although Footnote 81 (originally on p. 104) refers to a "note at the end of this chapter," the "NOTE TO PAGE 104" begins on p. 110, several pages before the chapter ends. This has not been changed.

Footnotes markers have been changed from symbols (in the original) to numerals.

For the plain text versions, an oe-ligature has been changed to oe (Coelestia). For the ASCII version, the following accents and symbols have been removed or changed: ae ligatures to ae or AE (aeons, aesthetic, Agapae, Agapetae, anaesthetic, archaeologist, Caesar, formulae, hyperaesthesia, Irenaeus, Manichaean(s), primae, AEsculapius); a grave to a (Pierre-a-Croquettes, Thomas a Beckett); c cedilla to c (Francois); e acute to e (autos-da-fe, Medard); e grave to e (bayaderes, Treves); e circumflex to e (Pecheurs); o umlaut to oe (Koenigsberg); u umlaut to ue (Wuerzburg); pound sign to L.]

THE END