"Very affectionately yours, "John Sherman."

This controversy came before the Senate by a resolution offered by Senator Hawley, calling upon the President to communicate to the Senate an historical statement concerning the public policy of the executive department of the Confederate states during the late War of the Rebellion, reported to have been lately filed in the war department by General William T. Sherman. Upon this resolution a somewhat acrimonious debate occurred, participated in by Senators Harris, Hawley, Vest, George, Ingalls and others. During the debate I felt constrained, on account of my relationship with General Sherman, to give his version of the controversy between himself and Jefferson Davis.

I disliked the introduction of such a controversy twenty years after the war was over, but still, as the matter was before us, I entered at considerable length into a history of the controversy, and expressed my decided opinion that General Sherman was entirely justified in denouncing Davis and his associates, before the Civil War commenced, as conspirators and traitors. I closed my remarks as follows:

"I am sorry this debate has sprung up. I was in hope, with the Senator from Connecticut, who introduced the resolution, that these papers would be published, and nothing more would be said about them here, but let the people determine the issue and let this matter go down in history. But, sir, whenever, in my presence, in a public assemblage, Jefferson Davis shall be treated as a patriot, I must enter my solemn protest. Whenever the motives and causes of the war, the beginning and end of which I have seen, are brought into question, I must stand, as I have always stood, upon the firm conviction that it was a causeless rebellion, made with bad motives, and that all men who led in that movement were traitors to their country."

Senator Lamar answered my speech with some heat, and closed as follows:

"One other thing. We, of the south, have surrendered upon all the questions which divided the two sides in that controversy. We have given up the right of the people to secede from the Union; we have given up the right of each state to judge for itself of the infractions of the constitution and the mode of redress; we have given up the right to control our own domestic institutions. We fought for all these, and we lost in that controversy; but no man shall, in my presence, call Jefferson Davis a traitor, without my responding with a stern and emphatic denial."

Senator Vest closed the debate in a few remarks, and the subject- matter was displaced by the regular order. While I regretted this debate, I believed that the speeches made by the Republican Senators properly defined the Rebellion as, first, a conspiracy; second, treason; third, a rebellion subdued by force, finally followed by the most generous treatment of those engaged in the Rebellion that is found in the history of mankind.

During this session there was a very full debate upon the subject of regulating interstate commerce, in which I participated. The contest was between what was known as the Reagan bill, which passed the House of Representatives, and the Senate bill. I expressed the opinion that the Senate bill was better than the Reagan bill, and, although much popular favor had been enlisted from time to time in favor of the Reagan bill, because it grappled with and dealt with the railroad corporations, the Senate bill did more; it not only grappled with them, but laid a broad and deep foundation for an admirable system of railroad law, which should govern all the railroads of the country.

CHAPTER XLVIII. DEDICATION OF THE WASHINGTON MONUMENT. Resolution of Senator Morrill Providing for Appropriate Dedicatory Ceremonies—I Am Made Chairman of the Commission—Robert C. Winthrop's Letter Stating His Inability to Attend the Exercises—Letters of Regret from General Grant and John G. Whittier—Unfavorable Weather for the Dedication—My Address as Presiding Officer—The President's Acceptance of the Monument for the Nation—Mr. Winthrop's Address Read in the House by John D. Long—Inauguration of the First Democratic President Since Buchanan's Time—Visit to Cincinnati and Address on the Election Frauds—Respects to the Ohio Legislature —A Trip to the West and Southwest—Address on American Independence.

On the 13th of May, 1884, the President approved the following joint resolution, introduced by Mr. Morrill, from the committee on public buildings and grounds:

"Whereas, The shaft of the Washington monument is approaching completion, and it is proper that it should be dedicated with appropriate ceremonies, calculated to perpetuate the fame of the illustrious man who was 'first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his countrymen:' Therefore,

"Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That a commission to consist of five Senators appointed by the president of the Senate, eight Representatives appointed by the speaker of the House of Representatives, three members of the Washington Monument Society, and the United States engineer in charge of the work be, and the same is hereby, created, with full powers to make arrangements for,—

"First. The dedication of the monument to the name and memory of George Washington, by the President of the United States, with appropriate ceremonies.

"Second. A procession from the monument to the capitol, escorted by regular and volunteer corps, the Washington Monument Society, representatives of cities, states, and organizations which have contributed blocks of stone, and such bodies of citizens as may desire to appear.

"Third. An oration in the hall of the House of Representatives, on the twenty-second day of February, anno Domini eighteen hundred and eighty-five, by the Honorable Robert C. Winthrop, who delivered the oration at the laying of the corner stone of the monument in eighteen hundred and forty-eight, with music by the Marine Band.

"Fourth. Salutes of one hundred guns from the navy yard, the artillery headquarters, and such men-of-war as can be anchored in the Potomac."

I was chairman of the commission appointed under this resolution, and, in compliance with it, invited Mr. Winthrop to deliver the oration. He expressed his deep sense of the honor conferred upon him, but had a doubt whether he ought not to decline on account of his failing health. Mr. Morrill and I strongly insisted upon his acceptance and he eventually consented, though not without misgivings which were unhappily justified.

A short time before the day appointed for the dedication I received from him the following autograph letter, which is interesting, not only on account of the eminence of its author, but of the important event about to be celebrated:

"90 Marlborough Street, Boston, February 13, 1885. "Hon. John Sherman, Chairman, etc.

"Dear Senator Sherman:—It is with deep regret that I find myself compelled to abandon all further hope of being at the dedication of the Washington monument on the 21st instant. I have been looking forward to the possibility of being able to run on at the last moment, and to pronounce a few sentences of my oration before handing it to Governor Long, who has so kindly consented to read it. But my recovery from dangerous illness has been slower than I anticipated, and my physician concurs with my family in forbidding me from any attempt to leave home at present.

"I need not assure the commissioners how great a disappointment it is to me to be deprived of the privilege of being present on this most interesting occasion. I am sure of their sympathy without asking for it.

"Please present my respectful apologies to your associates, and believe me,

"With great regard, very faithfully yours, "Robt. C. Winthrop. "P. S.—This is the first letter I have attempted to write with my own pen since my illness."

Among the numerous regrets received by the commission was the following:

"Oak Knoll, Danvers, Mass., Second Month 8, 1885. "Hon. John Sherman, Chairman of Committee.

"Dear Friend:—The state of my health will scarcely permit me to avail myself of the invitation of the commission to attend the ceremonies of the dedication of the Washington monument.

"In common with my fellow-citizens I rejoice at the successful completion of this majestic testimonial of the reverence and affection which the people of the United States, irrespective of party, section, or race, cherish for the 'Father of his Country.' Grand, however, and imposing as that testimonial may seem, it is, after all, but an inadequate outward representation of that mightier monument, unseen and immeasurable, builded of the living stones of a nation's love and gratitude, the hearts of forty millions of people. But the world has not outlived its need of picture writing and symbolism, and the great object lesson of the Washington monument will doubtless prove a large factor in the moral and political education of present and future generations. Let us hope that it will be a warning as well as a benediction; and that while its sunlit altitude may fitly symbolize the truth that 'righteousness exalteth a nation,' its shadow falling on the dome of the capitol may be a daily remainder that 'sin is a reproach to any people.' Surely it will not have been reared in vain if, on the day of its dedication, its mighty shaft shall serve to lift heavenward the voice of a united people that the principles for which the fathers toiled and suffered shall be maintained inviolate by their children.

"With sincere respect, I am thy friend, "John G. Whittier."

Another letter, received about two weeks earlier from General Grant, seems to me worthy of a reproduction. It is as follows:

"New York City, January 27, 1885. "Hon. John Sherman.

"Dear Sir:—I regret very much that my physical condition prevents me from accepting the invitation of the commissioners, appointed by Congress to provide suitable ceremonies for the dedication of the Washington monument, to be present to witness the same on the 21st of February next. My throat still requires the attention of the physician daily, though I am encouraged to believe that it is improving.

"Very respectfully yours, "U. S. Grant."

An engraved card of invitation was sent to a great number of civil and military organizations throughout the United States, the regents of Mount Vernon, relatives of General Washington and other distinguished persons.

The commission invited Lieutenant General Sheridan to act as marshal of the day, with an aid-de-camp from each state and territory. This invitation was accepted, and arrangements were made for a procession from the monument to the capitol and proceedings there after the dedication by the President.

The joint resolution prescribed that the monument be dedicated "to the name and memory of George Washington, by the President of the United States, with appropriate ceremonies" on the 22nd of February. The day selected was among the coldest of the year. The ground was covered with snow and a high keen wind was blowing. I was directed to preside over the proceedings at the base of the monument, and in the performance of this duty made the following address:

"The commission authorized by the two Houses of Congress to provide suitable ceremonies for the dedication of the Washington monument, direct me to preside and announce the order of ceremonies deemed proper on this occasion.

"I need not say anything to impress upon you the dignity of the event you have met to celebrate. The monument speaks for itself— simple in form, admirable in proportions, composed of enduring marble and granite, resting upon foundations broad and deep, it rises into the skies higher than any work of human art. It is the most imposing, costly and appropriate monument ever erected in the honor of one man.

"It had its origin in the profound conviction of the people, irrespective of party, creed or race, not only of this country, but of all civilized countries, that the name and fame of Washington should be perpetuated by the most imposing testimonial of a nation's gratitude to its hero, statesman and father. This universal sentiment took form in a movement of private citizens, associated under the name of the Washington National Monument Association, who, on the 31st day of January, 1848, secured, from Congress, an act authorizing them to erect the proposed monument on this ground, selected, as the most appropriate site, by the President of the United States. Its corner stone was laid on the 4th day of July, 1848, by the Masonic fraternity, with imposing ceremonies, in the presence of the chief officer of the government and a multitude of citizens. It was partially erected by the National Monument Association, with means furnished by the voluntary contributions of the people of the United States.

"On the 5th day of July, 1876, one hundred years after the declaration of American Independence, Congress, in the name of the people of the United States, formally assumed and directed the completion of the monument. Since then the foundation has been strengthened, the shaft has been steadily advanced, and the now completed structure stands before you.

"It is a fit memorial of the greatest character in human history. It looks down upon scenes most loved by him on earth, the most conspicuous object in a landscape full of objects deeply interesting to the American people. All eyes turn to it, and all hearts feel the inspiration of its beauty, symmetry and grandeur. Strong as it is, it will not endure so long as the memory of him in whose honor it was built, but while it stands it will be the evidence to many succeeding generations of the love and reverence of this generation for the name and fame of George Washington, 'first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his countrymen'— more even than this, the prototype of purity, manhood and patriotism for all lands and for all time. Without further preface, I proceed to discharge the duty assigned me."

After prayer by the Rev. Henderson Suter, Dr. James C. Welling read an address which had been prepared by W. W. Corcoran, first vice president of the Washington National Monument Society, giving a detailed history of the structure in its various stages. Washington having been a Freemason, appropriate Masonic ceremonies were performed, the address being delivered by Grand Master Myron M. Parker. Colonel Thomas L. Casey, of the engineer corps, United States army, the chief engineer and architect of the monument, then formally delivered the structure to the President of the United States, in an address describing the work done by him on it. President Arthur received the monument with the following well- chosen words:

"Fellow-Countrymen:—Before the dawn of the century whose eventful years will soon have faded into the past, when death had but lately robbed this republic of its most beloved and illustrious citizen, the Congress of the United States pledged the faith of the nation that in this city, bearing his honored name, and then, as now, the seat of the general government, a monument should be erected 'to commemorate the great events of his military and political life.'

"The stately column that stretches heavenward from the plain whereon we stand bears witness to all who behold it that the covenant which our fathers made, their children have fulfilled.

"In the completion of this great work of patriotic endeavor there is abundant cause for national rejoicing; for while this structure shall endure it shall be to all mankind a steadfast token of the affectionate and reverent regard in which this people continue to hold the memory of Washington. Well may he ever keep the foremost place in the hearts of his countrymen.

"The faith that never faltered, the wisdom that was broader and deeper than any learning taught in schools, the courage that shrank from no peril and was dismayed by no defeat, the loyalty that kept all selfish purpose subordinate to the demands of patriotism and honor, the sagacity that displayed itself in camp and cabinet alike, and, above all, that harmonious union of moral and intellectual qualities which has never found its parallel among men; these are the attributes of character which the intelligent thought of this century ascribes to the grandest figure of the last.

"But other and more eloquent lips than mine will to-day rehearse to you the story of his noble life and its glorious achievements.

"To myself has been assigned a simpler and more formal duty, in fulfillment of which I do now, as President of the United States, and in behalf of the people, receive this monument from the hands of its builder, and declare it dedicated from this time forth to the immortal name and memory of George Washington."

The exercises at the monument concluded, General Sheridan and his aids formed the procession, consisting of regular and state troops, the Masonic fraternity, Grand Army posts, and other organizations, with the invited guests, in carriages, and proceeded to the capitol, while the cannon at the navy yard, at the artillery headquarters and at Fort Meyer fired minute guns.

As previously arranged, the address of Mr. Winthrop, which has ever since been regarded as equal to the occasion, was read by John D. Long, in the hall of the House of Representatives, before a most distinguished audience, embracing all the principal officers of the government and the invited guests. John W. Daniel, of Virginia, also delivered an eloquent oration.

Thus the Congress celebrated the completion of monuments in enduring form to two of the greatest men in American history—Washington and Marshall.

The Congress expired by limitation March 4, 1885.

On the same day, there was inaugurated the first Democratic President of the United States since the time of James Buchanan. The election of Cleveland, though not disputed, turned upon a very narrow majority in New York, and the practical exclusion of the majority of the legal voters in several of the southern states. This naturally led to the inquiry, "What will you do about it?" My answer was that we must quietly acquiesce in the result of the official returns and give to Mr. Cleveland such fair treatment as we asked for Hayes. I said that we should confirm his appointments made in pursuance of the law and custom. I was a member of the committee that conducted him to the stand where he was inaugurated. I heard his inaugural address, carefully studied it, and felt sure that if he faithfully observed the policy he defined, the bitterness of party strife would be greatly diminished. He carefully avoided contested questions of public policy, and especially omitted all reference to the substantial overthrow of the political rights of a majority of the legal voters in many of the southern states, by which alone he was elected.

The usual call for an executive session at the close of a presidential term was issued by President Arthur, and the Senate met on the 4th of March, Vice President Hendricks presiding. But little business of general interest was done during that session except action on presidential appointments, few in number, which were confirmed without objection. The Senate adjourned on the 2nd of April.

Soon after I went to Mansfield, and, on the 12th of April, to Cincinnati, to witness the inauguration of my friend, Amor Smith, Jr., as mayor of that city. He had fought and overcome the grossest frauds that had been or could be committed by penitentiary convicts. A crowd gathered around his residence, which, with those of his neighbors, was brilliantly illuminated. The Blaine club, headed by a band and followed by many citizens, filled his yard. His house was full of his personal friends. After music by the band, Miller Outcalt, president of the club, escorted Mr. Smith to the piazza and introduced him to the citizens. His speech was modest and appropriate, but he took care to denounce, in fitting language, the open and reckless frauds practiced by his enemies to defeat him, and promised that while he was mayor no such frauds should be committed.

I was introduced to the crowd, and, after rendering my thanks and congratulations and my appeal to the young men of the club, said:

"I think the foulest crime in the decalogue of crime, worse than any named in the Ten Commandments of the Mosaic law, lower far than stealing, worse than burglary, as bad as murder, is the crime that has been perpetrated here in your city openly, in the face of day, trying to break down the elective franchise and rob the people of their right to govern themselves. I might forgive a man who would steal because he was in need of bread; he might commit other crimes because of some reason, but a man who seeks to rob his neighbors of their right to govern themselves, and practices the tricks of the wily electioneer to deprive the people of this right, commits a meaner crime than any that can be named in the list of crime.

"I am told that dozens—aye, hundreds—of men have gone to the polls and there voted over and over again; that they have given false names, and sometimes, in the presence of the very guardians of the public peace, they have openly violated the law. I say that worse men cannot be found than those who do this, or those viler creatures who protect them in doing it or justify them in their acts. Every power of the nation should be utilized to punish them with the penitentiary; they ought to be made to wear the stripes of the convict."

Foraker followed with an eloquent speech, which greatly pleased the audience, and after much hand-shaking the crowd gradually dispersed.

My remarks about frauds at elections did not please the "Enquirer." While strongly censuring me for violence in language it did not try to controvert what I said. I have always entertained the opinion that frauds in elections are more dangerous crimes than cheating, theft and robbery, because they are committed against the whole people and sap and undermine republican institutions. I have always denounced them, or anything approaching them, when committed by friend or foe.

From Cincinnati I went to Columbus to pay my respects to the Ohio legislature, about to adjourn. A majority of both houses was Democratic. They convened in the hall of the house of representatives, where I addressed them. I thanked them for their courtesy, which was the more gracious because it came from gentlemen who did not agree with me in political opinion. I told them I was pleased to see that in Ohio and elsewhere the interests of our country and our state were regarded of vastly more importance than the factious quarrels of bitter partisans, which feeling I was glad to say I had always encouraged. I alluded to my having served in the Senate of the United States with colleagues representing different political opinions from myself, including Allen G. Thurman, George H. Pendleton and, at that time, Henry B. Payne, and to the fact that whenever the interests of the people of Ohio were concerned our political differences disappeared and we were shoulder to shoulder as friends. I said I thought this spirit ought to be observed by the representatives of the people of Ohio and of the United States, that whenever the interests of the people were under consideration party spirit should sink into insignificance.

After hand-shaking all around I returned to my hotel. In the evening I was invited to attend the board of trade, and, being kindly introduced by President Miles, I, as usual, was called upon for a speech. I first alluded to the remarkable growth of Columbus to which the members of the board had contributed, and then discussed briefly the silver question, about which they also felt an interest. I then exploited into electricity, as follows:

"Gentlemen, you will be called upon hereafter to deal with forces yet undiscovered. The developments of science have brought to your aid things as mysterious as life, which no mind can penetrate. You are now called upon to use electricity as a motive power and as light. You must develop these secrets of nature, and you will have no more fear of the exhaustion of gold, for these new powers will contribute to the wealth and power of this country. The business men must carry out these, and so I say, as I said in Cincinnati, that if business men would carry their honest methods into government, then the scale and grade of our politics would rise higher and higher. We have had advancement under these principles in everything except the government of the country. What we want is honest government by honest men. The United States will then be looked on no longer as an experiment, but it will become the greatest of the great governments since Adam was created.

"If I can induce the young men, who have contributed so much to the growth of this city, to see to this—if you will do this much to promote honest government and honest methods, we won't care whether you call yourself Democrat or Republican."

I closed with thanks for the honor done me. I was also invited to visit the city council, and as soon as the reception in the board of trade was over I accompanied a committee to the council chamber, where I was again called upon for a speech.

Mr. Taylor, the president of the council, by a slip of the tongue, introduced me as "Senator Thurman." I said:

"I see that our friend, your president, mixes me up with Judge Thurman on account of the fact that our names sound very much alike. I consider such a mistake the highest compliment that could be paid me; for the great ability, intense sagacity and entire purity of your distinguished fellow-citizen, in the highest offices of the land, have placed him, in my estimation, in the first rank of able and noble men. I like to have my name called Thurman. It is my opinion that the duties of city officers are of the very highest importance. The most serious embarrassments of this or any other country lie with the municipal governments. National government is clearly defined. The government of the State of Ohio ought to present no difficulties when administered by fair men of business habits. But the eyes of the people are upon the difficulties of municipal government. The scenes that occurred in Paris, in London, in New York, and, to come nearer home, the scenes that occurred in Cincinnati, all show the importance of good city government. I say to you, although a Member of the Senate of the United States, that the real difficulties of our government are no more serious than the problems of city management and government. When Rome became the scene of wrongs, crimes, and usurpation, the republic crumbled. If ever this government be in danger, it will be because of the misgovernment of our cities."

In the early part of April, 1885, I arranged for a trip via Chicago, Des Moines, St. Louis, Texas and California, thence along the Pacific coast to Tacoma and Seattle, and thence by the Northern Pacific railroad to St. Paul, and home again. The party was composed of Henry C. Hedges, George F. Carpenter, both citizens of Mansfield, my nephew Frank Sherman, of Des Moines, and myself. It was arranged that we were to meet in St. Louis. In the meantime I proceeded to Des Moines, where I met my brother, Hoyt, and his son, Frank. Here I met a reporter of the "Register" published in that city. He said in his report that I seemed to feel happy at the prospect that for two months at least I was going to be free from public cares, and that I acted like a man who had absolutely thrown worry aside for the time being. I told him my business was purely of a private character, and that I had dismissed all politics from my mind. I declined to answer his questions about Mr. Cleveland. He made out of small materials an interview which answered his purpose. He asked my view of the silver question. I told him I hoped to see the people abandon the idea, which prevailed a few years previous, of having silver money of less value than gold. We had gone through a struggle of some years to make our paper money equal to gold, and the next struggle ought to be to do the same with silver money. I said we should have all kinds of money of equal value whether United States notes, bank bills, silver or gold; that if we had this our silver would circulate in all parts of the world the same as our gold, that we could use both silver and gold as the basis of our certificates, which would then be regarded as money by every commercial nation of the world. I said I was in favor of both silver and gold, and of using both to be coined upon the basis of market value, that in this way the volume of money would be increased instead of being diminished, and our money would become the standard money of the world. In his report he said that I spoke very feelingly of General Grant, expressing a hope for his recovery, but that I feared his apparent improvement was only characteristic of that disease and not substantial.

I was surprised as well as gratified at the rapid growth of Des Moines, which I first knew as an insignificant village. From Des Moines Frank Sherman and I went to St. Louis, and there met Messrs. Hedges and Carpenter. During the two or three days we remained in St. Louis I stayed at the house of General Sherman, who then resided in that city. He took great interest in my proposed trip, and one evening wrote out, without a change or erasure of a single word, on three pages of foolscap, and under the head of "Memorandum for John Sherman," a complete and detailed statement of the route I was to follow, and the names of the cities and places I was to visit, including the persons whom I ought to see, to several of whom he gave me letters of introduction. I have regarded this "memorandum," which we found accurate in every particular, as a striking evidence of his mastery of details. We followed the route with scarcely a change. Among the letters given me by him was one to his friend, F. F. Low, as follows:

"St. Louis, Mo., May 3, 1885. "Hon. F. F. Low, Anglo California Bank.

"Dear Sir:—My brother John, the Senator, is on the point of starting for San Francisco via the southern route and intends to come back by the north. He will be in your city some days, and I am anxious you should become acquainted, also that he should meet your wife and daughter.

"If you are with the Pacific club please introduce him to some of the old set—Hoffman, Tevis, Haggin, Rowie, etc., etc. Nearly all my old banking friends have passed away, but I am sure he would be pleased to meet Alvord and Brown, of the Bank of California, and also Flood, of the Nevada Bank.

"Truly your friend, "W. T. Sherman."

While in St. Louis, the "Evening Chronicle" of May 1, published quite a long interview with me. General Sherman, during this interview, sat somewhat aside, now and then putting in an emphatic assent or suggestion. The general inquired of me if there was any late news from Washington concerning General Sheridan. The reporter then asked him what his opinion was as to the controversy between General Sheridan and Secretary of War Endicott. The general answered: "There is no controversy. It is simply an incident of the conflict of authority which has existed between the Secretary of War and the General of the Army since the days of Washington. General Scott had to leave Washington on that account. I had to leave there for the same reason, and Sheridan will have to go away."

Early Monday morning, May 4, we left on the St. Louis, Iron Mountain & Southern railway. I had heard and read a great deal in St. Louis about the mineral resources of the southeastern part of Missouri, through which we passed, but from the cars we could gain no information. We saw, on every side, herds of cattle, flocks of sheep, and bands of horses and mules. For miles the forest woods stretched away. We passed through the low lands of Arkansas, covered with valuable timber. We passed through Texarkana, a city located partly in Arkansas and partly in Texas, and not far from Louisiana. We proceeded across the State of Texas, only catching glimpses, here and there, of towns springing up, and broad fields already planted with cotton.

In passing through Dallas, we met my old boyhood friend, A. Banning Norton, who was there called Judge Norton. In 1844 he was so earnest in his zeal and enthusiasm for Henry Clay that he vowed he would not cut his hair until Clay was elected President of the United States. Clay's defeat was a sad blow to Norton, but he religiously kept his vow, and until the day of his death wore his hair unshorn. He was thoroughly loyal during the war, and was compelled to leave Texas and remain in Ohio until after the war was over, when he returned and published a newspaper, and was kindly treated by his Texas neighbors. In his paper, he said that receiving a telegram from me at six o'clock, at his residence, just before the arrival of the train, he hurried to the Union Depot, and there had the satisfaction of meeting our party. He said that his chief regret at the delay in receiving this telegram was that he did not have time enough to give notice to his neighbors, who would have been glad to give us an ovation. He went with us as far as Fort Worth, and we had a chance to revive the memories of early times, when we were schoolboys at Mount Vernon, Ohio.

We arrived at El Paso and Paso del Norte, the first a Texan and the second a Mexican town, opposite each other on the Rio Grande River, which, from its mouth to this point, is the boundary line between Mexico and the United States. El Paso must, in all human probability, become a place of great importance. From there we proceeded to Deming and entered Arizona. Here we began again to hear of rich mines, of thriving mining towns, and of the inexhaustible ores of silver and gold, but how much was truth and how much exaggeration we had no means of knowing. From the cars the whole country appeared to be a wilderness. Arizona, as viewed from the cars, does not present a pleasing prospect, though we heard that back beyond the mountains on either side were plains and valleys irrigated by mountain streams, where perennial grasses existed and grain was raised. We passed through Tucson, the capital of the territory. It is an old city, having been in existence, it is said, 300 years. Here we saw fields of barley, wheat, rye and timothy, and a large orchard, all enriched by irrigation. We soon crossed the Colorado River and entered California.

From Yuma to San Bernardino is an absolute desert. For over one hundred miles the track is one hundred feet, or more, below the level of the sea, and the country is absolutely naked of bird or grass. At San Bernardino we entered California proper, and there found a beautiful country, with nothing to obstruct the view, the California mountains being on the right all the way into Los Angeles. Upon my arrival in this city I was pleasantly surprised. I had been there thirteen years before, but everything was changed. I could find none of the old landmarks I had formerly seen. They had disappeared, but in their place were great improvements and signs of progress and prosperity. I was asked the occasion of my visit. I answered truly that I proposed to remain in the southern part of the state for a week or more, for rest and recreation. Here, again, I had inquiries about the silver question. I was averse to giving any expression of opinion, but the topic was irrepressible, and I finally said to the representative of one of the leading papers: "I am in favor of a silver dollar, equal, in market value, to the gold dollar—actually equal. In other words, let the silver dollar have enough grains of silver in it to make it intrinsically worth, in the market, the gold dollar. As it is, the government buys the silver at a certain valuation and then coins it at another valuation, to make a profit on the difference. This is not protecting the silver producer at all. It really is an injury to him and his industry."

Our stay in Los Angeles was a very pleasant one. We drove to many interesting towns and settlements within fifteen or twenty miles of the city. I do not remember, in my many travels, any part of the earth's surface that is more attractive in the spring of the year, the season when I was there, than the region about Los Angeles. I met there many friends of General Sherman, who inquired for him, and I informed them he was living very pleasantly in St. Louis, that I had spent the last Sunday with him, that he traveled a great deal, and attended reunions with old army comrades, which he enjoyed very much, that he was fond of the Pacific coast and liked to go there, and that I almost persuaded him to come with me on this trip, had not other engagements existed which he could not annul.

We met several Ohio people while here, among them two or three gentlemen whom we had known as boys in Mansfield. We drove to Wolfskill's orange grove, and to many handsome places in, and around, Los Angeles, to Sierra Madre Villa, to Baldwin's place, to Rose's wine establishment, and to Passadena, where we found Senator Cameron and his wife pleasantly situated, and where they spent the summer.

From Los Angeles we departed by stage and passed through the Los Angeles valley, the San Fernando valley, and after crossing the coast range saw the sea. For the first time we were at the Pacific coast proper. On the way we met a settlement of Ohio men, most of them from Richland county, whom we knew. San Buenaventura is the county seat of Ventura county, with about 2,000 inhabitants. It is an interesting place, its chief ornament being an old mission built in 1784. We there visited a loan exhibition and floral display under the management of the ladies of the village and surrounding country, and saw the evidences of a semi-tropical climate, magnificent palm tress, and the orange, the lemon and the lime. From this place to Santa Barbara the drive was mainly along the beach. Passing from the beach we entered upon a beautiful country, and so proceeded all the way into Santa Barbara, through charming valleys and under pleasant skies.

At Santa Barbara we were welcomed by Colonel Hollister, a native of Ohio and a ranchero of California, whom, as already related, I had met under similar circumstance thirteen years previous. We stopped at a hotel owned by him and for four days were his guests. He had settled on a tract of country west of Santa Barbara, and had become the owner of a ranch of 48,000 acres as well as extensive property in Santa Barbara and other places. We visited him at Glen Annie after a drive of a few miles in an open carriage, all the way within view of the sea and the mountains, through valleys cultivated like gardens, under a bright sky in pure air. On the foot hills were grazing herds of cattle, flocks of sheep and droves of horses. On either side of the carriage road were groves of the English walnut, orange, lemon, lime, apricot, peach, apple, cherry, the date palm and olive trees, with acres and acres of vineyards, and now and then a park of live oak. The mansion of Glen Annie was surrounded by a bower of flowers and vines. From the porch we could see the sea. This was the second time I had been at Santa Barbara and I always remember it as perhaps the most pleasing combination of scenery I have ever witnessed. We spent a very pleasant hour with Mr. Stoddard and family, who had removed from Ohio some years before to that delightful part of our country. From Santa Barbara we went by steamer to Wilmington and San Pedro and then returned to Los Angeles through a beautiful country. From thence we went to San Francisco by rail through a country that seemed absolutely worthless except now and then there were small valleys highly cultivated. In the early morning we were in the valley of the San Joaquin, where wide fields extend all along both sides. Here we saw thousands of acres of land covered by growing wheat without a fence to protect it.

Arriving at Oakland we crossed the bay to San Francisco on the 18th of May, stopping at the Palace hotel. There I was called upon by reporters of the several papers and was asked to tell them where I came from, where I was going, and my opinions upon various subjects. All manner of questions were asked and answered about matters of no present interest. Our party visited many places of interest in and about San Francisco. I visited General Pope, at his residence at Black Point, the fort at the entrance of the Golden Gate, the seal rocks and park. While here I met a great number of very agreeable gentlemen and ladies, some of whom were from Lancaster, Ohio. The letters given me by General Sherman introduced me to prominent men, who were very kind and courteous. On the 25th, a public reception was tendered me at the rooms of the Chamber of Commerce, by the members of that body, the Board of Trade and the Manufacturers' Association. This was an act of courtesy that I did not expect, but greatly appreciated. The usual speech making occurred. I was introduced by Henry L. Dodge, president of the chamber, in flattering terms, and responded in a brief speech. I recalled to them my visit to California with Colonel Scott in connection with the Texas Pacific railroad, and the early connection of General Sherman with the history of California. I expressed my appreciation of the importance of California, and its enormous development and influence upon the country since it became part of the United States. I stated my views in respect to the silver question, and the importance of maintaining all forms of money at parity with each other, so that coins of both silver and gold might "travel all over the world equal to each other in every land and in every part." I insert two passages from this speech, which, though it did not conform to their opinions and interests, was kindly received by the intelligent body of merchants present. I said:

"It is due to frankness and manhood for me to say that in the country there is a feeling now, that if the present system should be continued unchanged, the result would be that gold would be demonetized, being worth more than silver as coined by the government of the United States. The opinion prevails that the only thing to remedy this is to buy the silver and gold, or take them from the miner and coin them at the same rate, of equal market value, in coins, one for the other, so that they would travel, side by side, without depreciation or discount. There is an inclination in the eastern states, not of hostility to silver, but of hostility to that system which would take from the miner the fruit of his labor at its market rate and issue it at a depreciated rate; so that even cautious people would doubt whether or not this silver money will hereafter be as good as gold money.

"I wish you success in all your business enterprises. I know your success will contribute to the happiness of our country. I am glad to be able to congratulate the merchants of San Francisco upon the enormous growth and prosperity of our country, not only of California, not only of San Francisco, Los Angeles and the other beautiful towns you have in your midst, but the whole country; for although we have sometimes here and there waves of dejection, after all, our country is moving forward in bounding prosperity. We have now the best currency that exists on the globe. Our credit is unrivaled in all the world, for no nation can borrow money at so low a rate as our United States bonds now bear. Our general prosperity is increasing and abounding, and although, as I have said, there may be waves here and there, the progress is onward and upward and hopeful. I trust you will be prosperous in your enterprises, that you will share in the common prosperity of our whole country, for, after all, the energy of your people of San Francisco and California should not be expended entirely alone on the Pacific coast. This whole boundless continent is ours, and only awaits the time when we choose to assert our right to take it and hold it."

At the invitation of Senator John F. Miller I spent a day on his ranch in Napa valley. It was a beautiful country, neither a prairie nor a woodland, but more like a fine cultivated park, with here and there groups of trees planted by nature. I made several excursions around the bay, accompanied by General Pope and members of his staff. I was delighted with my visit in and around San Francisco, not only for the natural beauty of the country, but also on account of the kindness of its inhabitants. I was no doubt indebted for this to my connection with General Sherman, who seemed to be known and greatly beloved by everyone.

I have a pleasant recollection of a reception given at the Dirigo club. The gentlemen present were not all young men, though they chose to regard themselves as such. Major Chamberlain delivered a brief address of welcome, in which he referred to the "martial services of General Sherman and the pacific achievements of the Senator," and drew a comparison highly complimentary to both of the brothers. William W. Morrow, Member of Congress, formally welcomed me as a guest of the club and delivered a short but eloquent speech. I made a brief reply and then the company was served with refreshments, entertained with music and had a free and friendly time. The reception was a decided success as was to be expected from the high reputation of the club.

On the 27th of May we started northward towards Sacramento and Portland, Oregon. Senator Leland Stanford was kind enough to furnish us a car and accompanied us to his ranch at Vina. We stopped at Chico long enough to visit the ranch of John Bidwell, containing 20,000 acres. He met us at the station and we were soon conveyed to his mansion such as is seldom built on a farm. We drove through orchards of peach, apricot, cherry, apple, pear and almond trees, while in his gardens were all kinds of berries and vegetables. After this brief visit we proceeded along the line of railroad to Vina, the extensive possession of Senator Stanford, containing 56,000 acres. Here is said to be the largest vineyard in the world, 3,600 acres. On leaving Mr. Stanford we proceeded to the terminus of the railroad, from which point we crossed the coast range of mountains in a stage, and were for three days in sight of Mt. Shasta. This mountain rising from the plains stands out by itself 14,400 feet above the level of the sea. Between Shasta and the Sierras proper there is no continuity, nor is there with the coast range. More properly it is a butte, a lone mountain. Shortly after leaving Southern's the castle rocks came in view, the highest and boldest mountains in close proximity, or within our view. Shasta was crowned with snow, the snow line beginning 7,000 feet from its base. The scene all day had been rugged and bold, and as we traveled by the Sacramento River, here a rapid mountain stream, its waters rushed along the rocky bottom, now confined within narrow banks, now widening out into a wide deep bed as clear as crystal and cold and pure. For thirty miles of our travel that day we had been in a good timbered country. Within a circle of fifty feet in diameter we counted a dozen pines, every one of which would have yielded ten to twelve thousand feet of sawed timber. Flowers of the richest colors were found in the woods, and the range afforded feed for thousands of cattle. At Southern's we took a spring-top wagon in which to ride sixteen miles over the mountains. We spent three days in the journey between Delta, California, and Ashland, Oregon, the two ends of the railway approaching towards each other. I recall it as the most charming mountain ride I ever took. While crossing the mountain I occupied a seat with the driver and much of the time I held the reins. The ascent of the Siskiyou mountain was very tedious. Much of the way the load was too heavy for our six horses to pull, and many dismounted from the coach, among them the driver; the reins were placed in my hands and we transferred most of the baggage from the boot to the body of the coach. So we climbed the Siskiyou 5,000 feet to the summit of the pass. Then on a gallop, with the coach full, we turned downward. At one time, as the lead team turned a sharp curve, it was nearly opposite the stage. Down, still down, and on the full gallop, we arrived at Ashland on the evening of the 31st of May, and remained there one day.

On the 1st of June we followed the line of the Willamette valley, a productive region for the cultivation of wheat and other cereals. At Albany we were met by Governor Moody and Secretary Earnhart, who welcomed us to Oregon. With these officials we went to Salem, the capital city of the state. My visit in Salem was a very pleasant one and I was especially indebted to Governor Moody for his courtesy and kindness. On the morning of the next day, the 2nd of June, we left Salem and rode down the valley to Portland. This, the principal city of Oregon, then contained a population of nearly 40,000, of whom 6,000 or 7,000 were Chinese. It was the natural head of navigation of the Columbia River, and was a flourishing handsome city of the American type, in this respect unlike the cities of California. General Miles was then in command of the military district, with his residence at Fort Vancouver, Washington Territory. The military post of Vancouver was then on the north bank of the Columbia River, but a few miles from Portland. Mrs. Miles is the daughter of my brother Charles, and I remained with their family in Vancouver during my two or three days stay there, my traveling companions making their headquarters at Portland.

When visiting Tacoma and Seattle our party had been increased to the number of seventeen gentlemen, some of them connected with the army, some with the railroads, and others who joined us in our progress around the waters of Puget Sound and strait of Juan de Fuca. These waters furnish perhaps the finest harbors in the world. They are deep, with high banks rising in some places to mountains, and capable of holding all the navies of the world. In a military sense Puget Sound can be easily defended from an enemy coming from the sea, and, though the country is mountainous, it is capable of sustaining a large population in the extensive valleys both east and west of the coast range. I have visited this portion of the United States on three occasions, and am always more and more impressed with its great importance and its probably rapid increase of population and wealth. I will not dwell longer on this interesting trip.

We left Portland on the 7th of June and proceeded on the Northern Pacific railroad to Tacoma. On the train we met Charles Francis Adams, Jr., with a party of railway managers, and in Tacoma we met an old friend, a gallant and able officer, General John W. Sprague, formerly from Erie county, Ohio, and more recently connected with the Northern Pacific Railway Company. On Sunday, our party, including Mr. Adams, dined with General Sprague. We had not as yet been able to see Mount Tacoma in its glory, as it was constantly shrouded by clouds. In the course of the dinner, Mr. Adams said humorously to Mrs. Sprague that he had some doubts whether there was a Mount Tacoma, that he had come there to see it and looked in the right direction, but could not find it. I saw that this nettled Mrs. Sprague, but she said nothing. In a few moments she left the table and soon came back with a glowing face, saying, "You can see Tacoma now!" We all left our places at the tables and went out on the porch, and there was Mount Tacoma in all its glory. The clouds were above the head of the mountain and it stood erect, covered with snow, one of the most beautiful sights in nature. Mr. Adams said: "Tacoma—yes Mount Tacoma is there and is very beautiful!"

On the 9th of June we visited Victoria in British Columbia. On our return we stopped at Port Townsend and Seattle. I received many courtesies from gentlemen at Seattle, many of whom had been natives or residents of Ohio, and among them Governor Squire, who had read law in Cleveland and was admitted to the bar in Mansfield, where I resided. Among other events we were tendered a reception and a banquet at Tacoma, at which seventy persons sat at the table. I was introduced in complimentary terms and expressed my surprise at the rapid growth of Tacoma and Seattle and that part of our country. It was a wonder, I said, that such a scene could occur in a place that had so recently been without an inhabitant except Indians, and where, but a few years before, the Walla Wallas and the Nez Perces were on the war path and General Miles was in pursuit of them. I referred to the unrivaled body of water, Puget Sound, and said that in the geography of the world it was not equaled. I referred, also, to the coal fields and other elements of wealth scattered through the then territory. I carefully avoided the subject of the rivalry between Tacoma and Seattle, but after all I found there was no ill-will between the two places. Speeches were also made by Governor Squire, Mr. Adams, General Miles and others.

We returned to Portland on the 12th of June, but before that we visited Astoria, looked into the great industry of salmon packing, and were greeted by quite a number of old Ohioans. On our return we visited Walla Walla and there saw wheat growing that yielded fifty bushels to the acre. We remained over, also, at Spokane Falls, then a mere village with a few houses, since become quite a city.

General Miles and I drove in a buggy from Spokane to Fort Coeur d'Alene, a military post which he wished to visit and inspect. It is situated on a lake which is famous for the abundance of its fish. From there we took the cars to Helena, where we remained a day, and then proceeded to St. Paul, where we arrived on the 21st of June. Here again we found the interviewer, who wanted to know my opinion about Cleveland, the silver question, the Chinese and various other topics. I pleaded ignorance on all these matters, but told the reporter that if he would call upon me in the course of a month I would be able to answer his questions.

From St. Paul we went to Milwaukee and there crossed Lake Michigan and thence by rail to Grand Rapids, where I had a number of acquaintances and some business. We then proceeded by way of Detroit and Sandusky to our home at Mansfield about the 24th of June.

CHAPTER XLIX. REUNION OF THE "SHERMAN BRIGADE." Patriotic Address Delivered at Woodstock, Conn., On My Return from the Pacific Coast—Meeting of the Surviving Members of the Sherman Family at Mansfield—We Attend the Reunion of the "Sherman Brigade" at Odell's Lake—Addresses of General Sherman and Myself to the Old Soldiers and Others Present—Apathy of the Republican Party During the Summer of 1885—Contest Between Foraker and Hoadley for the Governorship—My Speech at Mt. Gilead Denounced as "Bitterly Partisan"—Governor Hoadley Accuses Me of "Waving the Bloody Shirt" —My Reply at Lebanon—Election of Foraker—Frauds in Cincinnati and Columbus—Speeches Made in Virginia.

Upon my return from the Pacific coast I found a mass of letters to be answered, and many interviewers in search of news, and I had some engagements to speak for which I had made no preparations. Among the latter was a promise to attend a celebration of the approaching 4th of July at Woodstock, Connecticut, under the auspices of Henry C. Bowen of the New York "Independent." He had for several years conducted these celebrations at his country home at much expense, and made them specially interesting by inviting prominent men to deliver patriotic addresses suitable for Independence Day. General Logan and I were to attend on this occasion. I selected as my theme "America of to-day as contrasted with America of 1776." I prepared an address with as much care as my limited time would allow, giving an outline of the history of the Declaration of Independence, and the prominent part taken by the sons of Connecticut in this and other great works of the American Revolution. The address was published in the "Independent." I have read it recently, and do not see where it could be improved by me. The outline of the growth of the United States presents the most remarkable development in the history of mankind. I closed with the following words:

"It has been my good fortune, within the last two months, to traverse eleven states and territories, all of which were an unbroken wilderness in the possession of savage tribes when the declaration was adopted, now occupied by 15,000,000 people—active, intelligent, enterprising citizens, enjoying all the advantages of modern civilization. What a change! The hopeful dreams of Washington and Jefferson and Franklin could not have pictured, as the probable result of their patriotic efforts, such scenes as I saw; cities rivaling in population and construction the capitals of Europe; towns and villages without number full of active life and hope; wheat fields, orchards, and gardens in place of broad deserts covered by sage brush; miners in the mountains, cattle on the plains, the fires of Vulcan in full blast in thousands of workshops; all forms of industry, all means of locomotion.

"Who among us would not be impressed by such scenes? Who can look over our broad country, rich in every resource, a climate and soil suited to every production, a home government for every community, a national government to protect all alike, and not feel a profound sentiment of gratitude, first of all to the great Giver of all gifts, and next to our Revolutionary fathers who secured, by their blood and sacrifices, the liberty we enjoy, and by their wisdom moulded the people of the United States into one great nation, with a common hope and destiny?

"And this generation may fairly claim that it has strengthened the work of the fathers, has made freedom universal, and disunion impossible. Let the young men of to-day, heirs of a great heritage, take up the burden of government, soon to fall upon their shoulders, animated by the patriotic fire of the Revolution and the love of liberty and union that inspired our soldiers in the Civil War, turning their back upon all the animosities of that conflict, but clinging with tenacious courage to all its results, and they will, in their generation, double the population and quadruple the wealth and resources of our country. Above all, they should keep the United States of American in the forefront of progress, intelligence, education, temperance, religion, and in all the virtues that tend to elevate, refine, and ennoble mankind."

General Logan delivered an eloquent and patriotic speech that was received by his audience with great applause. He was personally a stranger to the Connecticut people, but his western style and manner, unlike the more reserved and quiet tone of their home orators, gave them great pleasure. Senators Hawley and Platt also spoke. It is needless to say that our host provided us with bountiful creature comforts. On the whole we regarded the celebration as a great success.

During the last week of August, 1885, my surviving brothers and sisters visited my wife and myself at our residence in Mansfield. Colonel Moulton and the wives of General and Hoyt Sherman were also present. Several of my numerous nephews and nieces visited us with their parents. The then surviving brothers were W. T. Sherman, Lampson P. Sherman, John Sherman, and Hoyt Sherman, and the surviving sisters were Mrs. Elizabeth Reese and Mrs. Fanny B. Moulton. The brothers and sisters who died before this meeting were Charles T. Sherman, James Sherman, Mrs. McComb, Mrs. Willock and Mrs. Bartley. All of the family attended with me the reunion of the "Sherman Brigade," at its camp at Odell's Lake. On the arrival of the train at the lake we found a great crowd of soldiers and citizens waiting to meet General Sherman. The brigade had served under his command from Chattanooga to Atlanta. They received him with great respect and affection and he was deeply moved by their hearty greetings. He shook hands with all who could reach him, but the crowd of visitors was so great that many of them could not do so. The encampment was located at the west end of the lake, justly celebrated for the natural beauty of its scenery, and a favorite resort for picnic excursions from far and near. We arrived at about twelve o'clock and were at once conducted to a stand in the encampment grounds, where again the hand-shaking commenced, and continued for some time. General Sherman and I were called upon for speeches. He was disinclined to speak, and said he preferred to wander around the camp but insisted that I should speak. I was introduced by General Finley, and said:

"Soldiers and Citizens, Ladies and Gentlemen:—I saw in one of your published statements that I was to make an address on this occasion. That is not exactly according to the fact. I did not agree to make a speech. One year ago, when the Sherman Brigade met at Shelby, I did, according to promise, make a prepared speech, giving the history of the organization of the 'Sherman Brigade,' and a copy of that, I understand, was sent to surviving members of that brigade. But few will care for this, but it may interest the wives or children of these soldiers.

"Now I do not intend to make a speech, but only a few remarks preliminary to those that will be made to you by one more worthy to speak to soldiers than I am.

"I have always understood that at soldiers' reunions the most agreeable portion of the proceedings is to have the old soldiers gather around the campfire to tell their stories of the war, to exchange their recollections of the trying period through which they passed from 1861 to 1865; to exchange greetings, to exhibit their wives and children to each other, and to meet with their neighbors in a social way and thus recall the events of a great period in American history. And this is really the object of these reunions.

"You do not meet here to hear speeches from those, who, like myself, were engaged in civil pursuits during the war, and therefore, I never am called before a soldiers' reunion but I feel compelled to make an apology for speaking."

I referred to General Grant and his recent death, and then to General Sherman as follows:

"There is another of those commanders, who is here before you to- day. What is he? He is now a retired army officer. When the war was over he became the General in Chief of the army, served until the time fixed by the law for his retirement, and now he is a private citizen, as plain and simple in his bearing and manners as any other of the citizens who now surround him. These are the kind of heroes a republic makes, and these are the kind of heroes we worship as one free man may worship another."

General Sherman was then introduced to the vast audience, and said:

"Comrades and Friends:—A few days ago I was up on the banks of Lake Minnetonka, and was summoned here to northern Ohio to participate in a family reunion. I knew my brother's house in Mansfield was large and commodious, sufficient to receive the survivors of the first generation of the family, but I also knew that if he brought in the second and third generations he would have to pitch a camp somewhere, and I find he has chosen this at Odell's Lake. So, for the time being, my friends, you must pass as part of the Sherman family, not as 'the Sherman Brigade,' and you must represent the second and third generations of a very numerous family.

"Of course, it is not my trade or vocation to make orations or speeches. I see before me many faces that look to me as though they were once soldiers, and to them I feel competent to speak; to the others I may not be so fortunate.

"But, very old comrades of the war, you who claim to be in 'Sherman's Brigade' or in any other brigade, who took a part in the glorious Civil War, the fruits of which we are now enjoying, I hail and thank you for the privilege of being with you this beautiful day in this lovely forest and by the banks of yonder lake, not that I can say anything that will please you or profit you, but there is a great pleasure in breathing the same air, in thinking the same thoughts, in feeling the same inspirations for the future, which every member of the 'Sherman Brigade' and the children who have succeeded them must, in contemplating the condition of our country at this very moment of time. Peace universal, not only at home but abroad, and America standing high up in the niche of nations, envied of all mankind and envied because we possess all the powers of a great nation vindicated by a war of your own making and your own termination. Yes, my fellow-soldiers, you have a right to sit beneath your own vine and fig tree and be glad, for you can be afraid of no man. You have overcome all enemies, save death, which we must all meet as our comrades who have gone before us have done, and submit. But as long as we live let us come together whenever we can, and if we can bring back the memories of those glorious days it will do us good, and, still more, good to the children who will look up to us as examples."

He continued to speak for fifteen minutes or more, and closed with these words:

"My friends, of course I am an old man now, passing off the stage of life. I realize that, and I assure you that I now think more of the days of the Mexican War, the old California days, and of the early days of the Civil War, than I do of what occurred last week, and I assure you that, let it come when it may, I would be glad to welcome the old 'Sherman Brigade' to my home and my fireside, let it be either in St. Louis or on the banks of the Columbia River in Oregon. May God smile upon you, and give you his choicest blessings. You live in a land of plenty. I do not advise you to emigrate, but I assure you, wherever you go, you will find comrades and soldiers to take you by the hand and be glad to aid you as comrades."

The gathering was a thoroughly enjoyable one, and was often recalled by those present.

During the summer of 1885 there was much languor apparent in the Republican party. President Cleveland was pursuing a conservative policy, removals from office were made slowly, and incumbents were allowed to serve out their time. Foraker and Hoadley were again nominated in Ohio for governor by their respective parties, and the contest between them was to be repeated.

There was a feeling among Republicans of humiliation and shame that the people had placed in power the very men who waged war against the country for years, created a vast public debt, and destroyed the lives of hundreds of thousands of people. This feeling was intensified by the fact that Republicans in the south were ostracised and deprived of all political power or influence. In the Democratic party there were signs of dissension. Charges of corruption in Ohio, in the election of Payne as Senator in the place of Pendleton, were openly made, and the usual discontent as to appointments to office that follows a change of administration was manifest. Under these conditions I felt it to be my duty to take a more active part in the approaching canvass than ever before. On the 13th of August, I met at Columbus with Foraker and the state Republican committee, of which Asa S. Bushnell was chairman, and we prepared for a thorough canvass in each county, the distribution of documents and the holding of meetings. In addition to the state ticket there were to be elected members of the legislature. There was no contest as to the selection of a United States Senator, as, by general acquiescence, it was understood that if the legislature should be Democratic Thurman would be elected, and if it should be Republican I would be elected. Governor Foster, when spoken to upon this subject, very kindly said:

"As long as John Sherman desires to be Senator, or is willing to take the office, there is no use for me or any other man with senatorial aspirations to be a candidate against him. Sherman is yet young. He is not much over sixty, and it would be idle to dispute that he is the best equipped man in the Republican party in Ohio for that position. He has the learning, the ability, the experience, the popularity."

The organization of both parties was completed and a vigorous canvass inaugurated. Foraker soon after commenced a series of public meetings extending to nearly every county in the state, and everywhere made friends by his vigorous and eloquent speeches.

On the 18th I attended a pioneer picnic at Monroe, near the division line between the counties of Butler and Warren. This mode of reunion, mainly confined to farmers, is quite common in Ohio, and is by far the most pleasing and instructive popular assemblage held in that state. The discussion of politics is forbidden. The people of the country for miles around come in wagons, carriages, on horseback and on foot, men, women and children, with their baskets full of food and fruit, and gather in a well-shaded grove, in families or groups, and discuss the crops and the news, and make new or renew old acquaintance. When the scattered picnic is going on everyone who approaches is invited to eat. When the appetite is satisfied all gather around a temporary platform, and speeches, long and short, upon every topic but politics, are made. I have attended many such meetings and all with sincere pleasure. This particular picnic was notable for its large attendance—estimated to be over three thousand—and the beauty of the grove and the surrounding farms. I made an address, or rather talked, about the early times in Ohio, and especially in the Miami valley, a section which may well be regarded as among the fairest and most fruitful spots in the world. The substance of my speech was reported and published. The sketch I was able to give of incidents of Indian warfare, of the expeditions of St. Clair and Wayne, of the early settlement in that neighborhood, and of the ancestors, mainly Revolutionary soldiers, of hundreds of those who heard me, seemed to give great satisfaction. At the close of my remarks I was requested by the Pioneer Society to write them out for publication, to be kept as a memorial, but I never was able to do so.

On the 26th of August I made, at Mt. Gilead, Morrow county, my first political speech of the campaign. The people of that county were among my first constituents. More than thirty years before, in important and stirring times, I had appeared before them as a candidate for Congress. I referred to the early history of the Republican party and to the action of Lincoln and Grant in the prosecution of the war, and contrasted the opinion expressed of them by the Democratic party then and at the time of my speech. During the war our party was the "black abolition party," Lincoln was an "ape," Grant was a "butcher," and Union soldiers were "Lincoln hirelings." I said:

"Our adversaries now concede the wisdom and success of all prominent Republican measures, as well as the merits of the great leaders of the Republican party. Only a few days since I heard my colleague, Senator Payne, in addressing soldiers at Fremont, extol Lincoln and Grant in the highest terms of praise and say the war was worth all it cost and he thanked God that slavery had been abolished. Only recently, when the great procession conveyed the mortal remains of Grant to their resting place, I heard active Confederates extol him in the highest terms of praise and some of them frankly gloried in the success of Republican measures, and, especially, in the abolition of slavery."

I said that the Republican party, within six years after its organization, overthrew the powerful dominant Democratic party, and for twenty-four years afterwards conducted the operations of a great government in war and peace, with such success as to win the support and acquiescence of its enemies, and could fairly claim to be worthy of the confidence and support of the great body of the people. The defection of a few men in three Republican states had raised our old adversaries to power again in the national government. I continued:

"Some of the very men who boastfully threatened to break up the Union, and, with the oath of office in support of the constitution fresh upon their lips, conspired and confederated to overthrow it, waged war against it, and were the cause of the loss of half a million of lives and thousands of millions of treasure, have been placed in high office again, in the very seats of power which they abandoned with scorn and defiance. Two members of the Confederate congress, and one man who sympathized with them, are at the head of great departments of the government. I saw the Union flag at half-mast, floating over the interior department in sign of honor and mourning for the death of Jacob Thompson, whom we regarded as a defaulter and a conspirator. This country is now represented abroad by men, who, within twenty-five years, were in arms to overthrow it, and the governing power in the executive branch of the government is in sympathy with the ideas of, and selects the chief officers of the government from, the men who were in war against it. This strange turn in events has but one example in history, and that was the restoration of Charles II, after the brilliant but brief Protectorate of Cromwell, and, like that restoration, is a reproach to the civilization of the age."

I referred to the "solid south," and the means by which it was held together in political fellowship by crimes, violence and fraud which, if continued, would as surely renew all the strifes of the Civil War as that the sun would roll around in its course.

In referring to the Republican party and its liberality I said:

"The Republican party was certainly liberal and just to the rebels lately in arms against the country. We deprived them of no political power, no blood was shed; no confiscation was had; and more generous terms were conceded to them than ever before had been extended to an unsuccessful party in a civil war. Their leaders emphasized that at the burial of our great commander, General Grant. The result of the settlement by the constitutional amendments at the close of the war was to give them increased political power, upon condition that the slaves should be free and should be allowed to vote, and that all political distinction growing out of race, color or previous condition of servitude shall be abolished; and yet to- day, the Republican party is faced by a 'solid south,' in which the negro is deprived, substantially, of all his political rights, by open violence or by frauds as mean as any that have been committed by penitentiary convicts, and as openly and boldly done as any highway robbery. By this system, and by the acquiescence of a few northern states, the men who led in the Civil War have been restored to power, and hope, practically, to reverse all the results of the war.

"This is the spectre that now haunts American politics, and may make it just as vital and necessary to appeal to the northern states to unite again against this evil, not so open and arrogant as slavery, but more dangerous and equally unjust. The question then was the slavery of the black man. Now the question is the equality of the white man, whether a southern man in Mississippi may, by depriving a majority of the legal voters in the state of their right to vote, exercise twice the political power of a white man in the north, where the franchise is free and open and equal to all.

"When we point out these offenses committed in the south, it is said that we are raising the bloody shirt, that we are reviving the issues of the war—that the war is over. I hope the war is over, and that the animosities of the war will pass away, and be dead and buried. Anger and hate and prejudice are not wise counselors in peace or in war. Generosity, forgiveness and charity are great qualities of the human heart, but, like everything else that is good, they may be carried to excess, and may degenerate into faults. They must not lead us to forget the obligations of duty and honor. While we waive the animosities of the war, we must never fail to hold on, with courage and fortitude, to all the results of the war. Our soldiers fought in no holiday contest, not merely to test the manly qualities of the men of the north and the south, not for power or plunder, or wealth or title. They fought to secure to themselves and their posterity the blessings of a strong national government; the preservation of the Union—a Union not of states, but of the people of the United States; not a confederate government, but a national government. The preservation of the Union was the central idea of the war. The Confederate soldier fought for what he was led to think was the right of a state to secede from the Union at its pleasure. The Union soldiers triumphed. The Confederate soldiers were compelled to an unconditional surrender.

"Fellow-citizens, the line drawn between the two parties is now as distinct as it was during the war, but we occupy a different field of battle.

"Then we fought for the preservation of the Union, and, as a means to that end, for the abolition of slavery. Now the Union is saved and slavery is abolished, we fight for the equal political rights of all men, and the faithful observance of the constitutional amendments. We are for the exercise of national authority, for the preservation of rights conferred by the constitution, and upon this broad issue we invite co-operation from the south as well as the north.

"Upon this issue we intend to make our appeal to the honest and honorable people of the southern states. We think they are bound in honor to faithfully observe the conditions of peace granted to them by General Grant and prescribed by the constitutional amendments. If they do this we will have peace, union and fraternity. Without it we will have agitation, contests and complaints. Upon this issue I will go before the people of the south, and, turning my back upon all the animosities of the war, appeal only to their sense of honor and justice."

I contrasted the policy and tendencies of the two parties on the question of protection to American industry, on good money redeemable in coin, on frauds in elections, on our pension laws, and on all the political questions of the day. I stated and approved the policy of the Republican party on the temperance question. I closed with an exhortation to support Governor Foraker and the Republican ticket and to elect a legislature that would place Ohio where she had usually stood, in the fore front of Republican states, for the Union, for liberty and justice to all, without respect of race, nativity and creed.

This speech was denounced by the Democratic press as "bitterly partisan;" and so it was and so intended. The Republican party during its long possession of power had divided into factions, as the Democratic party had in 1860. We had the Blaine, the Conkling and other factions, and many so-called third parties, and the distinctive principles upon which the Republican party was founded were in danger of being forgotten. It was my purpose to arouse the attention to the Republicans in Ohio to the necessity of union and organization, and I believe this speech contributed to that result. It was the text and foundation of nearly all I uttered in the canvass that followed.

Early in September Governor Hoadley, in commencing his campaign in Hamilton, assailed by speech at Mt. Gilead, charging me with waving the bloody shirt, and reviving the animosities of the war. He claimed to be a friend of the negro, but did not deny the facts stated by me. He allowed himself to be turned from local questions, such as temperance, schools, economy, and the government of cities, in all of which the people of Ohio had a deep interest, and as to which the Democratic party had a defined policy, to national questions, and, especially, to reconstruction and the treatment of freedmen in the south. He thanked God for the "solid south." Though an Abolitionist of the Chase school in early life, and, until recently an active Republican, he ignored or denied the suppression of the negro vote, the organized terror and cruelty of the Ku-Klux Klan, and the almost daily outrages published in the papers. On the evening of the 8th of September I made a speech at Lebanon, in which I reviewed his speech at Hamilton in the adjoining county. I said I would wave the bloody shirt as long as it remained bloody. I referred to the copious evidence of outrage and wrong, including many murders of negroes and of white Republicans, published in official reports, and challenged him to deny it. I said that by these crimes the south was made solid, and the men who had waged war against the United States, though they failed in breaking up the Union, then held the political power of the Confederate states, strengthened by counting all the negroes as free men, though practically denying them the right of suffrage. I said this was not only unjust to the colored man but unjust to the white men of the north.

In conclusion I said:

"Thirty-eight Members of Congress, and of the electoral college, are based upon the six million of colored people in the south. The effect of the crimes I have mentioned is to confer upon the white people of the south, not only the number of votes to which they are entitled for the white population, but also the thirty- eight votes based upon the colored population, and, in this way, in some of the southern states, every white voter possesses the political power of two white voters in the northern states. The colored people have, practically, no voice in Congress and no voice in the electoral college. Mr. Cleveland is now President of the United States, instead of James G. Blaine, by reason of these crimes. I claim that this should be corrected. An injustice so gross and palpable will not be submitted to by the colored people of the south, nor by fair-minded white men in the south who hate wrong and injustice; nor by the great northern people, by whose sacrifices in the Union cause the war was brought to a successful termination. It will not be submitted to, and Governor Hoadley, from his former position, ought to be one of the first to demand and insist upon a remedy, and not seek to avoid or belittle it by cant phrases."

After I had spoken in the opera house at Lebanon I was told that the stage I occupied was within a few feet of the place where my father died. The room in the old hotel in which he was taken sick, and in which he died within twenty-four hours, covered the ground now occupied by the east end of the opera house. As already stated, he died while a member of the supreme court holding court at Lebanon.

This debate at long range continued through the canvass. Governor Hoadley is an able man with many excellent traits, but in his political life he did not add to his reputation, and wisely chose a better occupation, the practice of his profession in the city of New York.

It is not worth while to enter into details as to the many speeches made by me in this canvass. I spoke nearly every day until the election on the 13th of October. While Foraker and Hoadley continued their debate I filled such appointments as were made for me by Mr. Bushnell. At Toledo, when conversing with a gentleman about the condition of affairs in the south, I was asked "What are you going to do about it?" In reply to this inquiry I said in my speech, at that place: "I do not know exactly how we are going to do it, but with the help of God we are going to arrange that the vote of the man who followed Lee shall no longer have, in national affairs, three times the power of the vote of the man who followed Grant. The tendency of events guided by a growing popular opinion will, I believe, secure this condition."

The meetings grew in number and enthusiasm. The largest meeting I ever witnessed within four walls was at the Music Hall in Cincinnati, on the 22nd of September. The auditorium, the balcony, the gallery, even the windows were filled, and thousands outside were unable to enter. This and similar scenes in Cleveland and other cities indicated the success of the Republican ticket. Great interest was taken in the canvass in Ohio by many other states, as the vote in Ohio would indicate the current of popular opinion. The result was the election of Foraker by a majority of 17,451, and of Robert P. Kennedy as lieutenant governor. The legislature elected was Republican by a decided majority, the size of which depended upon the official returns from Hamilton county, where frauds had been committed by the Democratic party.

Soon after the election I was urged by Senator Mahone to take part in the canvass in Virginia in which he was interested. I doubted the policy of accepting, but, assuming that he knew best, I agreed to speak in Petersburg and Richmond. Governor Foraker accepted a like invitation and spoke in the Shenandoah valley. On my way I addressed a spontaneous crowd in Washington, the only place in the United States where no elections are held, and there I could talk about frauds at elections. I had denounced fraud and violence in elections in the south, and at Washington I had to confess recent frauds attempted or practiced in Cincinnati. The worst feature that the frauds in Ohio were forgery and perjury, committed by criminals of low degree for money, while in the south the crimes were shared by the great body of the people and arose from the embers of a war that had involved the whole country. I gave as a sample of the frauds in the 4th ward of Cincinnati this instance:

"As soon as the recent election was over an organized gang stopped the counting in fifteen precincts. Nobody but the gang knew what the vote was. This could be for no motive but to commit fraud, and frauds enough were committed in Hamilton county to change the result on the legislative ticket of four senators and nine representatives.