How can I describe the agony of suspense which racked our souls during those six days? It seemed to us as though a life was being offered in sacrifice for the thousands which it was to contribute in saving. Across the span of thirteen years the memory of the last moments comes to me most vividly and thrilling, when the light of reason left his brain and shut out of his mind the torturing thought of the loving wife and daughter far away, and of the unborn child who was to find itself fatherless on coming to the world.

Tuesday, the twenty-fifth of September saw the end of a life full of promise; one more name, that of Jesse W. Lazear, was graven upon the portals of immortality. And we may feel justly proud for having had it, in any way, associated with our own.

The state of mind in which this calamity left us may better be imagined than described. The arrival of Major Reed several days after in a great measure came to relieve the tensity of our nerves and render us a degree of moral support of which we were sorely in need.

Lazear's death naturally served to dampen our fruition at the success of the mosquito experiments, but, this notwithstanding, when the facts were known we were the subjects of much congratulation and the question whether the theory had been definitely demonstrated or not was the theme of conversation everywhere, about Havana and Camp Columbia particularly. We fully realized that three cases, two experimental and one accidental, were not sufficient proof, and that the medical world was sure to look with doubt upon any opinion based on such meager evidence; besides, in the case of Carroll, we had been unable to exclude the possibility of other means of infection, so that we really had but one case, Dean's, that we could present as clearly demonstrative and beyond question. In spite of this, we thought that the results warranted their presentation in the shape of a "Preliminary Note," and after all the data were carefully collected from Lazear's records and those at the Military Hospital, a short paper was prepared which the Major had the privilege to read at the meeting of the American Public Health Association, held on October 24, in the city of Indianapolis.

For this purpose Major Reed went to the States two weeks after his return to Cuba, and Carroll also took a short leave of absence so as to fully recuperate, in preparation for the second series of inoculations which we had arranged to undertake, after the Indianapolis meeting.

These inoculations, according to our program, were to be made upon volunteers who should consent to suffer a period of previous quarantine at some place to be selected in due time, away from any possibility of yellow fever.

It so happened then that I was left the only member of the board in Cuba and, under instructions from Major Reed, I began to breed mosquitoes and infect them, as Lazear used to do, wherever cases occurred, keeping them at my laboratory in the Military Hospital No. 1. Major Reed had also asked me to look about for a proper location wherein to continue the work upon his return.

ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE MOSQUITO THEORY

The possible agency of insects in the propagation of yellow fever was thought of by more than one observer, from a very early period in the history of this disease. For instance, Rush, of Philadelphia, in 1797, noticed the excessive abundance of mosquitoes during that awful epidemic. Subsequently, several others spoke of the coincidence of gnats or mosquitoes and yellow fever, but without ascribing any direct relation to the one regarding the other. Of course, man-to-man infection through the sole intervention of an insect was a thing entirely inconceivable and therefore unthought of until very recently, and in truth the discovery, as far as yellow fever is concerned, was the result of a slow process of evolution of the fundamental fact, taken in connection with similar findings, in other diseases.

The earliest direct reference is found in the writings of Dr. Nott, of Mobile, Ala., who in 1848 suggested that the dissemination of the yellow fever poison was evidently by means of some insect "that remained very close to the ground." But the first who positively pointed to the mosquito as the spreader of yellow fever, who showed that absence of mosquitoes precluded the existence of the disease and who prescribed the ready means to stamp it out, by fumigation and by preventing the bites of the insects, was Dr. Louis D. Beauperthuy, a French physician, then located in Venezuela. The writer has an original copy of his paper, published in 1853, where he fastens the guilt upon the domestic mosquitoes, believing, in accord with the prevailing teachings of medical science, that the mosquitoes infected themselves by contact or feeding upon the organic matter found in the stagnant waters where they are hatched, afterwards inoculating the victims by their sting. He recognized the fact that yellow fever is not contagious and therefore could not think of the possibility of man-to-man infection, as we know it to-day. The keenest observer was this man Beauperthuy, and, even at that benighted time in the history of tropical medicine, made most interesting studies of the blood and tissues, employing the microscope and the chemical reactions in his research. No one believed him, and a commission appointed to report upon his views said that they were inadmissible and all but declared him insane.

This field of investigation remained dormant for a comparatively long period of time. Meanwhile another medical writer, Dr. Greenville Dowell, mentions in 1876, that "if we compare the effect of heat and cold on gnats and mosquitoes with yellow fever, it will be difficult to believe it is of the same nature, as it is controlled by the same natural laws." Soon after this, in 1879, the first conclusive proof of the direct transmission of a disease from man-to-man was presented by the father of tropical medicine, Sir Patrick Manson, with regard to filaria, a blood infection that often causes the repulsive condition known as elephantiasis and which the mosquito takes from man and after a short time gives over to another subject. This discovery attracted world-wide attention and many looked again towards the innumerable species of biting insects that dwell in the Tropic Zone, as possible carriers of the obscure diseases which also prevail in those regions.

In 1881, Dr. Carlos Finlay, of Havana, in an exhaustive paper read before the Royal Academy of Sciences, gave as his opinion that yellow fever was spread by the bites of mosquitoes "directly contaminated by stinging a yellow fever patient (or perhaps by contact with or feeding from his discharge)." This latter view he held as late as 1900, which, although correct in the main fact of the transmission of the germ from a patient to a susceptible person by the mosquito, the modus operandi, as he conceived it, was entirely erroneous.

Dr. Finlay, unfortunately was unable to produce experimentally a single case of fever that could withstand the mildest criticism, so that at the time when the Army Board came to investigate the causes of yellow fever in Cuba, his theory, though practically the correct one, had been so much discredited, in a great measure by his own failures, that the best-known experts considered it as an ingenious, but wholly fanciful, one and many thought it a fit subject for humorous and sarcastic repartee. Finlay also believed, erroneously, that repeated bites of contaminated insects might protect against yellow fever and that the mosquitoes were capable of transmitting the germ to the next generation.

The wonderful discoveries of Theobald Smith, as to the agency of ticks in spreading Texas fever of cattle, and those of Ross and the Italian investigators who showed conclusively that malaria was transmitted by a species of mosquito, brought the knowledge of these various diseases to the point where the Army Board took up the investigation of yellow fever.

SECOND AND FINAL SERIES OF MOSQUITO EXPERIMENTS

Major Reed came back to Havana in the early part of November, Carroll following a week after.

During their absence, I had been applying mosquitoes to yellow fever patients at "Las Animas" Hospital, keeping them in my laboratory, as it was done at the beginning of the investigation; the season being more advanced, now and then a cold "norther" would blow and my insects suffered very much thereby, so that I had the greatest trouble in preventing their untimely death: to this may be added the difficulty met in feeding them blood, for now that I knew their sting was dangerous, unto death perhaps, I could not allow any indiscriminate biting, but had to select for the purpose individuals who had suffered an attack of the disease and were therefore immune.

The necessity for an experimental camp became more imperative as time passed, not only where proper quarantine and isolation could be established, but also where the insects intended for the inoculations might receive better care. This entailed considerable expense.

Fortunately for us, the military governor of the island at that time, Brigadier General Leonard Wood, was a man who had received a thorough medical training; broad and clear-minded, he fully appreciated the importance of what might be the outcome of our researches. We found in him the moral support which we so much needed and, further, he promptly placed at the disposal of the board sufficient funds with which to carry on the experiments to the end. I firmly believe that had other been the circumstances, had a more military and less scientific man been at the head of the government, the investigation would have terminated there and then, and many years would have passed, with hundreds of lives uselessly sacrificed, before we could have attained our present remarkable sanitary triumphs.

We immediately set about choosing a location for our camp. I had already looked over the ground, preferring the proximity of Camp Columbia, from where supplies could be easily obtained and because the Military Hospital there could be used for treating the cases that we intended to produce; I was therefore favorably impressed with the seclusion offered by a spot situated a short distance from the main road, in a farm, named San Jose, belonging to my friend Dr. Ignacio Rojas, of Havana. Major Reed decided upon this place after looking at many others in the neighborhood, so that on the twentieth of November we inaugurated our camp, which we named Camp Lazear, in honor to the memory of our dead colleague, consisting then of seven army tents, guarded by a military garrison, composed of men who had been carefully selected by virtue of their previous good record and their interest in the work to be undertaken.

Feeling that we had proved, to ourselves at least, the agency of the mosquito in yellow fever, it became our duty to disprove the theory, until then held as a certainty by many authorities, to the effect that the soiled bedding and clothing, the secretions and excreta of patients, were infectious and in some way carried the germ of the disease. We therefore designed a small wooden building, to be erected a short distance from the tense, with a capacity of 2,800 cubic feet. The walls and ceiling were absolutely tight, the windows and vestibuled door screened and all precautions taken to prevent the entrance of insects.

Into this, called the "infected clothing building," three beds and a stove, to maintain a high tropical temperature, were introduced; also mattresses and pillows, underwear, pajamas, towels, sheets, blankets, etc., soiled with blood and discharges from yellow fever cases: these articles were put on the beds, hung about the room and packed in a trunk and two boxes placed there for the purpose.

The building was finished and equipped on November 30. That Friday evening, Dr. Robert P. Cook, U. S. Army, with two other American volunteers, entered it and prepared to pass the night: they had instructions to unpack the boxes and trunk, to handle and shake the clothing and in every way to attempt to disseminate the yellow fever poison, in case it was contained in the various pieces. We watched the proceedings from the outside, through one of the windows. The foul conditions which developed upon opening the trunk were of such a character that the three men were seen to suddenly rush out of the building into the fresh air; one of them was so upset that his stomach rebelled; yet, after a few minutes, with a courage and determination worthy only of such a cause, they went back into the building and passed a more or less sleepless night, in the midst of indescribable filth and overwhelming stench.

For twenty consecutive nights these men went through the same performance; during the day they remained together, occupying a tent near their sleeping quarters. Dr. Cook, by voluntarily undergoing such a test, without remuneration whatsoever, proved his faith in the mosquito theory; his demonstration of the harmless character of so-called infected clothing, in yellow fever, has been of the greatest importance. The other six men (two of them with Dr. Cook) who were subjected to this test, received each a donation of one hundred dollars for his services.

Many days even before the establishment of the experimental camp, the board had heard that several men who knew of our work were willing to submit to the inoculations and thus aid in clearing up the mystery of yellow fever. Two of these require special mention, John R. Kissinger, a private in the Hospital Corps of the Army, was the first to offer himself most altruistically, for, as he expressed it, his offer was made without any desire for pecuniary or other consideration and solely "in the interest of humanity and the cause of science," the other, J. J. Moran, a civilian employee, also stipulated as a condition that he was to receive no pay for his services. Both these men, in due time, suffered from yellow fever and until very recently had never obtained any reward for the great risk which they ran so voluntarily and praiseworthily.

Kissinger, who after several years' service in the army became disabled, is receiving a pension from the government; Moran, I hope, is still well and in the employ of the Isthmian Canal Commission, justly enjoying the friendship and confidence of his superior officers. The names of Kissinger and Moran should figure upon the roll of honor of the U. S. Army.

On the day the camp was definitely organized, Kissinger, who had not gone outside the military reservation for more than a month, moved into Camp Lazear and received his first bite from a mosquito which evidently was not "loaded" for, again on November 23, he was stung by the same insect without result. On December 5, five mosquitoes were applied, which brought about a moderate infection in three days. Moran was also bitten by mosquitoes which were supposed to be infected on November 26 and 29, both times unsuccessfully. As will be seen, he was infected later on.

By this time we had decided, the weather having cooled considerably, that it was better to keep the mosquitoes at a higher temperature and nearer to the men who were to be inoculated; therefore it was planned to put up another small wooden structure, which was to be known as the "Mosquito Building" in which an artificial temperature could be maintained; at my suggestion, the building was so designed that it might serve to infect individuals; by liberating infected mosquitoes on the inside and exposing some person to their stings, we could try to reproduce the infection as we felt it occurred in nature. Another reason for the mosquito house was the need to obviate the transportation of the insects from the Military Hospital, where I kept them, to our camp, which could not be easily done without subjecting them to severe injury. Upon one occasion I was taking four infected mosquitoes in the pocket inside my blouse from the laboratory in Havana to the experimental camp, accompanied by my attendant Private Loud; the horse which pulled my buggy, a rather spirited animal, becoming frightened at a steam roller, as we went around the corner of Colon Cemetery, started to race down the hill towards the Almendares River: Loud was thrown out by the first cavortings of the horse, who stood on its hind legs and jumped several times before dashing away, while I held tightly to the tubes in my pocket, as the buggy upset and left me stranded upon a sand pile in the middle of the road; the mosquitoes were quite safe, however, and upon my arrival at Camp Lazear I turned them over to Carroll for his subsequent care.

Another difficulty afterwards encountered was the scarcity of material susceptible to infection, for, although several men had expressed a willingness to be inoculated, when the time came; they all preferred the "infected clothing" experiment to the stings of our mosquitoes. We then thought best to secure lately landed Spaniards, to whom the probable outcome of the test might be explained and their consent obtained for a monetary consideration. Our method was as follows; as soon as a load of immigrants arrived, I would go to Tiscornia, the Immigration Station across the Bay of Havana, and hire eight or ten men, as day laborers, to work in our camp. Once brought in, they were bountifully fed, housed under tents, slept under mosquito-bars and their only work was to pick up loose stones from the grounds, during eight hours of the day, with plenty of rest between. In the meantime, as the days of observation passed, I carefully questioned them as to their antecedents, family history and the diseases which they might have suffered; those who had lived in Cuba or any other tropical country before were discarded at once and also those who were under age or had a family dependent upon them. When the selection was finally made, the matter of the experiment was put to them. Naturally, they all felt more or less that they were running the risk of getting yellow fever when they came to Cuba and so were not at all averse to allow themselves to be bitten by mosquitoes: they were paid one hundred dollars for this, and another equal sum if, as a result of the biting experiment, they developed yellow fever. Needless to say, no reference was made to any possible funeral expenses. A written consent was obtained from each one, so that our moral responsibility was to a certain extent lessened. Of course, only the healthiest specimens were experimented upon.

It so happened that some reporter discovered what we were about, or perhaps some invidious person misrepresented the facts; at any rate, on the twenty-first of November a Spanish newspaper appeared with flaring headlines denouncing the American doctors who were taking advantage of the poor immigrants and experimenting with them by injecting all sorts of poisons! It called upon the Spanish consul to look after his subjects. In view of this we felt that if such campaign continued, in a short time it would either make it impossible to secure subjects or cause diplomatic pressure to be exerted against the continuance of our experiments. It was thought best to "beard the lion in his den" so the three of us called upon the consul the following day. He was surprised to hear one of us address him in his own language, having taken us all for Americans on first sight, and when I explained to him our method of procedure and showed him the signed contracts with the men, being an intelligent man himself, he had no objections to offer and told us to go ahead and not bother about any howl the papers might make.

The first three cases (two of them Spaniards) which we produced came down with yellow fever within a very short period, from December 8 to 13; it will therefore not surprise the reader to know that when the fourth case developed on December 15, and was carried out of the camp to the hospital, it caused a veritable panic among the remaining Spaniards, who, renouncing the five hundred pesetas that each had in view, as Major Reed very aptly put it, "lost all interest in the progress of science and incontinentally severed their connection with Camp Lazear."

But there was a rich source to draw from, and the unexpected stampede only retarded our work for a short time. Our artificial epidemic of yellow fever was temporarily suspended while a new batch of susceptible material was brought in, observed and selected. The next case for that reason was not produced upon a Spaniard until December 30.

In the face of the negative experiments with supposedly contaminated articles, it rested with us to show how a house became infected and for this purpose the main part of the "mosquito building" was utilized.

This chamber was divided into two compartments by a double wire-screen partition, which effectually prevented mosquitoes on one side from passing to the other; of course there were no mosquitoes there to begin with, as the section of the building used for breeding and keeping them was entirely separated from the other, and there could be no communication between them.

On the morning of December 21, a jar containing fifteen hungry mosquitoes, that had previously stung cases of yellow fever, was introduced and uncovered in the larger compartment, where a bed, with all linen perfectly sterilized, was ready for occupancy. A few minutes after, Mr. Moran, dressed as though about to retire for the night, entered the room and threw himself upon the bed for half an hour; during this time two other men and Major Reed remained in the other compartment, separated from Moran only by the wire-screen partition. Seven mosquitoes were soon at work upon the young man's arms and face; he then came out, but returned in the afternoon, when five other insects bit him in less than twenty minutes. The next day, at the same hour of the afternoon, Moran entered the "mosquito building" for the third time and remained on the bed for fifteen minutes, allowing three mosquitoes to bite his hands. The room was then securely locked, but the two Americans continued to sleep in the other compartment for nearly three weeks, without experiencing any ill effects.

Promptly on Christmas morning Moran, who had not been exposed to infection except for his entrance into the "mosquito building" as described, came down with a well-marked attack of yellow fever.

The temperature in this room, where these mosquitoes had been released, was kept rather high and a vessel with water was provided, where they might lay their eggs if so inclined, but notwithstanding all these precautions, it was subsequently found that the insects had been attacked by ants, so that by the end of the month only one of the fifteen mosquitoes remained alive.

It is hardly necessary to detail here how seven other men were subjected to the sting of our infected mosquitoes, of which number five developed the disease, but it may be interesting to note that two of these men had been previously exposed in the "infected clothing building" without their becoming infected, showing that they were susceptible to yellow fever after all.

The evidence so far seemed to show that the mosquito could only be infected by sucking blood of a yellow-fever patient during the first three days of the disease; to prove that the parasite was present in the circulating blood at that time we therefore injected some of this fluid taken from a different case each time, under the skin of five men: four of these suffered an attack of yellow fever as the result of the injection. The other one, a Spaniard, could not be infected either by the injection of blood or the application of mosquitoes which were known to be infected, showing that he had a natural immunity or, more likely, that he had had yellow fever at some previous time.

While selecting the Spaniards, it was often ascertained that they had been in Cuba before, as soldiers in the Spanish army usually, and the natural conclusion was that they had undergone infection; it was very seldom that any escaped during the Spanish control of the island.

Thus terminated our experiments with mosquitoes which, though necessarily performed on human beings, fortunately did not cause a single death; on the other hand, they served to revolutionize all standard methods of sanitation with regard to yellow fever. They showed the uselessness of disinfection of clothing and how easily an epidemic can be stamped out in a community by simply protecting the sick from the sting of the mosquitoes and by the extensive and wholesale destruction of these insects which, added to the suppression of their breeding places, if thoroughly carried out, are the only measures necessary to forever rid a country of this scourge.

Besides keeping a sharp lookout against the importation of yellow fever cases, these are the simple rules that have kept the Panama Canal free and prevented the slaughter of hundreds of foreigners, so generally expected every year, in former times.

Since we made our demonstration in 1901, our work has been corroborated by various commissions appointed for the purpose, in Mexico, Brazil and Cuba, composed variously of Americans, French, English, Cuban, Brazilian and German investigators. Nothing has been added to our original findings; nothing has been contradicted of what we have reported, and to-day, after nearly thirteen years, the truths that we uncovered stand incontrovertible; besides, they have been the means of driving out yellow fever from Cuba, the United States (Laredo, Texas, 1903 and New Orleans, La., 1905), British Honduras and several cities of Brazil.

Of the Army Board only I remain. Lazear, as reported, died during the early part of our investigations; Reed left us in 1902 and Carroll only five years later. The reader may wonder of what benefit was it to us, this painstaking and remarkable accomplishment which has been such a blessing to humanity! See what the late Surgeon General of the U. S. Army had to say in his report (Senate Document No. 520, Sixty-first Congress, second session):

1. Major Walter Reed, surgeon, United States Army, died in Washington, D. C., from appendicitis, November 23, 1902, aged 51. His widow, Emilie Lawrence Reed, is receiving a pension of $125 a month.

2 Maj. James Carroll was promoted from first lieutenant to major by special act of Congress, March 9, 1907. He died in Washington, D C., of myocarditis, September 16, 1907. His widow, Jennie H. Carroll, since his death, has received an annuity of $125 a month, appropriated from year to year in the Army appropriation bill.

3. Dr. Jesse W. Lazear, contract surgeon, United States Army, died at Camp Columbia, Cuba, of yellow fever, September 25, 1900. His widow, Mabel M. Lazear, since his death, has received an annuity of $125 a month appropriated from year to year in the Army appropriation bill.

4. Dr. Aristides Agramonte is the only living member of the board. He is professor of bacteriology and experimental pathology in the University of Habana and has never received, either directly or indirectly, any material reward for his share in the work of the board.

It is not for me to make any comments: the above paragraphs have all the force of a plain, truthful statement of facts. Perhaps it is thought that enough reward is to be found in the contemplation of so much good derived from one's own efforts and the feeling it may produce of innermost satisfaction and in forming the belief that one had not lived in vain. In a very great measure, I know, the thought is true.



THE EVOLUTION OF THE STARS AND THE FORMATION OF THE EARTH. IV

BY WILLIAM WALLACE CAMPBELL

DIRECTOR OF THE LICK OBSERVATORY, UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA

THE PLANETESIMAL HYPOTHESIS

THE most elaborate structure yet proposed to explain the origin of the solar system is the planetesimal hypothesis by Chamberlin and Moulton. The energy which these investigators have devoted to formulating and testing this hypothesis, in the light of the principles of mechanics, has been commensurate with the importance of the subject. They postulate that the materials now composing the Sun, planets, and satellites, at one time existed as a spiral nebula, or as a great spiral swarm of discrete particles, each particle in elliptic motion about the central nucleus. The authors go further back and endeavor to account for the origin of the spiral nebula, but this phase of the subject is not vital to their hypothesis. However, it conduces to clearness in presenting their hypothesis to begin with the earlier process.

It may happen, once in a while, that two stars will collide. If the collision is a grazing one, they say, a spiral nebula will be formed. However, a fairly close approach of two stars will occur in vastly greater frequency and the effect of this approach will also be to form a spiral nebula or two such nebulae. The authors recall that our Sun is constantly ejecting materials to a considerable height to form the prominences, and that the attractions of a great star passing fairly close to our solar system would assist this process of expulsion of matter from the Sun. A great outbreak or ejection of matter would occur not only on the side of our Sun turned toward the disturbing body, but on the opposite side as well, for the same reason that tides in our oceans are raised on the side opposite the Moon as well as on the side toward the Moon. As the Sun and disturbing star proceeded in their orbits, the stream of matter leaving our Sun on the side of the disturbing body would try to follow the other star; and the stream of matter leaving the other side of the Sun would shoot out in curves essentially symmetrical with those in the first stream. As the disturbing star approached and receded the paths taken by the ejected matter would be successively along curves such as are represented by the dotted lines in Fig. 28. At any given moment the ejected matter would lie on the two heavy lines. The matter would not be moving along the heavy lines, but nearly at right angles to them, in the directions that the lighter curves are pointing. As the ejections would not be continuous, but on the contrary intermittent, because of violent pulsations of the Sun's body, there would be irregularities in the two spiral streamers. The materials drawn out of the Sun would revolve around it in elliptic orbits after the disturbing body had passed beyond the distance of effective disturbance, as illustrated in Fig. 29. The orbits of the different masses would have different sizes and different eccentricities. There would also be a wide distribution of finely-divided material between the main branches of the spiral. All of the widespread gaseous matter, hot when it left the Sun, would soon become cold, by expansion and radiation; and only the massive nuclei would remain gaseous and hot.

I see no reason to question the efficiency of this ingenious explanation of the origin of a spiral nebula: the close passage of two massive stars could, in my opinion, produce an effect resembling a spiral nebula, quite in accordance with Moulton's test calculations upon the subject. Some of the spirals have possibly been formed in this way (see Fig. 30); but that the tens of thousands of spirals known to exist in the sky have actually been produced in this manner is another question, and one which, in my opinion, is open to grave doubt. But to this point we shall return later.

There are marked advantages in starting the evolution of the solar system from a spiral nebula, aside from the fact that spirals are abundant, and therefore represent a standard product of development. The material is thinly and very irregularly distributed in a plane passing through the Sun, and the motions around the Sun are all in the same direction. The great difficulty in the Laplace hypothesis, as to the constancy of the moment of momentum, is here eliminated. There are well-defined condensations of nuclei at quite different distances from the Sun. According to this hypothesis the principal nuclei are the beginnings of the future planets. They draw into themselves the materials with which they come in contact by virtue of the crossings of the orbits of various sizes and various eccentricities. The growth of the planets is gradual, for the sweeping up and combining process must be excessively slow. The satellites are started from those smaller nuclei which happen to be moving with just the right speeds not to escape entirely the attractions of the principal nuclei, nor to fall into them. The planes of the planetary orbits and, in general, the planes of the satellite orbits should agree quite closely with each other, but they could differ and should differ from that of the Sun's equator.

The authors call attention to the fact that the Sun's equator is inclined at a small angle, 7 degrees, to the common planes of the planetary system, and Chamberlin holds this to be one of the strong points in favor of the planetesimal hypothesis. He reasons thus: the star which passed close to our Sun and drew out the planetary materials in the form of spiral streams must have moved in the plane of the spiral; that is, in the plane of our planetary system. Some of the materials would be drawn out from our Sun only a very short distance and then fall back upon the Sun. Great tidal waves would be formed on opposite sides of the Sun, and these would try to follow the disturbing body. The effect of these waves and of the materials which fall back would be to change the Sun's original rotation plane in the direction of the disturbing body's orbital plane.

Now the chance for a disturbing star's passing around our Sun in a plane making a large angle, say from 45 degrees to 90 degrees, with the Sun's equator, is much greater than for a small angle 0 degrees to 45 degrees. The chances are greatest that the angle will be 90 degrees. Only those disturbing stars which approach our Sun PRECISELY in the plane of the Sun's equator could move around the Sun in this plane. All those approaching along any line parallel to the Sun's equatorial plane, but lying outside of this plane, and all those whose directions of approach make any angle whatever with the equatorial plane, would find it impossible to move in that plane. That the angle under this hypothesis is only 7 degrees is surprising, though, as we are dealing with but a single case, we can not say, I think, that this militates either for or against the hypothesis. We are entitled to say only that unless the approach was so close as to cause disturbances in our Sun to relatively great depths, the angle referred to would have only one chance in ten or fifteen or twenty to be as small as 7 degrees. Any disturbance which succeeded in taking out of the Sun only 1/7 of 1 per cent. of its mass could scarcely succeed in shifting the axis of rotation of the remaining 99 6/7 per cent. very much, I think. If the angle were 30 degrees or 50 degrees or 80 degrees, instead of 7 degrees, the case for the planetesimal hypothesis would be somewhat stronger.

A remarkable fact concerning the Sun is that the equatorial region rotates once around in a shorter time than the regions in higher latitudes require. The rotation period of the Sun's equator is about 24 days; the period at latitude 45 degrees is 28 days; and at 75 degrees, 33 days. The planetesimal hypothesis attributes this equatorial acceleration to the falling back into the Sun of the materials which had been lifted out to a short distance by the disturbing body, and to the forward-rushing tide raised in the equatorial regions by the disturbing body. This may well have occurred. However, we must remember that the same phenomenon exists certainly in Jupiter and Saturn, and quite probably in Uranus and Neptune; that is, in all the bodies in the system that are gaseous and free to show the effect. It seems to be the result of a principle which has operated throughout the solar system, not requiring, at least not directly requiring, the passage of a disturbing star. I think the most plausible explanation of this curious phenomenon is that great quantities of materials originally revolving around the Sun and around each of the planets have gradually been drawn into these bodies, by preference into their equatorial areas. Such masses of matter moving in orbits very close to these bodies must have traveled with speeds vastly higher than the surface speeds of the bodies. To illustrate, the rotational velocity of a particle now in the Sun's surface at the equator is approximately 2 km. per second. A small body revolving around the Sun close to his surface, rapidly enough to prevent its falling quickly upon the Sun, must have a velocity of more than 400 km. per second. If, now, this small body encounters some resistance it will fall into the Sun, and as it is traveling more than 200 times as rapidly as the solar materials into which it drops, it will both generate heat and accelerate the rotational velocity of the surrounding materials. In the same way the equatorial accelerations in Jupiter and Saturn can receive simple explanation. The point is not necessarily in opposition to the planetesimal hypothesis; but whatever the explanation, it ought to apply to the planet as well as to the Sun.

If the spiral nebulae have been formed in accordance with Chamberlin and Moulton's hypothesis, the secondary nuclei in them must revolve in a great variety of elliptic orbits. The orbits would intersect, and in the course of long ages the separate masses would collide and combine and the number of separate masses would constantly grow smaller. Moulton has shown that IN GENERAL the combining of two masses whose orbits intersect causes the combined mass to move in an orbit more nearly circular than the average orbit of the separate masses, and in general in orbit planes more nearly coincident with the general plane of the system. Accordingly, the major planets should move in orbits more nearly circular and more nearly in the plane of the system than do the asteroids; and so they do. If the asteroids should combine to form one planet the orbit of this planet should be much less eccentric than the average of all the present asteroid eccentricities, and the deviation of its orbit plane should be less than the average deviation of the present planes. We can not doubt that this would be the case. Mercury and Mars, the smallest planets, should have, according to this principle, the largest eccentricities and orbital inclinations of any of the major planets. This is true of the eccentricities, but Mars's orbit plane, contrarily, has a small inclination. Venus and the Earth, next in size, should have the next largest inclinations and eccentricities, but they do not; Venus's eccentricity is the smallest of all. The Earth's orbital inclination and eccentricity are both small. Jupiter and Saturn, Uranus and Neptune, should have the smallest orbital inclinations; their average inclination is about the same as for Venus and the Earth. They should likewise have the smallest eccentricities. Neptune, the smallest of the four, has an orbit nearly circular; Jupiter, Saturn and Uranus have eccentricities more than 4 times those of Venus and the Earth. Considering the four large planets as one group and the four small planets as another group, we find that the inclinations of the orbits of the two groups, per unit mass, are about equal; but the average eccentricity of the orbits of the large planets, per unit mass, is 21 times that of the orbits of the small planets.[1] The evidence, except as to the asteroids and Mercury, is not favorable to the planetesimal hypothesis, unless we make special assumptions as to the distribution of materials in the spiral nebulae.

[2] The average eccentricity of the orbits of the four inner planets (per unit mass) is 0.0221, and of the four outer planets is 0.0489.



The fact that the disturbing body drew 225 times as much matter a great distance to form the four large planets as it drew out a short distance to form the four small planets and the asteroids seems difficult of explanation on the planetesimal hypothesis. However, this distribution of matter is at present a difficulty in any of the hypotheses. The planetesimal hypothesis explains well all west to east rotations of the planets on their axes, but to make Uranus rotate nearly at right angles to the plane of the system, and Neptune in a plane inclined 135 degrees to the plane of the system, is a difficulty in any of the hypotheses, unless special assumptions are made to fit each case.

The authors succeed well, I think, in showing that the satellites should prefer to revolve around their planets in the direction of the planetary revolution and rotation, especially for close satellites, and, on the basis of special assumptions, in the reverse direction for satellites at a greater distance. They show that the chances favor small eccentricities for satellites revolving about their planets in the west to east, or direct sense, and large eccentricities for satellites moving in retrograde directions. The inner satellite of Mars and the rings of Saturn make no special difficulty under the planetesimal hypothesis.

The evidence of the comets, as bona fide members of the solar system which approach the Sun almost, and perhaps quite, indifferently from all directions, is that the volume of space occupied by the parent structure of the system was of enormous dimensions, both at right angles to the present principal plane of the system and in that plane. We are accustomed to think of the spiral nebulae as thin relatively to their major diameters. To this extent the planetesimal hypothesis does not furnish a good explanation of the origin of comets, unless we assume that a small amount of matter was widely scattered in all directions around the parent spiral; and this conception leads to some apparent difficulties. The origin of the comets is difficult to explain under any of the hypotheses.

RESUME OF HYPOTHESES

Kant's hypothesis had the great defect of trying to prove too much. It started from matter AT REST, and came to grief in trying to give a motion of rotation to the entire mass through the operation of internal forces alone—an impossibility. Kant's idea of nuclei or centers of gravitational attraction, scattered here and there throughout the chaotic mass, which grew into the planets and their satellites, is very valuable.

Laplace's hypothesis had the great advantage of starting with an extended mass already in rotation, but it violated fatally the law of constancy of moment of momentum. We should expect this hypothesis to create a solar system free from irregularities, very much as if it were the product of an instrument-maker's precision lathe. The solar system as it exists is a combination of regularities and many surprising irregularities.

Chamberlin and Moulton's hypothesis has the advantage of a parent mass in rotation, practically in a common plane, and with the materials distributed at distances from the nucleus as nearly in harmony with the known distribution of matter in the solar system as we care to have them, except perhaps as to the comets. In effect it retains all the advantageous qualities of Kant's proposals. It seems to have the flexibility required in meeting the irregularities that we see in our system.

CONCERNING THE ORIGIN OF SPIRAL NEBULAE

I think it is very doubtful whether the spiral nebulae have in general been formed by the close approaches of pairs of stars, as the authors have postulated for the assumed solar spiral.[2] The distribution of the spirals seems to me to negative the idea. To witness the close approach of two stars we must look in the direction where the stars are. To the best of present-day knowledge the stars are in a spheroid whose longer axes are coincident with the plane of the Milky Way. If this is so, the close approach of pairs of stars should occur preeminently in the Milky Way, and we should find the spirals prevailingly in and near the Milky Way. This is precisely where we do not find them. In fact, they seem to abhor the Milky Way. The new stars, which are credibly explained as the products of collisions of stars with nebulae, are found preeminently in the Milky Way and almost negligibly in the regions outside of the Milky Way. Again, the spirals are believed to be, on the whole, of enormous size. They are too far away to let us measure their distances by the usual methods, and they move too slowly on the surface of the sphere to have let us determine their proper motions. Slipher's recent work with a spectrograph seems to show that the dozen spirals observed by him are moving with high speeds of approach and recession; from 300 km. per second approach in the case of the Andromeda nebula to 1,100 km. per second recession in the case of several objects. If the spirals are moving at random their speeds at right angles to the line of sight must be even greater than their speeds of approach and recession. Unless they are very distant bodies their proper motions should be detected by observations extending over only a few years. My colleague Curtis has this year compared recent photographs of some 25 spirals with photographs of the same object made by Keeler fifteen years ago. They reveal no appreciable proper motions, or rotations. In this same interval Neptune has revolved more than 30 degrees. Slipher has recently measured the rotational speed of one "spindle" nebula, believed to be a spiral. He finds it to be enormously rapid; no motions in the solar system approach it in magnitude. The evidence is to the effect that the spirals are in general very far away;[3] perhaps on or beyond the confines of our stellar system, but not certainly so. Accordingly, we are led to believe that the spirals studied thus far have diameters 20 times or 100 times, or in some cases several thousand times, the diameter of our solar system. It is difficult to avoid the conclusion that in general they are immensely more massive than is our solar system. The spiral which has been assumed as the forerunner of our system must have been of diminutive size as compared with the larger and brighter spirals which we see to-day.

[2] It would seem that all rotating nebulae should in reality possess some of the attributes of spiral motion. Whether the spiral structure should be visible or invisible to a terrestrial observer would depend upon the sizes and distances of the nebulae, upon the distribution of materials composing them, and perhaps upon other factors. See developed the hypothesis that spiral nebulae owe their origin to the collision of two nebulae. Collisions of this kind could readily occur because of the enormous dimensions of the nebulae, and motions of rotation and consequently spiral structure might readily result therefrom. The abnormally high speeds of the spiral nebulae are apparently a very strong objection to the hypothesis.

[3] Bohlin found a parallax of 0"17 for the Andromeda Nebula, and Lampland thinks that Nebula N.G.G. 4594 has a proper motion of approximately 0"05 per annum.



We are sadly in need of information concerning the constitution of the spiral nebulae. Their spectra appear to be prevailingly of the solar type, except that a very small proportion contain some bright lines in addition to the continuous spectrum. So far as their spectra are concerned, they may be great clusters of stars, or they may consist each of a central star sending its light out upon surrounding dark materials and thus rendering these materials visible to us. The first alternative is unsatisfactory, for all parts of spirals have hazy borders, as if the structure is nebulous or consists of irregular groups of small masses; and the second alternative is unsatisfactory, for in many spirals the most outlying masses seem to be as bright as masses of the same areas situated only one half as far from the center, whereas in general the inner area should be at least four times as bright as the outer area. All astronomers are ready to confess that we do not know much about the conditions existing in spiral nebulae.

THE EARTH-MOON SYSTEM

Our Earth and Moon form a unique combination in that they are more nearly of the same size than are any other planet and its satellites in our system. It required a 26-inch telescope on the Earth to discover the tiny moons of Mars; but an astronomer on Mars does not need any telescope to see the Earth and Moon as a double planet—the only double planet in the solar system.

According to the Kantian school of hypotheses the Earth and Moon owe their unique character to the accident that two centers of condensation—two nuclei—not very unequal in mass, were formed close to each other and were endowed with or acquired motions such that they revolved around each other. They drew in the surrounding materials; one of the two bodies got somewhat the advantage of the other in gravitational attraction; it succeeded in building itself up more than the other nucleus did; and the Earth and the Moon were the result.

According to the Laplacean hypothesis, on the contrary, the Earth and Moon were originally one body, gaseous and in rotation. This ball of gas radiated heat, diminished in size, rotated more and more rapidly, and finally abandoned a ring of nebulosity, which later broke up and eventually condensed into one mass called the Moon. The central mass composed the Earth. It is a curious fact that Venus, which is only a shade smaller than the Earth, should not have divided into two bodies comparable with the Earth and Moon. Have the tides on Venus produced by the Sun always been strong enough to keep the rotation and revolution periods equal, as they are thought to be now, and thus to have given no opportunity for a rapidly rotating Venus to divide into two masses?

A third hypothesis of the Moon's origin is due principally to Darwin. He and Poincare have shown that a great rotating mass of fluid matter, such as the Earth-Moon could be assumed to have been, by cooling, contracting and increasing rotation speed, would, under certain conditions thought to be reasonable, become unstable and eventually divide into two bodies revolving around their common center of mass, at first with their surfaces nearly in contact. Here would begin to act a tide-raising force which must have played, according to Darwin's deductions, a most important part in the further history of the Earth and Moon. The Earth would produce enormous tides in the Moon, and the Moon much smaller tides in the Earth. Both bodies would contract in size, through loss of heat, and would try to rotate more and more rapidly. The two rotating bodies would try to carry the matter in the tidal waves around with the rest of the materials in the bodies, but the pull of each body upon the wave materials in the other would tend to slow down the speed of rotation. The tidal resistance to rotation would be slight if the bodies at any time were attenuated gaseous masses, for the friction within the surface strata would be slight. Nevertheless, there would eventually be a gradual slowing down of the Moon's rotation, a gradual slowing down of the Earth's rotation, and a slow increase in the distance between the two bodies. In other words, the Moon's day, the Earth's day and our month would gradually increase in length. Carried to its logical conclusion, the Moon would eventually turn the same face to the Earth, the Earth would eventually turn the same face to the Moon, and the Earth's day and the Moon's day would equal the month in length. The central idea in this logic is as old as Kant: in 1754 he published an important paper in which he said that tidal interactions between Earth and Moon had caused the Moon to keep the same face turned toward us, that the Earth's day was being very slowly lengthened, and that our planet would eventually turn the same face to the Moon. Laplace, a half-century later, proposed the action of such a force in connection with the explanation of lunar phenomena, and Helmholtz, just 100 years after Kant's paper was published, lent his support to this principle; but Sir George Darwin has been the great contributor to the subject. His popular volume, "The Tides," devotes several chapters to the effects of tidal friction upon the motions of two bodies in mutual revolution. We must pass over the difficult and complicated intermediate steps to Darwin's conclusions concerning the Earth and Moon, which are substantially as follows: the Earth and Moon were originally much closer together than they now are: after a very long period of time, amounting to hundreds of millions of years, the Moon will revolve around the Earth in 55 days instead of in 27 days as at present; and the Moon and Earth will then present the same faces constantly to each other. The estimated period of time required, and the final length of day and month, 55 days, are of course not insisted upon as accurate by Darwin.

These tidal forces were unavoidably active, it matters not if the Earth and Moon were originally one body, as Laplace and Darwin have postulated, or originally two bodies, growing up from two nuclei, in accordance with the Kantian school. Whether these forces have been sufficiently strong to have brought the Earth and Moon to their present relation, or will eventually equalize the Moon's day, the Earth's day, and the month, is a vastly more difficult question. Moulton's researches have cast serious doubt upon this conclusion. All such investigations are enormously difficult, and many questionable assumptions must be made if we seek to go back to the Moon's origin, or forward to its ultimate destiny.

Tidal waves, in order to be effective in reducing the rotational speed of a planet, must be accompanied by internal friction; and this requires that the planet be to some extent inelastic. It was the view of Darwin and others that the viscous state of the Earth and Moon permitted wave friction to come into play. Michelson has recently proved that the Earth has a high degree of elasticity. It deforms in response to tidal forces, but quickly recovers from the action of these forces. It therefore seems that the rate of tidal evolution of the Earth-Moon system at present and in the future must be extremely slow, and possibly almost negligible. What the conditions within the Earth and Moon were in the distant past is uncertain, but these bodies probably passed through viscous stages which endured through enormously long periods of time. No one seriously doubts that Jupiter, Saturn, Uranus and Neptune are now largely gaseous, and that they will evolve, through various degrees of viscosity, into the solid and comparatively elastic state. It is natural to assume that the Earth has already passed through an analogous experience.

The Moon turns always the same hemisphere toward the Earth. Observations of Venus and Mercury are prevailingly to the effect that those planets always turn the same hemispheres toward the Sun. Many, and perhaps all, of the satellites of Jupiter and Saturn seem to turn the same hemispheres always toward their respective planets. This widely prevailing phenomenon is no doubt due to a widely prevailing cause, which astronomers have all but unanimously attributed to tidal action.

BINARY STAR SYSTEMS

That an original mass actually divided to form the Earth and Moon, according to the Laplacian or the Darwin-Poincare principle, seems to be extremely doubtful, especially on account of their diminutive sizes, and I greatly prefer to think that the Earth and Moon were built up from two nuclei; but that very much greater masses, masses larger on the average than our Sun, composing highly attenuated stars, have divided each into two masses to form many or most of our double stars, I firmly believe. The two component stars would in such a case at first revolve around each other with their surfaces almost or quite in contact. Tidal forces would very gradually cause the bodies to move in orbits of larger and larger size, with correspondingly longer periods of revolutions, and the orbits would become constantly more eccentric. While these processes were under way the component bodies would be radiating heat and growing smaller, and their spectra would be changing into the more advanced types. We can not hope to watch such changes as they occur, but we can, I think, find abundant illustrations of these processes in the double stars. I have given reasons for believing that one star in every two and one half, as a minimum proportion, is not the single star which it appears to be to the eye or in the telescope, but is a system of two or more suns in mutual revolution. The formation of double stars, therefore, is not a sporadic process: it is one of the straightforward results of the evolutionary process.

Some of the variable stars offer strong evidence as to the early life of the double stars. The so-called beta Lyrae variables vary continuously in brightness, as if they consist in each case of two stars so close together that their surfaces are actually in contact in some pairs and nearly in contact in others, so that from our point of view the two stars mutually eclipse each other. When the two stars are in line with us we have minimum brightness. When they have moved a quarter-revolution farther, and the line joining them is at right angles to our line of sight, so to speak, we have maximum brightness. In every known case the beta Lyrae pairs of stars have spectra of the very early types. Some of them even contain bright lines in their spectra. The densities of these great stars are known to be exceedingly low, in some cases much lower on the average than that of the atmosphere which we breathe.

About 80 Algol variable stars are known. These are double stars whose light is constant except during the short time when one of the components in each system passes between us and the other component. All double stars would be Algol variables if we were exactly in the planes of their orbits. That so few Algols have been observed amongst the tens of thousands of double stars, is easily explained. The two component stars in the few known Algol systems are so great in diameter, in proportion to the size of their orbits, that eclipses are observable throughout a wide volume of space, and the eclipses are of long duration relatively to the revolution period. Their densities are, so far as we have been able to determine them, on an average less than 1/10th of the Sun's density. Let us note well that their spectra, so far as we have been able to determine them, are of the early types; mostly helium and hydrogen stars, and a very few of the Class F, intermediate between the hydrogen and solar stars. There are no known Algols of the Classes G, K, and M: these stars are very condensed and therefore small in size, as compared with stars of Classes B and A; and the components of double stars of these classes are on the average much denser and therefore smaller in size than the components in Classes B and A double stars; the components are much farther apart in Classes G to M doubles than in Classes B and A doubles; and for these reasons eclipses in Classes G to M doubles occur but rarely for observers scattered throughout space. It is difficult to avoid the conclusion that the components of double stars separate more and more widely with the progress of time. The conclusions which we have earlier drawn from visual double stars are in full harmony with the argument.

It is agreed by all, I think, that tidal action has been responsible for at least a part of the separation of the Earth and Moon, for at least a part of the gradual separation of the components of double stars, and for at least a part of the eccentricity of their orbits. See's investigations of 25 years ago led him to the conclusion that this force is sufficient to account for all the observed separation of the components of double stars, and for the well-known high eccentricities of their orbits. In recent years Moulton and Russell have seriously questioned the sufficiency of this force to account for the major part of the separation and eccentricity in the double star systems. I think, however, that if the tidal force is not competent to account for the observed facts as described, some other separating force or forces must be found to supply the deficiency.

THE FORMATION OF THE EARTH

Does the condition of the Earth's interior give evidence on the question of its origin? There are certain important facts which bear upon the problem.

1. The evidence supplied by the volcanoes, by the hot springs, and by the rise in temperature as we go down in all deep mines, is unmistakably to the effect that there is an immense quantity of heat in the Earth's interior. Near the surface the temperature increases at the average of 1 degrees Centigrade for every 30 meters of depth. If this rate were maintained we should at 60 km. in depth arrive at a temperature high enough to melt platinum, the most refractory of the known metals. What the law of temperature-increase at great depths is we do not know, but the temperature of the Earth's deep interior must be very high.

2. The pressures in the Earth increase from zero at the surface to the order of 3,000,000 atmospheric pressures at the center. We know that rock structure, or iron or other metals, can be slightly compressed by pressure, but the experiments at very high pressures, notably those conducted by Bridgman, give no indications that matter under such pressures breaks down and obeys different or unknown laws. It should be said, however, that laboratory pressure-effects alone are not a safe guide as to conditions within the Earth, where high pressures are accompanied by high temperature. Unfortunately it has not been found possible to combine the high-temperature factor with the high-pressure factor in the laboratory experiments. It is well known that the melting points of metals, including rocks, increase with increase of pressure; and although the temperatures in the Earth's interior are very high, it is easy to conceive that the materials of the Earth's interior are nevertheless in the solid state, or that they act like solids, because of the high pressures to which they are subjected.

3. The specific gravity of the entire Earth is 5.5 on the scale of water as one, whereas the density of the stratified rocks averages only 2.75; that is, the stratified rocks have but one half the density of the Earth as a whole. The basaltic rocks underlying the stratified attain occasionally the density 3.1, and perhaps a little higher. It follows absolutely that the density of the materials of the Earth's interior must be considerably in excess of 5.5. If the interior is composed chiefly of substances which are plentiful in the Earth's surface strata, our choice of materials which principally compose the interior is reduced to a few elements, notably the denser ones.

4. The observed phenomena of terrestrial precession can not be explained on the basis of an Earth with a thin solid surface shell and a liquid interior, for the attractions of the Moon and Sun upon the Earth's equatorial protuberance would cause the surface shell to shift over the fluid interior, instead of swinging the entire Earth.

5. If the Earth consisted of a thin solid shell upon a liquid interior there would be tides in the liquid interior, the crust would yield to these tides almost as if it were composed of rubber, and the ocean tides would be only an insignificant amount larger than the land tides. As a result we should not see the ocean tides; their visibility depends upon the contrast between the ocean tides and the land tides. If the Earth were absolutely unyielding from surface to center the ocean tides would be relatively 50 per cent. higher than we now see them. The conclusion from these facts is that the Earth yields to the tidal forces a little less than if it were a solid ball of steel, supposing that the well-known rigidity and density existed from surface to center of the ball. This result is established by Darwin's and Schweydar's studies of ocean tides, by studies of the tides in the Earth's surface strata made by Hecker, Paschwitz and others, and by Michelson's recent extremely accurate comparison of land and water tides. Michelson's results establish further that the Earth is highly elastic: though distortion is resisted, there is yielding, but the original form is recovered quickly, almost as quickly as a perfectly elastic body would recover.

6. Some 25 years ago it was discovered by Kustner that the latitudes of points on the Earth's surface are changing slowly. Chandler proved that these variations pass through their principal cycle in a period of 427 days. The entire Earth oscillates slightly in this period. The earlier researches of Euler had shown that the Earth would have a natural oscillation period of 305 days provided it were an absolutely rigid body. Newcomb showed that the period of oscillation would be 441 days if the Earth had the rigidity of steel. As the observed oscillation requires 427 days, Newcomb concluded that the Earth is slightly more rigid than steel.

7. The first waves from a very distant earthquake come to us directly through the Earth. The observed speeds of transmission are the greater, in general, the more nearly the earthquake origin is exactly on the opposite side of the Earth from the observer; that is, the speeds of transmission are greater the nearer the center of the Earth the waves pass. Now, we know that the speeds are functions of the rigidity and density of the materials traversed. The observed speeds require for their explanation, so far as we can now see, that the rigidity of the Earth's central volume be much greater than that of steel, and the rigidity of the Earth's outer strata considerably less than that of steel. Wiechert has shown that a core of radius 4,900 km. whose rigidity is somewhat greater than that of steel and whose average density is 8.3, overlaid by an outer stony shell of thickness 1,500 km. and average density 3.2, would satisfy the observed facts as to the average density of the Earth, as to the speeds of earthquake waves, as to the flattening of the Earth,—assuming the concentric strata to be homogeneous in themselves,—and as to the relative strengths of gravity at the Poles and at the Equator. The dividing line, 1,500 km. below the surface—1,600 km. would be just one fourth of the way from the surface to the center—places a little over half the volume in the outer shell and a little less than half in the core. Wiechert did not mean that there must be a sudden change of density at the depth of 1,500 km., with uniform density 8.3 below that surface and uniform density 3.2 above that surface. The change of density is probably fairly continuous. It was necessary in such a preliminary investigation to simplify the assumptions. The observational data are not yet sufficiently accurate to let us say what the law of increase in density and rigidity is as we pass from the surface to the center.

8. The phenomena of terrestrial magnetism indicate that the distribution of magnetic materials in the Earth is far from uniform or symmetrical; the magnetic poles are distant from the Earth's poles of rotation; the magnetic poles are not opposite each other; the lines of equal intensity as to all the magnetic components involved run very irregularly over the Earth's surface. There is reason to believe that iron in the deep interior of the Earth, in view of its high temperature, is devoid of magnetic properties, but we must not state this as a fact. We know that iron is very widely, but very irregularly spread throughout the Earth's outer strata. Whatever may be the main factors in making the Earth a great magnet, to whatever extent the rotation factor may be important, the Earth's magnetic properties point strongly to a very irregular distribution of magnetic materials in the outer strata where the temperatures are below that at which magnetic materials commonly lose their polarity.

9. Irregularities in the direction of the plumb-line and in the force of gravity as observed widely and accurately over the Earth's surface indicate that the surface strata are very irregular as to density. To harmonize the observed facts Hayford has shown the need of assuming that the heterogeneous conditions extend down to a depth of 122 km. from the surface. Below that level the Earth's concentric strata seem to be of approximately uniform densities.

10. The radio active elements have been found by Strutt and others in practically all kinds of rock accessible to the geologists, but they are not found in significant quantities in the so-called metals which exist in a pure state. These radioactive elements are liberating heat. Strutt has shown that if they existed down to the Earth's center in the same proportion that he finds in the surface strata they would liberate a great deal more heat than the body of the Earth is now radiating to outer space. The conclusion is that they are restricted to the strata relatively near the Earth's surface, and are not in combination with the materials composing the Earth's core. They have apparently found some way of coming to the higher levels. Chamberlin suggests that as they liberate heat they would raise surrounding materials to temperatures above the normals for their strata, and that these expanded materials would embrace every opportunity to approach the surface of the Earth, carrying the radioactive substances with them.

The evidence is exceedingly strong, and perhaps irresistible, to the effect that the Earth is now solid, or acts like a solid, from surface to center, with possibly local, but on the whole negligible, pockets of molten matter here and there; and further, that the Earth existed in a molten, or at the least a thickly plastic, state throughout a long part of its life. The nucleus, whether gaseous or meteoric, from which I believe it has grown, may have been fairly hot or quite cold, and the materials which were successively drawn into the nucleus may have been hot or cold: heat would be generated by the impacts of the incoming materials; and as the attraction toward the center of the mass became strong, additional heat would be generated in the contraction process. The denser materials have been able, on the whole, to gravitate to the center of the structure, and the lighter elements have been able, on the whole, to rise to and float upon the surface very much as the lighter impurities in an iron furnace find their way to the surface and form the slag upon the molten metal. The lighter materials which in general form the surface strata are solid under the conditions of solids known to us in every-day life. The interior is solid or at least acts as a solid, because the materials, though at high temperatures, are under stupendous pressures. If the pressures were removed the deep-lying materials would quickly liquefy, and probably even vaporize.

If the Earth grew from a small nucleus to its present size by the extremely gradual drawing-in of innumerable small masses in its neighborhood, the process would always be slow; much slower at first when the small nucleus had low gravitating powers, more rapid when the body was of good size and the store of materials to draw upon plentiful,and gradually slower and slower as the supply of building materials was depleted. Meteoric matter still falls upon and builds up the Earth, but at so slow a rate as to increase the Earth's diameter an inch only after the passage of hundreds of millions of years. If the Earth grew in this manner, the growth may now be said to be essentially complete, through the substantial exhaustion of the supply of materials.

Whether the Earth of its present size was ever completely liquefied, that is, from center to surface, at one and the same time, is doubtful. The lack of homogeneity, as indicated by the plumb-line, gravity, terrestrial magnetism and radiaoctive matter, extending in a perceptible degree down to 122 km., and quite probably in lesser and imperceptible degree to a much greater depth, is opposed to the idea.

Solidification would respond to the fall of temperature down to the point required under the existing high pressures, and it is probable that the solidification began at the center and proceeded outwards. It is natural that the plastic state should have developed and existed especially during the age of most rapid growth, for this would be the age of most rapid generation of heat. Later, while the rate of growth was declining, the body could probably have solidified slowly and successively from center out to surface. In later slow depositions of materials, the denser substance would not be able to sink down to the deepest strata: they must lie within a limited depth and horizontal distance from where they fell, and the outer stratum of the Earth would be heterogeneous in density.

The simplest hypothesis we can make concerning the Earth's deep interior is that the chief ingredient is iron; perhaps a full half of the volume is iron. The normal density of iron is 7.8, and of rock formations about 2.8. If these are mixed, half and half, the average density is 5.3. Pressures in the Earth should increase the density and the heat in the Earth should decrease the density. The known density of the Earth is 5.5. We know that iron is plentiful in the Earth's crust, and that iron is still falling upon the Earth in the form of meteorites. The composition of the Earth as a whole, on this assumption, is very similar to the composition of the meteorites in general. They include many of the metals, but especially iron, and they include a large proportion of stony matter. Iron is plentiful in the Sun and throughout the stellar universe. Why should it not be equally plentiful in the materials which have coalesced to form the Earth? It is difficult to explain the Earth's constitution on any other hypothesis.

The Earth's form is that which its rotation period demands. Undoubtedly if the period has changed, the form has changed. Given a little time, solids under great pressure flow quite readily into new forms. Now any great slowing-down of the Earth's rotation period within geological times would be expected to show in the surface features. The strata should have wrinkled, so to speak, in the equatorial regions and stretched in the polar regions, if the Earth changed from a spheroid that was considerably flatter than it now is, to its present form. Mountains, as evidence of the folding of the rock strata, should exist in profusion in the torrid zone, and be scarce in or absent from the higher latitudes of the Earth. Such differential effects do not exist, and it seems to follow that changes in the Earth's rotation period and in its form could have been only slight while the stratification of our rocks was in progress.

Geologists estimate from the deposition of salt in the oceans, and from the rates of denudation and sedimentation, that the formation of the rock strata has consumed from 60,000,000 to 100,000,000 years. If the Earth had substantially its present form 80,000,000 years ago we are safe in saying that the period of time represented in the building up of the Earth from a small nucleus to its present dimensions has been vastly longer, probably reckoned in the thousands of millions of years.

For more than a century past the problem of the evolution of the stars, including the solar system and the Earth, has occupied the central place in astronomical thought. No one is bold enough to say that the problem has been solved. The chief difficulty proceeds from the fact that we have only one Earth, one solar system and one stellar system available for tests of the hypotheses proposed; we should like to test them on many systems, but this privilege is denied us. However, the search for the truth will undoubtedly proceed at an ever increasing pace, partly because of man's desire to know the truth, but chiefly, as Lessing suggested, because the investigator finds an irresistible satisfaction in the process. There is always with him the certainty that the truth is going to be incomparably stranger and more interesting than fiction.



A METRICAL TRAGEDY

BY DR. JOS. V. COLLINS

STEVENS POINT, WIS.

THE war in Europe has opened up a large field of trade in South America. Three things especially stand in the way of its development, viz., the absence of a proper credit system, the failure to make goods of the kind demanded and third, the use of our antiquated system of weights and measures, all the South American countries employing the metric system. Of these three obstructing influences, the first two are in a fair way to be obviated soon; not so the last.

It is the use by our modern progressive country of an ancient system of weights and measures which it is here proposed to discuss and show up as an absurdity. Our present system is organized and set forth in arithmetics under some fifteen so-called "tables." These tables are all different and there is no uniformity in any one table. Only one unit suggests convenience in reductions, viz., hundredweight. It is easy to reduce from pounds to hundredweight and vice versa. Some fifty ratio numbers have to be memorized or calculated from other memorized numbers to make the common needed reductions. History shows that ancient Babylonia had tables superior to those now in use, and ancient Britain a decimal scale which was crowded out by our present system.

The metric system of weights and measures was developed in France about 1800 and has come to be employed over all the civilized world except in the United States, Great Britain and Russia. The system was legalized in the United States in 1866 but not made mandatory and here we are fifty years later using the old system, with most of the civilized world looking on us with more or less scorn because of our belatedness.

In this age everywhere the cry is efficiency, always more efficiency. Ten thousand improvements and labor-saving devices are introduced every day. But here is an improvement and labor-saving device which would affect the life of every person in the land and in many instances greatly affect such persons' lives, and yet almost no one really knows anything about the matter.

So let us now consider the good points in the metric system (each implying corresponding elements of great weakness in the common system), and then study briefly what stands in the way of its adoption in this country. These good points are:

First, the metric units have uniform self-defining names (cent, mill, meter and five more out of the eleven terms used already familiar to us in English words), are always the same in all lands, known everywhere, and fixed with scientific accuracy.

Second, every REDUCTION is made almost instantaneously by merely moving the decimal point. There are no reductions performed by multiplying by 1,728 or 5,280, etc., or dividing by 5 1/2, 30 1/4 or 31 1/2, etc., and hence there is A GREAT SAVING in the labor and time of making necessary calculations.

Third, there are but FIVE tables in the metric system proper, these taking the place of from twelve to fifteen in our system (or lack of it). These are linear, square, cubic, capacity and weight.

Fourth, any one table is about as easy to learn as our United States money table, and after one is learned, it is much easier to learn the others, since the same prefixes with the same meanings are used in all.

Fifth, the weights of all objects are either known directly from their size, or can be very quickly found from their specific gravities.

Sixth, the subject is made so much easier for children in school that a conservative expert estimate of the saving is two thirds of a year in a child's school life. The rule in this country is eight years of arithmetic, the arithmetic occupying about one fourth of the child's activity. With metric arithmetic substituted for ours, what it now takes two years to prepare for, could be easily done in 1 1/3 years. This involves an enormous waste of money and energy every twelvemonth.

Seventh, only ONE set of measures and ONE set of weights are needed to measure and weigh everything, and ONE set of machines to make things for the world's use. There would be no duplication of costly machinery to enter the foreign trade field, thus securing enormous saving. It is well known that the United States and Great Britain have lost a vast amount of foreign commerce in competition with Germany and France, because of their non-use of the metric units. Britain realizes this and is greatly concerned over the situation.

Eighth, every ordinary practical problem can be solved conveniently on an adding machine. Our adding machines are used almost solely for United States money problems.

Ninth, no valuable time is lost in making reductions from common to metric units, or vice versa, either by ourselves or foreigners. To make our sizes in manufactured goods concrete to them foreign customers have to reduce our measures to theirs and this is a weariness to the flesh.

Tenth, the metric system is wonderfully simple. All the tables with a rule to make all possible reductions can be put on a postal card.[1]

[1] See article by the writer in Education (Boston), Dec., 1894.



The metric weights and measures constitute a SCIENTIFIC SYSTEM; our weights and measures are a DISORGANIZATION. Naturally one can expect a GREAT SAVING OF TIME, THOUGHT AND LABOR from the use of a system, and this is the fact. If one dared introduce ordinary arithmetical problems into an article like this, it would be easy to show by examples how a person has to be something of a master of common fractions in order to solve in our system common every-day problems, whereas in the metric system nearly everything is done very simply with decimals. In our system a mechanic after making a complicated calculation with common fractions is as likely as not to get his result in sixths, or ninths, etc., of an inch, whereas his rule reads to eighths, or sixteenths, and he must reduce his sixths, or ninths, to eighths, or sixteenths, before he can measure off his result. In the metric system results always come out in units of the scale used. The metric system measures to millimeters or to a unit a trifle larger than a thirty-second of an inch. In our system one is likely to avoid sixteenths or thirty-seconds on account of the labor of calculation. Then, besides, the amount of figuring is so much less in the metric system. Take the case of a certain problem to find the cubical contents of a box. Our solution calls for 80 figures and the metric for 35, and this is a typical case, not one specially selected. Thus, metric calculations, while only from one third to two thirds as long, are likely to be two or three times as accurate, are far easier to understand, and the results can be immediately measured off. Hence, we waste time in these four ways. Shakespeare in Hamlet says: "Thus conscience does make cowards of us all." In like vein it might be said: Thus custom (in weights and measures) doth make April fools of us all. It is no exaggeration to say that counting grown-ups solving actual problems and children solving problems in school we are sent on much more than a billion such April fool errands round Robin Hood's barn every year.