Much may be learned from the procedure of Grand Committees. In some, at least, the average length of speeches is about three minutes, and they are confined to the definite point in hand. Members vote according to their view of the merits, knowing what they are voting about, and may defeat the Government without causing a political crisis. A case has occurred where the representative of the Government, who knew little of the subject in question, was left in a minority of one against a solid vote of the rest of the Committee. "Downstairs" the point might have been decided the other way by a score or two of members rushing in, as Sir George Trevelyan once described it, "between two mouthfuls of soup," asking, "Are we Ayes or Noes?" and shepherded into a division lobby accordingly.

Another step needed to aid Law Reform would be the appointment of a Minister of Justice, whose business it would be to consider proposed reforms, to see that they were put into proper shape and to assist in getting them passed. The same Minister might have the duty of attending to arrangements for the convenient and prompt administration of justice, but should have no judicial functions of any kind and should not interfere in any way with the action of the Courts. It is impossible to guard too jealously against substituting decisions of any department of Government for the law of the land as declared and administered by the regular Courts of Justice. Mr. Samuel Garrett, the President of the Law Society, dealt with the question very fully in January, 1918, in an address which has since been published. We may view the establishment of another new Ministry with something like horror, but a strong case is made out for it here. Definite functions are suggested for such a Ministry, and it is probable that it might in the long run save expense as well as promote efficiency. Mr. Garrett very forcibly says:

"Law Reform hangs fire for want of an officer of State armed with the power of conducting the necessary inquiries and investigations, and supplying the necessary driving force to initiate and prepare the requisite legislative measures and to pass them through Parliament, and with strength to overcome the vis inertiae of a preoccupied and ill-informed public and the active opposition of vested interests. Without such an officer the cause of reform is hopeless." It is now and in the immediate future that such reform is, and will be, most pressing. A reformed is naturally also a reforming Parliament as it was after 1832.

There are a large number of reforms in the law which ought to be taken in hand at once. The nature of the amendments needed is clear; all that is required is that they should be brought in proper form before Parliament, and that the Government should use its influence to get them passed. It would be difficult for the Lord Chancellor to see to this work efficiently and regularly along with his other duties, and it is certainly impossible for the Law Officers, whose duty it is to represent the Crown in the Courts and to advise the Government on questions of law, to undertake this duty. It could be done if a capable solicitor or barrister who had experience of cases relating to property, not just a successful advocate but a lawyer well acquainted with the practical difficulties which make amendment in the law desirable, were put in charge of the work.

It is a complete mistake to imagine that devolution to other bodies of the legislative powers of Parliament would do what is required in this respect. Such a delegation as regards many subjects would make confusion worse confounded. Questions relating to marriage and personal status, naturalisation, the law of companies, all branches of commercial law, the law of contracts, and the law relating to devolution of property, should be dealt with by one body, whose aim should be to assimilate the law on these subjects over as wide an area as possible. Endless trouble, litigation and uncertainty arise from an unnecessary variety of laws on such subjects as these. It would be well, indeed, with regard to such subjects, to endeavour to assimilate the law of the Colonies and of the Mother Country, and to enter into negotiations with other countries to facilitate their commercial intercourse by enacting similar laws on subjects of this kind as far as may be.

It is impossible, without taking up too much space and entering too much into technical detail, to do more than indicate in general terms some of the reforms in the law which demand early attention. The following may be given as examples:

(1) The complete revision of the Statute Law, consolidating the law on each subject as far as possible, and in some cases amending it at the same time. The present state of English Statute Law is a disgrace to any civilised nation. There are subjects on which it is almost impossible to say what the law is, owing, amongst other causes, to the pernicious habit of legislation by reference from one statute to another. Judges, the legal advisers to parties in litigation, clerks to local authorities, and others, ought to have in compendious form before them the whole Statute Law on a subject under discussion. Much good and very laborious work has been done under the direction of the Committee on Statute Law, but their duties should be extended and fuller facilities afforded for more complete and more rapid revision. These powers should include that of presenting at the same time to Parliament minor incidental amendments in the Statute Law which would remove doubts and inconsistency, and get rid of obsolete provisions. Either a Minister of Justice or one of the existing Ministers along with his other duties should be definitely responsible for seeing that the work is done without undue delay or expense. Probably a small Joint Committee of Lords and Commons might consider any cases where amendments were made, and, if they approved of the revised and consolidated Statutes, the Committee stage in both Houses might be dispensed with, and a single reading of the Bill of revision or even merely "to lay it on the table" would be quite sufficient to preserve the general authority of Parliament over legislation of this kind. A small executive department should be established under the direction of the Minister for dealing with all details and drafting the proposed Bills. There should be a permanent head of such a department with a small but efficient staff and proper accommodation for carrying on the work, which would be continuous, in order not only to put but to keep the Statute Law in proper form. The head of such a department should have a very free hand as regards the mode of carrying on the work, subject to certain general regulations laid down as to the scope of his duties, and the expense that might be incurred, and the department should be free from some at least of the ordinary conditions relating to the Civil Service. With the advantage of existing experience, such a department might be constituted on sound lines within a week or two, and its work would result in saving time and trouble to Courts, to local authorities, to private individuals, and to various government departments themselves. The cost of such a department would be covered over and over again by the improvements effected. It is a comparatively small matter, but the lines of action are so clear and so definite, and it would be so easy to make the necessary arrangements in a few days, that it might be taken as an example of the way to effect a reform promptly.

The huge mass of emergency legislation which has come into existence since the War would no doubt require separate consideration. That exceptional legislation will have to be revised and almost the whole of it repealed, in some cases at once and in others within a short time after the close of the War. This question is already engaging the attention of the Government. It is not an easy task, but the transition to freedom should be made as rapidly as possible. The action to be taken, however, in many cases, will very closely affect trade, and in these cases the question is not one primarily for lawyers; even the officials with most experience will require the advice and guidance of those who know each trade practically. The more anyone in the discharge of official duties learns of the course of trade in any commodity the more he will recognise the necessity for practical knowledge of the conditions of that trade, and the futility of attempting to deal with any question affecting it without hearing those who have been actually engaged in it. What an intelligent open-minded man might expect to happen is very often exactly what does not in fact happen. It is tempting to give concrete examples which have forced themselves into notice, but limitation of space forbids.

(2) The law on certain subjects should now be codified. This is a different question from the revision of the Statute Law and the introduction of something like order into that chaos. It is, however, probable that a general codification now would do harm, and there are strong grounds for contending that Case Law, with its capacity for growth and adaptation to new conditions as they arise and to unforeseen circumstances, is often more convenient and indeed more scientific than a code. Criminal Law, however, at least so far as it relates to indictable offences, ought to be embodied in a definite and complete code, and in the process of codification certain amendments might be made.

(3) The law as to murder and homicide, for example, urgently requires considerable amendment. The present state of the law classing together as murder acts of totally different character and decreeing the punishment of death for all alike is most unsatisfactory, and in some cases revolting to the moral sense. The whole doctrine of "constructive murder" should be done away with, and only those acts treated as murder and punishable with death where the accused intended deliberately the death of his victim, and was not acting under great provocation or under the kind of mental distress or anxiety which might be reasonably supposed to affect his—it might indicate the usual nature of such cases better to say "her"—judgment and power of control.

There are also a number of alterations in the law relating to the devolution of property, and to personal status which ought to be made by the new Parliament at an early date. Most of them have been suggested long ago, but as no party capital was to be made out of law reforms, such reforms have generally been neglected unless taken up by a Lord Chancellor or some other legal authority with political influence. A few of these alterations may be enumerated.

(4) The devolution of real estate in case of intestacy should be assimilated to that of personal estate. The present state of the law is often a great injustice, especially to women, and women will now be in a position to demand its amendment. If a man dies intestate, leaving a wealthy son and half a dozen daughters quite unprovided for, the son takes all the real property, and the daughters may be left penniless, but if the property happens to be leasehold for 1,000 years, the daughters share equally. The present state of the law is a survival of the time when ownership of freehold land implied personal service.

(5) Estates tail might be abolished or at least alienation of such estates made simpler.

(6) Copyhold tenure with its inconvenient incidents should be converted into freehold.

(7) Both as a means of raising revenue, and to prevent useless litigation without in any way discouraging thrift or disappointing legitimate expectations, the State should take the whole property as to which anyone dies intestate without leaving near relations. The whole subject of Death Duties needs reconsideration; a mere increase of these duties all round would cause intolerable hardship in some cases and would discourage people from attempting by careful foresight to make provision for those dependent on them, but when very large sums devolve on death to persons who are not dependents, the State might take a much larger portion of a deceased person's property than it does at present. If a multi-millionaire dies without leaving a wife or lineal descendants, there would be no hardship in taking fifty per cent. of his property—not devoted to charitable purposes—for the State. It would not be difficult to frame provisions to meet the possibility of settlements being made to evade the duty.

(8) Legitimation by subsequent marriage would remove many cases of great hardship, and might aid in inducing fathers to recognise their duties to children for whose existence they are responsible, and also to the mothers of such children.

(9) A regular form of legal adoption should be provided by which, subject to some form of public sanction to secure that the adopting parents are fit and able to take such responsibility, persons might give children, whom they desire to adopt, a recognised legal position. The losses caused by the War make this question one of increased practical importance.

(10) The reform of the law as to marriage ought not to be longer delayed. The question has already been carefully considered by the Commission of which Lord Gorell was chairman. This subject will, no doubt, provoke controversy, and it is impossible to discuss it fully here, but delay may have serious consequences.

The above incomplete list will be sufficient to indicate in a fairly definite way some of the work that has to be done in Law Reform. It is certainly a heavy task, but in almost all cases the lines on which reform could be carried out are clear, and it only requires that the matter should be resolutely taken in hand. If a small expert committee to consider each branch of the subject and draft the necessary Bills were appointed, or some Minister were made definitely responsible for attending to such matters, and if the procedure in Parliament were reformed as suggested, the congestion in Parliament need not prevent these reforms from being carried through rapidly.



CHAPTER XXIII

PURIFICATION OF POLITICAL LIFE

Find us men skilled, make a new Downing Street fit for the new era.—THOMAS CARLYLE.

No one will imagine that the long list of questions that have been mentioned covers the whole field of reconstruction, still less that the answers suggested are complete. Some of the suggestions made may be fruitful, others not. Enough has been said to show how huge that task is, and how it will need for its accomplishment all the knowledge and wisdom, and all the energy available. It is, therefore, clear that every proposal which may be made must be examined on its merits, not as it affects any party or personal interests, and that those who are elected to decide or appointed to deal with any matter shall in each case be chosen because of their fitness for the work assigned, not because their influence or support may be useful to any party or coterie.

Political life from bottom to top must be purified if reform is to be carried out on just and sound lines. On this question plain speaking is essential. For some time elements of corruption have been growing up in English politics, which it will be one of the first duties of the electorate and of a new and reformed Parliament to get rid of. The very word "politician" has become a term of contempt. The country is alive to the evil and ought to insist that it shall be promptly dealt with. The task is not an agreeable one. Those who have anything personally to gain or to lose in political life will naturally shrink from it. At the same time, nothing is worse than to overstate the case, and nothing easier than to create an atmosphere of suspicion without definite evidence. Directly the word "purity" is mentioned in any sense, there is a tendency to put forward something startling, "to pander to the lust for the lurid." It would be an excellent thing to put a tax on the use of adjectives, at all events in the discussion of any question of politics or morals, as fines are sometimes imposed for the unnecessary or offensive expletives employed as a common form of emphasis.

One or two definite changes could be made which would go far to promote political purity. (1) No "honour" should be conferred on any Member of Parliament while he retains his seat there. It ought to be considered sufficient honour to belong to that assembly. Gratitude to a Government for personal favours of this kind, either already conferred or to come, should not enter as a disturbing element affecting a man's political action. There is much to be said for the rule that acceptance of an office of profit under the Crown vacates a seat in the House of Commons. The rule should apply to the acceptance of any honour. Perhaps an exception might be made allowing a limited number of members, who had served at least ten years in Parliament, to be placed on the Privy Council on the advice of a Select Committee of the House. Such a course would strengthen the Privy Council by the addition of experienced men who had won the respect of their fellow-members irrespective of party, but had never taken office. An appointment so made would neither be the reward of docility or assiduity in attending divisions, nor a prophylactic against too critical tongues; it would be a mark of respect from those whom long association had given the means of judging. There are some men in every Parliament whose high character and unobtrusive work through a long period of service have won the special regard of their fellow-members, even though opposed to them in politics, and an opportunity of expressing that feeling would be welcomed. The selection would be a real honour, and would be bestowed in recognition of independence of character and steady useful work. Peerages might still be conferred on the advice of the Prime Minister, as a peerage renders the recipient incapable of sitting in the House of Commons, and the existence of Ministries does not depend on votes in the Lords.

(2) The party whips ought to have nothing to do with the conferment of honours of any kind, whether on members of the House of Commons or others. The considerations which must be uppermost in the mind of a whip, whose duty it is to fill the division lobbies for his party, ought not to affect the fountain of honour.

(3) The accounts of the party associations ought to be published. It may be right for well-to-do people who feel keenly on political questions to contribute to help party organisation, to aid in providing the money necessary to enable promising men, who have not the means for paying their own election expenses, to contest a seat and to enter Parliament. There is nothing derogatory to a candidate in accepting assistance of the kind. Many men who were unable to fight an election without it, would prefer to have it openly stated that they had received such assistance. Why should a young man whom a poor constituency would like to adopt, and who can only afford, say, L100 towards the cost of contesting a seat, object to his constituents knowing that the balance had been found from funds provided by others who wish well to the cause he is advocating? If the system is wrong, let it be abolished; if right, why try to preserve secrecy?

(4) No one should be allowed to contribute to party funds who has received a peerage or other "honour" within a given period, and if anyone has contributed to such funds before receiving an honour the amount paid should be publicly announced. Everyone has heard, and anyone acquainted with what goes on could give instances, of cases where a contribution has been asked from those whose services to the community are supposed to be recognised by some title of honour.

A change is needed in the method of selecting candidates. Two examples will illustrate the kind of thing that takes place.

A.B. had made a respectable fortune in a well-known and useful business, and retired to a comfortable home in Parkshire. His practical good sense and knowledge of affairs had made him a useful member of the county council, and he was a regular supporter of all benevolent movements in the district. A vacancy was expected in the parliamentary representation of the neighbouring borough of Slowcombe, and A.B., feeling the call to a larger sphere of usefulness—prompted also by Mrs. A.B., for whose charming social qualities the society of Slowcombe was unable, and the antiquated exclusiveness of Parkshire families was unwilling, to afford sufficient scope—desired to fill the vacancy. The party managers were approached, and were delighted to find so suitable a candidate, provided that A.B. would agree to spend at least L—— a year "in nursing the constituency," which was unable to move without such nursing. It is better not to name the amount asked lest it should lead to a painful identification of the real name of the place, and also because it was so large that it would be discredited by all except the unfortunate candidates for similar places. A.B. was compelled to answer, "It is more than I can possibly afford," and added in his own mind, "Would it be right if I could?" He has had to console himself with growing roses and breeding pigs, and attending the county bench; no doubt in every way a valuable member of society, but the larger sphere of usefulness is closed to him.

Dyeborough is a town where business methods are better understood. The late member having resigned, the chairman and agent for one party, greatly exercised as to the means of providing for the expenses of attending to the register and maintaining local interest in the principles of the party, and in the "great cause" which it supports, wisely communicated with "headquarters." As to what passes there, religious silence should be observed. There is no evidence available, and to pry into such mysteries were profane, but shortly afterwards it is announced that Mr. X., with the highest recommendations, will address the association. The local managers are quietly informed that he is willing to pay all expenses of the local organisation, to subscribe to the party clubs, and to spend money freely in the constituency. X. appears from Weissnichtwo with a bevy of carpet bags and some heavy cheque books. He is a man of business, has "made money"—meaning usually acquired money of other people by any means not forbidden by law. The oratorical arts which served to influence prospective shareholders are sufficient to fill the prepared caucus with at least an appearance of enthusiasm, and the open-minded candidate has sufficient democratic sentiment to adopt every plank in the party programme, or "any other damned nonsense" that he thinks will be agreeable. The virtuous Dyeborough yields to the golden shower, and embraces the charming stranger. It takes his subscriptions with content, and watches his career with pride. A far-seeing sporting man offers two to one that in three years the new member will be recognised by a title—of course a "marketable title" suggests a lawyer—but no one is rash enough to take up the bet. (No wonder that Proportional Representation or any other proposal which would interfere with the working of such a convenient system is rejected by the party politicians.) Everyone has been satisfied. The local party managers have been relieved from all anxiety, the local charities and political clubs add handsome subscriptions to their lists, headquarters and the whips have—to put the case mildly—not diminished their funds, and can reckon on a safe seat and steady vote. X. has entered on a career of public service marked at each step by successive honours. The only drawback is that if he should be translated to "another place," it would be found that the borough had become accustomed to such a scale of expenditure from its member that "no one but a very rich and ambitious man would venture to come forward as a candidate there." It offers, however, a splendid chance for a Socialist who can make unlimited promises as to the benefits that he and his friends could confer by taking the money of other people and distributing it in a liberal spirit. As for X., we must see that talents so pre-eminent are not lost to the State, and if no Ministerial office is vacant we must create one, and ask no questions as to its cost or the nature of its operations.

Could these claims on the purse as a condition in the selection of candidates be prevented, a great step would be taken towards purifying political life. If the question were resolutely faced, the abuse could be stopped. The late Lord James, when in charge of the Corrupt Practices Bill, was told that the stringent clause limiting election expenses would wreck his scheme. He persisted, and afterwards said that it was that clause which did most to help the Bill through, because so many country gentlemen who had suffered through agricultural depression gave it their hearty support as affording a means of freeing them from the extortionate claims of a set of persons who used an election to obtain money for imaginary services to the unfortunate candidates.

To read in the various biographical memoirs and reminiscences which have been published during the last twenty years how Cabinets have been put together, may amuse the cynical and evoke interest in those who watch politics as a game, but is painful to the citizen who wishes to see the country well governed, and who suffers if it is not. Sometimes, indeed, the formation of a Ministry seems more like the distribution of loot among successful campaigners, or a tactical disposition of the officers for continuing a contest than the provision of the best means and selection of the best men for each part of the work of governing the country.

In spite, however, of some glaring instances where such appointments have led to disaster or serious loss, the result has, on the whole, been not so bad as might have been expected. Those who have won their way in the open conflicts in Parliament and the country have been men who have played a fair game according to the rules. Their personal characters have stood high. Dishonourable action has been rare, almost unknown. As a rule, the abilities of those called to the Front Bench have probably been rather above the average among the country gentlemen, lawyers and men of business who have been associated with them; a few have shown conspicuous ability; most by experience of affairs soon gain a special aptitude in dealing with them. Anyhow the open recognition of party claims publicly recognised is infinitely better, as Burke urged, and history from his day to ours proves, than backstairs influence or merely personal ties, and still more than using official position as a tribute to wealth, and the advantages which wealth can confer on those who do it homage. It is the system which is to blame, not the men to be condemned. Those who denounce the members of a Government most fiercely would be only too happy to accept an invitation to meet them at dinner. Ask the most eloquent writer of philippics who has known, say a score of Ministers on both sides personally, and who is reasonably tolerant, modest and candid, which of them does he believe really to be either a knave or a fool; he will answer, "None, though I am not quite sure about X." We all have our ineradicable antipathies. Fortunately there is something forensic about English political contests. The astonished client sees the advocates who have been hottest in conflict walking away arm in arm. We must make allowance for the requirements of the forum, and at the same time be thankful that while there may be something rotten in the state of politics, those who become prominent in political life are honourable men. To some it may seem half an insult to state the fact, but the kind of talk both public and private too frequently heard to-day makes it necessary to insist upon it. Even Members of Parliament on the opposite side are as a rule quite respectable citizens. To maintaining a correct attitude of antagonism too close knowledge of opponents may sometimes be a hindrance, and it was not without reason that one engaged in a violent controversy on being told that if he knew Y., his antagonist, he would be sure to like him, replied, "That is the reason why I have always refused an introduction to him."

Lastly, when the right men have been selected, they should be supported, their acts and proposals, of course, criticised if necessary, but not made the subject of perpetual and irritating nagging, or dull refusal to understand and appreciate what they are doing and aiming at. They may not expect gratitude. Most people learn in the course of life that recognition given and gratitude shown for any work done varies inversely as the trouble they have taken, and the difficulty of the task, even if it has been successfully carried through, but while they are engaged in it they must claim not to be hindered and thwarted in their work by those who can prove that every possible way of doing something which must be done is wrong, but never show the right way to do it. It is marvellous how some of those in the most responsible positions manage to get through their business at all in face of the constant sniping of those who, like the Scots elder in the story, can neither work nor pray, but can "object." The splendid service rendered to the country by the present Prime Minister in bringing about a unity of command was carried through in face of bitter and persistent opposition set up both by those who claimed to be guarding the proper position of the military profession, and also by those who do not regard victory in the War as an object of their desire.

In the earlier part of 1918, when speaking of a question above mentioned to one whose services had been called for by the State to meet special difficulties, the conversation somehow turned to speaking of our ages, and he, said of himself: "I wish I were twenty years younger, that I might see the results of what is going on now." It is the natural attitude of the true worker to think of the "far goal." He has been called away in the midst of his work, and "from this side" will not see what is to come in these next twenty years, but the history of this age will be very incomplete if it does not record and show the deep significance of the fact that one who undertook a task bristling with difficulties, affecting the daily life of almost everybody, subjecting it to many restraints, who never felt under "an obligation to the popular," won more general regard—it might fairly be said affection—than any other Minister in so short a time. But if the nation appreciated the Minister, we may be sure that the Minister appreciated the nation which accepted inconveniences and restraints with so little grumbling and such ready acquiescence.

Does not everything point to the fact that one of the most necessary reforms is to appoint as Minister for each department the most capable man to do the work required there, one who has the knowledge and foresight to direct aright, instead of looking round to see which of the various offices to be filled will satisfy the "claims" of such and such a politician?

Above all, we want to see the Government of the country kept free from the influence of financial rings or of commercial organisations which may exercise an undue power in determining national policy. Patriotic feeling may be exploited to promote the self-interest of sections of the community. Those who direct the State should never be involved, whether directly or indirectly, in schemes which have for their object the acquisition of individual gain at the expense of the nation as a whole.



Part V

THE GOAL



CHAPTER XXIV

UNION AND REGENERATION

So from day to day and strength to strength you shall build up indeed by art, by thought, and by just will an ecclesia of England of which it shall not be said, "See what manner of stones are here," but "See what manner of men."—JOHN RUSKIN.

One subject most vital to all progress on sound lines, which affects not only present reconstruction, but the whole future of the nation, and involves not only definite action now but also steady and continuous action in all future time, has been deliberately omitted. The question of Education, of the training of the coming generation on right lines, requires separate treatment in a way more complete and thorough, if it is to be of any use at all, than can be given to it incidentally among a large number of other subjects.[11] The Education Act, which was passed in 1918 with so much goodwill, will give opportunities for the development of education, but whether it is a benefit or not will depend on how it is used and the kind of education given. The example of Germany shows how education, highly organised at every stage, reduced to a system in accordance with theories thought out most carefully, may have disastrous effects. From the Kindergarten to the University the Germans have had their completely graded system extending to all classes of society; they have elaborated their theories with care, and applied them thoroughly at every stage. Thoughtful students of education, both in this country and in America, have made German methods the subject of their study, and offered to them when they could the flattery of imitation. Those who wished to learn the best methods of teaching have made the works of Herbart their text-book; they have studied the work of Kirchensteiner and attended the lectures of Rein at Jena. To know the last thesis published in a German university had become a necessary qualification for recognition as a scholar, and the best passport for an appointment to many of the higher teaching posts in England. But the emphatic warning comes from the experience of Germany that even the very perfection of educational systems and methods may be used so as to be a curse to the country which has adopted them. Published statistics show that juvenile crime, often of the most revolting kind, is rampant, and has been increasing in Germany, that suicides have become common even amongst the very young. The highly efficient mental drill provided by German education, even the devotion to knowledge shown by the German people, whatever benefits it may once have conferred, applied as it now is, must be recognised as one of the causes why Germany, so long as it retains its present spirit and its present aims, has come to be rightly regarded as an enemy to mankind. It is essential that there should be something more than a keen desire to acquire knowledge of every sort, and to apply it for practical purposes—the Germans have that pre-eminently; or a love of order and organisation and a persistent and plodding industry in carrying out plans that have been carefully thought out beforehand—the Germans have that also; or an intense devotion to the Fatherland—the German people have a fervent and perfectly genuine love for their country. The moral downfall of Germany, and the material losses which she will suffer whatever the other results of the War may be, are not simply due either to autocracy or to the domination of an aristocratic class, or to deficiencies in art—the power to make things well—or in thought—the power to plan a course of action clearly—but to the absence of a "just will." The regeneration of Germany means the substitution of a just for an unjust will, not simply the spread of democratic ideals, desirable though these may be, nor the substitution of democratic for autocratic or aristocratic government. For our own nation, too, a "just will" amongst all classes of the community is the necessary condition for future welfare.

Another warning is necessary. In elaborate plans for reconstruction and reorganisation by more deliberate and far-reaching action of the State and of organised associations there is often a risk of impairing or even destroying individual liberty. The more complete organisation and reduction to definite system of education, for example, may result in hampering free thought and action both of teacher and scholar. For them, as for an army, it is the "initiative" that counts. In industry, in commerce, in political life, and also in intellectual and even in religious life, there is a danger that the free development of the individual may be checked and healthy growth prevented by over-regulation. In education especially, "self-determination" within reasonable limits is as necessary for the well-being of the individual as it is in government for the well-being of nations. We may dread the extended exercise of the powers of "directors of education" when they go beyond administration and include the choice of subjects and of methods. The best educational movement of our day—the Boy Scouts Association—was initiated and is carried on without the intervention of the State or of local authorities.

In conclusion two other points may be offered for consideration. In our methods of education do we not find the idea more and more prevalent that it is necessary for all, in order to be thorough, to devote their time and energy to exact manipulation? It is true that you cannot make a good chemist, or even apothecary, without giving days and weeks to exact use of balances or to watching filter papers and the like but the mere layman may learn in a short time with profit the meaning of a chemical equation, and find a kind of diagrammatic knowledge sufficient to meet all he requires. To discard what is irrelevant to the purpose is one of the most difficult but most important things to be learned. Instead of using "Euclid" as a means of teaching scholars to reason, they are expected to use compasses carefully to make circles round—a matter of no importance whatever for the matter in hand—but it diverts their attention from the true object of study. There is a lesson for others in the highly emphasised remark once addressed by a great advocate to his junior who was taking an over-elaborate note, "Stop that scratching and attend to the case." But intellectually the worst of all is the danger that education will be directed to teaching and to learning mere phrases. It saves thought and provides us with a kind of paper currency conventionally accepted, though of no real value. In every subject we study, in every department of life, in law, in politics, and in religion, the domination of the phrase fetters thought and perverts action. It is tempting to give examples, but we must forbear.

"Time is our tedious song should here have ending," but those who can never see the accomplishment of what they hope for, the old "who dream dreams," may be forgiven if they try once more to get some vision of the land which others "if strong and of a good courage" will "go in to possess." It may, perhaps, in the sunset light seem brighter from far off than those who first enter it will find it to be, or, it may be, the distant prospect discloses but a part of what they will conquer.

Again the question will be asked, What will emerge from this struggle, this untold bloodshed, these bitter losses and widespread destruction, what will be the harvest that this "red rain" will make to grow, what Church will spring from the blood of the martyred youth—a great multitude which no man can number? Again we may answer, as after the war half a century ago, so short in its duration, and so limited in its extent as compared with the World War of to-day, "For the victors Union, for the vanquished Regeneration." Who will the victors be? Rightly shall we think first of our own land of Britain with all the dominions that form the Empire built up by the labour and the valour of its sons and called by its name, united now by the closer bonds of common efforts, common sacrifices and common resolves, loyal to one throne, the symbol of its unity, cherishing one record of heroic deeds, the example and the inspiration for the generations to come; above all, as a country that is "at unity with itself," free from intestine war of party against party, creed against creed, and class against class.

But this War has not been a war of Empire against Empire, of Nation only against Nation. It has been waged by the alliance of the people all over the world who believe in justice, in a law which says, "Thou shalt not, because thou hast the power and the will to thine own advantage, use that power to dominate others and exercise that will regardless of their rights." The victors will be all the Nations who are leagued together to resist such a claim, and the union must be a union of all who joined in the struggle with that common purpose, united when peace comes in the prayer and the determination that there shall be war no more. Yet the prospect opens for a union wider even than that. Those who took no part in the conflict, some perhaps because the peril was too deadly, their opportunity of defence too weak, may also join the League. Some, like the Swiss, have served the cause of humanity by their generous reception of sick and wounded. Some, like the Norwegians, have themselves suffered cruel wrongs by the ruthlessness of our foes.

Lastly, we must look forward to the possibility of a real peace with Germany, a readmission of Germany to the commonwealth of Nations, a restoration in the future of friendly intercourse with the German people.

Never again shall we of the older generation cross the German frontier save in answer to some clear call of imperative duty. We should be more—or perhaps less—than human to wish it. Day after day we have read or our eyes have seen the reiterated and continued acts of infamy done under the direction of those whom the majority of the German people not only submit to as their rulers, but follow willingly as their guides.

Nor for years to come will many of the men of younger age risk the chance of contact with those who were responsible for or committed such crimes as they have witnessed from the day when German troops first entered Belgium four years ago to the sinking of the last hospital ship or last murder of wounded men and of nurses under the shadow of the Red Cross.

But a new generation will follow us who may find and may accept a welcome from a younger German race who had no part in the sins against humanity committed by the Germans of to-day. Some, indeed, of that younger race will have learned from their own fathers who suffered for them, to detest those crimes.

For another generation of Englishmen it may be possible once again to find even in Germany something to enjoy and to admire. They may watch from the Schlossgarten at Heidelberg the sun go down beyond the Rhine over Alsace, then again united to France; they may wander again in friendly talk with some forester under the pines of the Schwarzwald and listen to the singing of the familiar Volkslieder—Tannenbaum or Haiden Roeslein—by a people who have a natural gift for song; they may in Nuremberg again look with delight on the marvels in stone wrought by its craftsmen or seek out the hidden meanings in the mystic art of Albrecht Duerer; perhaps be whirled along in the Isar "rolling rapidly" through the baths of Munich or plunge in the crystal depths of the Koenig See; from the highlands of Bavaria they may lift up their eyes to the long ranges of the snowy Alps of Tyrol, and, as the decennial cycle comes round and the reverent peasants re-enact the sacred drama, may make their pilgrimage to Ammergau and share the thrill passing along the crowded benches when the children's voices are heard, and they enter, waving their palm branches, that those who watch their beautiful counterfeit may recall, with imagination vivid like a child's, another procession of joyous children, nineteen hundred years ago.

The rest of mankind would be the poorer if it were cut off for ever from some of the things which Germany has given and might again give to the world in the realm of thought—in science and literature—and in music; things which have added and may again add to the knowledge and to the beauty of life. But let there be no mistake. Such a future is possible only if the powers which are dominant in Germany are utterly destroyed; but that is not enough, there must be a regeneration of the German people. The alternative for Germany must be either exclusion from intercourse with the rest of mankind save those who desire to share in her crimes, and who will also share in her outlawry, or a change of spirit and of purpose in the nation. If such a change comes, we "dare be known to think" that the renewal of friendly relations with the German people is an object we desire to attain.

For us, too, comes the double warning. Strange voices are already heard among us; some seem like echoes of the German spirit we are fighting to exorcise, others of that anarchic spirit still more fatal that makes a lawless democracy the most deadly foe of liberty and ordered progress. If we in our turn make self-interest, regardless of the rights of others, our guide, find in hatred, envy and jealousy our stimulus to action, victory will confer no lasting blessing and the end of this War will bring no real peace. The recognition of dangers threatened must be for us the incentive to greater effort, with plans more carefully thought out and clearer understanding of the true goal we are striving to reach. Keeping our highest ideals always before us, labouring steadily day by day, moving forward step by step, though the way may be long, we may look with confidence to their attainment.

The earth moves onward, revolving in its course, bearing with it our older generation towards the inevitable night; it may be to the utter darkness where "there is no work nor device nor knowledge nor wisdom," or, "as the holy sages once did sing," when that night comes, "Creation" may "be widen'd in man's view," revealing the infinite depths and innumerable bright Existences which the light of common day has hidden. But whatever our destiny may be, let us trust, as we leave the sunshine of life behind, that those gleams of hope for mankind, "faint beams that gild the west" as our stormy day closes, are to the younger race which is following on, the rising of a glorious dawn.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 11: Perhaps a volume on Education, supplementary to the present work, may be issued at some future time.]

THE END