XXIV. When this was reported to Mithridates he was amazed, and it is said that he remarked to his friends—what terms, then, will Sertorius impose when he is seated on the Palatium,[162] if now, when he is driven to the shores of the Atlantic, he fixes limits to our kingdom, and threatens us with war if we make any attempt upon Asia? However, a treaty was made, and ratified by oath, on the following terms: Mithridates[163] was to have Cappadocia and Bithynia, and Sertorius was to send him a general and soldiers; and Sertorius was to receive from Mithridates three thousand talents, and forty ships. Sertorius sent as general to Asia Marcus Marius, one of the Senators who had fled to him; and Mithridates, after assisting him to take some of the Asiatic cities,[164] followed Marius as he entered them with the fasces and axes, voluntarily taking the second place and the character of an inferior. Marius restored some of the cities to liberty, and he wrote to others to announce to them their freedom from taxation through the power of Sertorius; so that Asia, which was much troubled by the Publicani,[165] and oppressed by the rapacity and insolence of the soldiers quartered there, was again raised on the wings of hope, and longed for the expected change of masters.

XXV. In Iberia, the senators and nobles about Sertorius, as soon as they were put into a condition to hope that they were a match for the opposite party, and their fears were over, began to feel envious, and had a foolish jealousy of the power of Sertorius. Perpenna encouraged this feeling, being urged by the empty pride of high birth to aspire to the supreme command, and he secretly held treasonable language to those who were favourable to his designs. "What evil daemon," he would say, "has got hold of us, and carried us from bad to worse—us who did not brook to stay at home and do the bidding of Sulla, though in a manner he was lord of all the earth and sea at once, but coming here with ill luck, in order to live free, have voluntarily become slaves by making ourselves the guards of Sertorius in his exile, and while we are called a senate, a name jeered at by all who hear it, we submit to insults, and orders, and sufferings as great as the Iberians and Lusitanians endure." Their minds filled with such suggestions as these, the majority did not, indeed, openly desert Sertorius, for they feared his power, but they secretly damaged all his measures, and they oppressed the barbarians by severe treatment and exactions, on the pretext that it was by the order of Sertorius. This caused revolts and disturbances in the cities; and those who were sent to settle and pacify these outbreaks returned after causing more wars, and increasing the existing insubordination; so that Sertorius, contrary to his former moderation and mildness, did a grievous wrong to the sons of the Iberians, who were educating at Osca,[166] by putting some to death, and selling others as slaves.

XXVI. Now Perpenna, having got several to join him in his conspiracy, gained over Manlius, one of those who were in command. This Manlius was much attached to a beautiful boy, and to give the youth a proof of his attachment he told him of the design, and urged him not to care for his other lovers; but to give his affections to him alone, as he would be a great man in a few days. The youth reported what Manlius said to Aufidius, another of his lovers, to whom he was more attached. On hearing this, Aufidius was startled, for he was engaged in the conspiracy against Sertorius, but he did not know that Manlius was a party to it. But when the youth named Perpenna and Graecinus,[167] and some others whom Aufidius knew to be in the conspiracy, he was confounded, yet he made light of the story to the youth, and told him to despise Manlius for a lying braggart; but he went to Perpenna, and, showing him the critical state of affairs, and the danger, urged him to the deed. The conspirators followed his advice, and having engaged a man to bring letters they introduced him to Sertorius. The letters gave information of a victory gained by one of the generals, and a great slaughter of the enemy. Upon this Sertorius was overjoyed, and offered a sacrifice for the happy tidings; and Perpenna proposed to feast him and his friends (and they were of the number of the conspirators), and after much entreaty he prevailed on Sertorius to come. Now whenever Sertorius was present, an entertainment was conducted with great propriety and decorum; for he would not tolerate any indecent act or expression, but accustomed his companions to enjoy mirth and merriment with orderly behaviour, and without any excess; but, on this occasion, in the midst of the feast, seeking to begin a quarrel, they openly used obscene language, and, pretending to be drunk, behaved indecently, for the purpose of irritating Sertorius. Whether it was that he was vexed at this disorderly conduct, or had now suspected their design by the flagging of the conversation[168] and their unusual contemptuous manner towards him, he changed his posture on the couch by throwing himself on his back, as if he was paying no attention to them, and not listening. On Perpenna taking a cup of wine, and in the middle of the draught throwing it from him and so making a noise, which was the signal agreed on, Antonius, who lay next to Sertorius, struck him with his sword. On receiving the blow, Sertorius turned himself, and at the same time attempted to rise, but Antonius, throwing himself upon his chest, held his hands, and he was despatched by blows from many of the conspirators, without even making any resistance.

XXVII.[169] Now most of the Iberians immediately sent ambassadors to Pompeius and Metellus, to make their submission; those who remained Perpenna took under his command, and attempted to do something. After employing the means that Sertorius had got together, just so far as to disgrace himself, and show that he was not suited either to command or to obey, he engaged with Pompeius. Being quickly crushed by him and taken prisoner, he did not behave himself even in this extremity as a commander should do; but having got possession of the papers of Sertorius, he offered to Pompeius to show him autograph letters from consular men and persons of the highest influence at Rome, in which Sertorius was invited to Italy, and was assured that there were many who were desirous to change the present settlement of affairs, and to alter the constitution. Now Pompeius, by behaving on this occasion, not like a young man, but one whose understanding was well formed and disciplined, relieved Rome from great dangers and revolutions. He got together all those letters, and all the papers of Sertorius, and burnt them, without either reading them himself or letting any one else read them; and he immediately put Perpenna to death, through fear that there might be defection and disturbance if the names were communicated to others. Of the fellow-conspirators of Perpenna, some were brought to Pompeius, and put to death; and others, who fled to Libya, were pierced by the Moorish spears. Not one escaped, except Aufidius, the rival of Manlius, and this happened, either because he escaped notice, or nobody took any trouble about him, and he lived to old age, in some barbarian village, in poverty and contempt.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 101: If this is obscure, the fault is Plutarch's. His word for Fortune is [Greek: tuche] which he has often used in the Life of Sulla. The word for Spontaneity is [Greek: to automaton], the Self-moved. The word for Elemental things is [Greek: ta hupokeimena] . The word [Greek: hupokeimenon] is used by Aristotle to signify both the thing of which something is predicated, the Subject of grammarians, and for the Substance, which is as it were the substratum on which actions operate. Aristotle (Metaphys. vi. vii. 3) says "Essence ([Greek: ousia]) or Being is predicated, if not in many ways, in four at least; for the formal cause ([Greek: to ti en einai]), and the universal, and genus appear to be the essence of everything; and the fourth of these is the Substance ([Greek: to hupokeimenon]). And the Substance is that of which the rest are predicated, but it is not predicated of any other thing. And Essence seems to be especially the first Substance; and such, in a manner, matter ([Greek: hule]) is said to be; and in another manner, form; and in a third, that which is from these. And I mean by matter ([Greek: hule]), copper, for instance; and by form, the figure of the idea; and by that which is from them, the statue in the whole," &c. I have translated [Greek: to ti en einai] by "formal cause," as Thomas Taylor has done, and according to the explanation of Trendelenburg, in his edition of Aristotle On the Soul, i. 1, Sec. 2. It is not my business to explain Aristotle, but to give some clue to the meaning of Plutarch.

The word "accidentally" ([Greek: kata tuchen]) is opposed to "forethought" ([Greek: pronoia]), "design," "providence." How Plutarch conceived Fortune, I do not know; nor do I know what Fortune and Chance mean in any language. But the nature of the contrast which he intends is sufficiently clear for his purpose.]

[Footnote 102: As to Attes, as Pausanias (vii. 17) names him, his history is given by Pausanias. There appears to be some confusion in his story. Herodotus (i. 36) has a story of an Atys, a son of Croesus, who was killed while hunting a wild boar; and Adonis, the favourite of Venus, was killed by a wild boar. It is not known who this Arcadian Atteus was.

Actaeon saw Diana naked while she was bathing, and was turned by her into a deer and devoured by his dogs. (Apollodorus, Biblioth. iii. 4; Ovidius, Metamorph. iii. 155.) The story of the other Actaeon is told by Plutarch (Amator. Narrationes, c. 2).]

[Footnote 103: The elder Africanus, P. Cornelius Scipio, who defeated Hannibal B.C. 202, and the younger Africanus, the adopted son of the son of the elder Africanus, who took Carthage B.C. 146. See Life of Tib. Gracchus, c. 1, Notes.]

[Footnote 104: Ios, a small island of the Grecian Archipelago, now Nio, is mentioned among the places where Homer was buried. The name Ios resembles that of the Greek word for violet, ([Greek: ion]). Smyrna, one of the members of the Ionian confederation, is mentioned among the birth places of Homer. It was an accident that the name of the town Smyrna was the same as the name for myrrh, Smyrna ([Greek: smurne] ),x which was not a Greek word. Herodotus (iii. 112) says that it was the Arabians who procured myrrh.]

[Footnote 105: This Philippus was the father of Alexander the Great. He is said to have lost an eye from a wound by an arrow at the siege of Pydna Antigonus, one of the generals of Alexander, was named Cyclops, or the one-eyed. He accompanied Alexander in his Asiatic expedition, and in the division of the empire after Alexander's death he obtained a share and by his vigour and abilities he made himself the most powerful of the successors of Alexander. It is said that Apelles, who painted the portrait of Antigonus, placed him in profile in order to hide the defect of the one eye. Antigonus closed his long career at the battle of Ipsus B.C. 301, where he was defeated and killed. He was then eighty-one years of age.]

[Footnote 106: Plutarch's form is Annibas. I may have sometimes written it Hannibal. Thus we have Anno and Hanno. I don't know which is the true form. [I prefer to write it Hannibal.—A.S.]]

[Footnote 107: Plutarch has written the Life of Eumenes, whom he contrasts with Sertorius. Eumenes was one of the generals of Alexander who accompanied him to Asia. After Alexander's death, he obtained for his government a part of Asia Minor bordering on the Euxine, and extending as far east as Trapezus. The rest of his life is full of adventure. He fell into the hands of Antigonus B.C. 315, who put him to death.]

[Footnote 108: Nursia was in the country of the Sabini among the Apennines, and near the source of the Nar. It is now Norcia. The MSS. of Plutarch have Nussa.]

[Footnote 109: The date is B.C. 105. See the Life of Marius, c. 10, and Notes.]

[Footnote 110: Titus Didius and Q. Caecilius Metellus Nepos were consuls B.C. 98. In B.C. 97 Didius was in Spain as Proconsul, and fought against the Celtiberi. Gellius (ii. 27) quotes a passage from the Historiae of Sallustius, in which mention is made of Sertorius serving under Didius in Spain, and the character of Sertorius is given pretty nearly in the terms of Plutarch, who may have used Sallustius as one of his authorities. Didius is mentioned by Cicero, Pro Cn. Plancio, c. 25; and by Frontinus, i. 8. 5; ii. 10. 1; and by Appian (Iberica, c. 99). The passage in the text should be translated, "he was sent out under Didius as commander, and wintered in Iberia, in Castlo," &c. Plutarch has used the word [Greek: strategos], which means praetor; but to make the statement correct, we must translate it Proconsul, or commander. See Life of Crassus, c. 4, Notes.]

[Footnote 111: Castlo, Castalo, or Castulo, is placed on the north bank of the Baetis, the Guadalquivir.]

[Footnote 112: See the Life of Marius, c. 32, Notes. The events that are briefly alluded to at the end of this chapter are described in the Lives of Marius and Sulla. The battle in the Forum is spoken of in the Life of Marius, c. 41.]

[Footnote 113: The same story is told in the Life of Marius, c. 44, where it is stated that Cinna and Sertorius combined to put these scoundrels out of the way; but the number that were massacred is not stated there.]

[Footnote 114: Compare the Life of Marius, c. 45, and of Sulla, c. 28, &c. Cinna was murdered by his soldiers two years after the death of Marius, and in his fourth consulship, B.C. 84. The younger Marius was Consul in B.C. 82, with Cn. Papirius Carbo for his colleague. This was Carbo's third consulship. According to Plutarch, Sertorius left Italy after the younger Marius was consul, and therefore not earlier than B.C. 82, unless we understand the passage in Plutarch as referring to the election of Marius, and not to the commencement of his consulship. Appian (Civil Wars, i. 86) places the departure of Sertorius in the year B.C. 83.]

[Footnote 115: Sertorius had not been Consul, and therefore he was not now Proconsul. It is true that a man, who had not been Consul, might receive the government of a Province with the title of Proconsul. (See c. 7.) Sertorius may have assumed the title.]

[Footnote 116: If Sertorius stayed at Rome till the younger Marius was elected Consul, as Plutarch states in the sixth chapter, he probably saw what he is here represented as hearing.]

[Footnote 117: This Annius, surnamed Luscus, served under Q. Metellus in the Jugurthine War B.C. 107. (Sallust, Jug. War, c. 77.) Sulla gave him the command in Spain with the title of Proconsul B.C. 81. An extant medal seems to have been struck in honour of his Proconsulship. (Eckhel, Doct. Num. Vet. v. 134.)]

[Footnote 118: This town, which the Romans called Nova Carthago, was built by the Carthaginians at the close of the first Punic War B.C. 235, and so long as they kept possession of Spain it was their chief city. Livius (26. c. 42), describes the situation of New Carthage, now Cartagena, and one of the best harbours in Spain. Its position on the S.E. coast is favourable for communication with Africa.]

[Footnote 119: The maritime towns of Cilicia were for a long time the resort of a bold set of seamen and adventurers who scoured the Mediterranean and were as formidable to the people of Italy as the Barbary Corsairs were in the middle ages. It was one of the great merits of Cn. Pompeius Magnus that he cleared the seas of these scoundrels. See Lucullus, c. 37.]

[Footnote 120: The two islands of Yvica or Ibica and Formentera, which belong to the Balearic group, were sometimes comprehended under the name of the Pityussae or the Pine Islands (Strabo, 167, ed. Casaub.). The Greeks and Romans called Yvica, Ebusus. Ivica is hilly, and the high tracts are well covered with pine and fir.]

[Footnote 121: This is the old name of the Straits of Gibraltar, which is still retained in the modern form Cadiz. Gadeira, which the Romans called Gades, was an old Phoenician town, on the island of Leon, where Cadiz now stands. Strabo (p. 168, ed. Casaub.) says that Gades in his time (the beginning of the reign of Tiberius) was not inferior in population to any city except Rome, and was a place of great trade, as it is now.]

[Footnote 122: This river, now the Guadalquivir, gave the name of Baetica to one of the three provinces into which the Spanish Peninsula was ultimately divided by the Romans for the purposes of administration.]

[Footnote 123: This was the name for so much of the ocean that washes the west coast of Europe and Africa as the Greeks and Romans were acquainted with. The Greeks and Romans had no name for the Mediterranean.]

[Footnote 124: The only islands in the Atlantic that correspond to this description are Madeira and Porto Santo, but Porto Santo is forty miles north-east of Madeira. The distance of Madeira from the coast of Africa is about 400 miles or about 4000 stadia. The climate of Madeira is very temperate: the thermometer seldom sinks below 60 deg., though it sometimes rises as high as 90 deg. of Fahrenheit. On the high and mountainous parts there are heavy dews, and rain falls at all seasons. Owing to the variety of surface and elevation the island produces both tropical products and those of temperate countries. The fame of this happy region had spread to all parts of the ancient world, though we cannot safely conclude that the islands were known by report to Homer. Horace in his 16th Epode is probably alluding to these islands when he is speaking of the Civil Wars and of flying from their horrors in those beautiful lines:

Nos manet Oceanus circumvagus; arva beata Petamus arva divites et insulas, &c.

]

[Footnote 125: The passage is in the fourth book of the 'Odyssey,' v. 563, and is quoted by Strabo (p. 31):

And there in sooth man's life is easiest; Nor snow, nor raging storm, nor rain is there, But ever gently breathing gales of zephyr Oceanus sends up.

Strabo in another passage expresses an opinion that the Elysian fields were in the southern parts of Spain. That would at least be a good place for them.]

[Footnote 126: This region is the Mauritania of the Roman Geographers, the modern Marocco, and the town of Tigennis is the Roman Tingis, the modern Tangier, which is on the Atlantic coast of Africa, south-south-east of Gades. The circumstance of Tingis being attacked shows that the African campaign of Sertorius was in the north-western part of Marocco. Strabo mentions Tinga (p. 825). See also Plin. H.N. v. 1.]

[Footnote 127: The story of this giant is in the mythographers. Tumuli are found in many parts of the old and new world, and it seems probable that they were all memorials to the dead. The only surprising thing in this story is the size of the body; which each man may explain in his own way. There are various records in antient writers of enormous bones being found. Those found at Tegea under a smithy, which were supposed to be the bones of Orestes, were seven cubits long (Herodotus, i. 68), little more than the ninth part of the dimensions of Antaeus: but Antaeus was a giant and Orestes was not. See Strabo's remarks on this story (p. 829).]

[Footnote 128: See Life of Sulla, c. 17. I am not sure that I have given the right meaning of this passage. Plutarch may mean to say that he has said so much on this matter in honour of Juba.]

[Footnote 129: I have translated this passage literally and kept the word daemon, which is the best way of enabling the reader to judge of the meaning; of the text. If the word "daemon" is here translated "fortune," it may mislead. A like construction to the words [Greek: to daimoni summetabalein to ethos] occurs in the Life of Lucullus, c. 39. The meaning of the whole passage must be considered with reference to the sense of daemon, which is explained in the notes of the Life of Sulla, c. 6.]

[Footnote 130: The Lusitani occupied a part of the modern kingdom of Portugal.]

[Footnote 131: This story of the deer is told by Frontinus (Stratagem, i. 11, 13), and by Gellius (xv. 22).]

[Footnote 132: He was of the Aurelia Gens.]

[Footnote 133: Is a small town on the coast, east of the mouth of the Baetis (Guadalquivir) and near the Straits of Gibraltar. The channel must be the Straits of Gibraltar.]

[Footnote 134: This is undoubtedly the right name, though it is corrupted in the MSS. See the various readings in Sintenis, and Sulla (c. 31), to which he refers. However, the corrupt readings of some MSS. clearly show what the true reading is.]

[Footnote 135: Sintenis reads Domitius Calvisius. But it should be Calvinus: Calvinus was a cognomen of the Domitii. (See Livius, Epitome, lib. 90.) The person who is meant is L. Domitius Ahenobarbus. He fell in this battle on the Guadiana, where he was defeated by Hirtuleius. (Drumann, Geschichte Roms, Ahenobarbi, 19.)]

[Footnote 136: That is the province which the Romans called Tarraconensis, from the town of Tarraco, Tarragona. The Tarraconensis was the north-eastern part of the Spanish peninsula. The true name of Thoranius is Thorius.]

[Footnote 137: This was Q. Metellus Pius, the son of Numidicus, who was banished through the artifices of C. Marius. (Life of Marius, c. 7, &c.) He was Proconsul in Spain from B.C. 78 to 72, and was sent there in consequence of the success of Sertorius against Cotta and Fufidius.]

[Footnote 138: Some critics read Lucius Lollius. See the various readings in Sintenis: his name was L. Manilius.]

[Footnote 139: I should rather have translated it "Gaul about Narbo." Plutarch means the Roman Province in Gaul, which was called Narbonensis, from the town of Narbo Martius.]

[Footnote 140: Commonly called Pompey the Great, whose name occurs in the Lives of Sulla, Lucullus, and Crassus. Plutarch has written his Life at length.]

[Footnote 141: Probably the philosopher and pupil of Aristotle.]

[Footnote 142: Some writers would connect this name of a people with Langobriga, the name of a place. There were two places of the name, it is said, and one is placed near the mouth of the Douro. It is useless to attempt to fix the position of the Langobritae from what Plutarch has said.]

[Footnote 143: Or Aquinus or Aquilius. Cornelius Aquinus was his name.]

[Footnote 144: Osca was a town in the north-east of Spain, probably Huesca in Aragon. Mannert observes that this school must have greatly contributed to fix the Latin language in Spain. Spain however already contained Roman settlers, and at a later period it contained numerous Roman colonies: in fact the Peninsula was completely Romanized, of which the Spanish language and the establishment of the Roman Law in Spain are the still existing evidence. The short-lived school of Sertorius could not have done much towards fixing the Latin language in Spain.]

[Footnote 145: The Bulla was of a round form. See the copy of one from the British Museum in Smith's 'Dict. of Greek and Roman Antiquities.' Kaltwasser refers to Plutarch's Life of Romulus, c. 20, and his 'Roman Questions,' Part 3, in which he explains what the Bulla is.]

[Footnote 146: The Greek word [Greek: kataspeisis] signifies a "pouring out." Kaltwasser refers to a passage in Caesar's 'Gallic War,' iii. 22, in which he speaks of the "devoted" (devoti), whom the Aquitani called Soldurii. As the Aquitani bordered on the Pyrenees, it is not surprising that the like usage prevailed among them and the Iberians.]

[Footnote 147: The orthography is Perperna, as is proved by inscriptions. M. Perperna, the grandfather of this Perperna, was consul B.C. 130. (see Life of Tib. Gracchus, c. 20, Notes.) The son of M. Perperna also was consul B.C. 92: he did not die till B.C. 49, and consequently survived his son, this Perperna of Plutarch. Perperna Vento had been praetor. He associated himself with Lepidus after the death of Sulla, and was like M. Lepidus driven from Rome (Life of Sulla, c. 34, Notes).]

[Footnote 148: This is the Ebro, which the Romans called Iberus, the large river which flows in a south-east direction and enters the Mediterranean.

It seems that Plutarch here means the nations between the Ebro and the Pyrenees, or the modern Aragon, Navarre, and Catalonia.]

[Footnote 149: The story is told by Frontinus, Stratagemata, i. 10, as Kaltwasser observes, and again, in iv. 7, in the very same words. It has been often remarked that Horatius probably alludes to this story (ii. Epist. I, 45).]

[Footnote 150: The Tagonius is either the Tagus (Tajo), or a branch of that large river, on the banks of which the Carpetani are placed by geographers, who also mark Caraca, a position on the Henares, a branch of the Tagus. If Caraca represents the country of the Charicatani, the Tagonius is the Nares or Henares, on which stood Complutum, the modern Alcala de Henarea. But all this is merely conjecture.]

[Footnote 151: Lauron is placed near the coast, and near the outlet of the Sucro river, the modern Xucar. There was also a town Sucro near the mouth of the Sucro. Appian (Civil Wars, i. 109) says that when the city was captured, a soldier attempted violence on a woman ([Greek: para phusin]), who tore out his eyes with her fingers. Sertorius, who knew that the whole cohort was addicted to infamous practices, put them all to death though they were Romans. Frontinus (Stratagem. ii. 5) has a long account of this affair at Lauron, for which he quotes Livius, who says that Pompeius lost ten thousand men and all his baggage.

Pompeius began his Spanish campaign B.C. 76.]

[Footnote 152: These names are very uncertain in Plutarch. Tuttia may be the Turia, now the Guadalaviar, the river of Valencia, the outlet of which is about twenty-five miles north of the outlet of the Sucro. Other readings are Duria and Dusia (see the notes of Sintenis). If these rivers are properly identified, this campaign was carried on in the plains of the kingdom of Valencia. Tutia is mentioned by Florus (iii. 22) as one of the Spanish towns which surrendered to Pompeius after the death of Sertorius and Perperna.

Kaltwasser refers to Frontinus, who speaks of one Hirtuleius, or Herculeius in some editions, as a general of Sertorius who was defeated by Metellus (Stratagem, ii. 1). In another passage (ii. 7) Frontinus states that Sertorius during a battle being informed by a native that Hirtuleius hod fallen, stabbed the man that he might not carry the news to others, and so dispirit his soldiers. Plutarch (Life of Pompeius c. 18) states that Pompeius defeated Herennius and Perperna near Valentia, and killed above ten thousand of their men. This is apparently the same battle that Plutarch is here speaking of.]

[Footnote 153: See the Life of Pompeius, c. 19; and Appian (Civil Wars, i. 110), who states that the battle took place near the town of Suero (which would be the more correct translation of the text of Plutarch), and that the wing which Perperna commanded was defeated by Metellus.]

[Footnote 154: This L. Afranius is the man whom Cicero calls "Auli filius" (Ad Attic, i. 16), by which he meant that he was of obscure origin. He was consul with Q. Metellus Celer B.C. 60. Afranius and Petreius commanded for Pompeius in Spain B.C. 49, but C. Julius Caesar compelled them to surrender, and pardoned them on the condition that they should not again serve against him. Afranius broke his promise and again joined Pompeius. He was in the battle of Thapsus in Africa B.C. 46, and after the defeat he attempted to escape into Mauritania, but was caught and given up to Caesar, and shortly afterwards put to death by the soldiers.]

[Footnote 155: Appian (Civil Wars, i. 110) has the same story about the dear being found.]

[Footnote 156: Seguntum, or Saguntia, as it is written in Appian (i. 110). It is not certain what place is meant. Some critics would read "in the plains of the Saguntini," by which might be meant the neighbourhood of Saguntum, a town on the east coast between the mouths of the Ebro and the Xucar, which was taken by Hannibal in the second Punic War (Liv. 21, c. 15). The maps place a Segontia on the Tagonius, another on the Salo (Xalon), a branch of the Ebro, and a Saguntia in the country of the Vaccaei on the northern branch of the Douro. Pompeius in his letter to the Senate speaks of the capture of the camp of Sertorius near Sucro, his defeat on the Durius, and the capture of Valentia. If the Durius be the Douro, this Segontia may be one of the towns called Segontia in the north-west of Spain. But the Durius may be the Turia, the river of Valentia, and Segontia may be Saguntum. The fact of Pompeius wintering among the Vaccaei is perhaps in favour of a north-west Segontia; but still I think that Saguntum was the battle-field. This battle is mentioned by Appian (Civil Wars, i. 110), who says that Pompeius lost six thousand men, but that Metellus defeated Perperua, who lost about five thousand men.]

[Footnote 157: The Vaccaei occupied part of the country immediately north of the Durius (Douro); but the limits cannot be accurately defined.]

[Footnote 158: Compare the Life of Lucullus, c. 5, and the Life of Crassus, c. 11. The letter of Pompeius to the Senate is in the third book of the Fragments of the Roman History of Sallustius. The letter concludes with the following words, which Plutarch had apparently read: "Ego non rem familiarem modo, verum etiam fidem consumpsi. Reliqui vos estis, qui nisi subvenitis, invito et praedicente me, exercitus hinc et cum eo omne bellum Hispaniae in Italiam transgredientur."]

[Footnote 159: This appears to be the event which is described in the fragment of the Second Book of the History of Sallustius, which is preserved by Macrobius, Saturnalia, ii. 9, in the chapter "De Luxu."]

[Footnote 160: Compare the Life of Sulla, c. 11.]

[Footnote 161: See the Life of Sulla, c. 24.]

[Footnote 162: Kaltwasser quotes Reiske, who observes that Plutarch, who wrote under the Empire, expresses himself after the fashion of his age, when the Roman Caesars lived on the Palatine.]

[Footnote 163: The treaty with Mithridates was made B.C. 75. This Marius is mentioned in the Life of Lucullus, c. 8. Appian (Mithridatic War, c. 68) calls him Marcus Varius, and also states that Sertorius agreed to give Mithridates, Asia, Bithynia, Paphlagonia, Cappadocia, and Galatia. In the matter of Asia the narratives of Plutarch and Appian are directly opposed to one another.]

[Footnote 164: This may be literally rendered "Marcus Marius together with whom Mithridates having captured some of the Asiatic cities;" Kaltwasser renders it, "in connection with him (Marcus Marius) Mithrdates conquered some towns in Asia." But the context shows that Marcus Marius was to be considered the principal, and that the towns were not conquered in order to be given to Mithridates.]

[Footnote 165: Compare the Life of Lucullus, c. 20.]

[Footnote 166: Appian (Civil Wars, i. 112) does not mention this massacre of the Iberian boys; but he states that Sertorius had become odious to the Romans whom he now distrusted, and that he employed Iberians instead of the Romans as his body-guard. He also adds that the character of Sertorius was changed, that he gave himself up to wine and women, and was continually sustaining defeats. These circumstances and fear for his own life, according to Appian, led Perperna to conspire against Sertorius (i. 113).]

[Footnote 167: Perhaps Octavius Gracimus, as the name appears in Frontinus (Stratagem. ii. 5, 31).]

[Footnote 168: [Greek: te braduteti tes lalias.] The meaning of these words may be doubtful; but what I have given is perhaps consistent with the Greek and with the circumstances. There was some hesitation about beginning the attack, and the flagging of the conversation was a natural consequence.

Sertorius was murdered B.C. 72, in the consulship of L. Gellius Publicola and Cn. Cornelius Lentulus Clodianus, in the eighth year of his command in Spain. (Livius, Epitom. 96.) Accordingly this places the commencement of his command in B.C. 80; but he went to Spain in B.C. 82, or at the end of B.C. 83. See Notes on c. 6. Appian (Civil Wars, i. 114) states that when the will of Sertorius was opened it was discovered that he had placed Perperna among his heredes, a circumstance which throws doubt on the assertion of Appian that Perperna was afraid that Sertorius intended to take his life. Appian adds that when this was known, it created great enmity against Perperna among his followers.

Plutarch's estimate of Sertorius may be a favourable one; yet he does not omit to mention that act of his life which was most blamable, the massacre of the youths at Osca. From the slight indications in Frontinus, who found some material for his work on Military Stratagems in the campaigns of Sertorius, and from other passages, we may collect that, however mild the temper of Sertorius was, circumstances must often have compelled him to acts of severity and even cruelty. The difficulties of his position can only be estimated when we reflect on the nature of a campaign in many parts of Spain and the kind of soldiers he had under him. Promptitude and decision were among his characteristics; and in such a warfare promptitude and decision cannot be exercised at the time when alone they are of any use, if a man is swayed by any other considerations than those of prudence and necessity in the hour of danger. A general who could stab one of his own men in the heat of battle, to prevent him dispiriting the army by news of a loss, proved that his judgment was as clear as his determination was resolved.

Plutarch's narrative is of no value as a campaign, and his apology must be that he was not writing a campaign, but delineating a man's character. Drumann Geschichte Roms, Pompeius, p. 350, &c.) has attempted to give a connected history of this campaign against Sertorius, and he has probably done it as well as it can be done with such materials as we possess. The map of Antient Spain and Portugal published by the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge, will be useful for reading the sketch in Drumann. Plutarch had no good map, and, as already observed, he was not writing a campaign. Some modern historical writers, who have maps, seem to have made very little use of them; and their narrative of military transactions is often us confused as Plutarch's.

The nature of Guerilla warfare in Spain may be learned from the history of the Peninsular War. The difficulties of a campaign in Navarre and the Basque provinces are well shown in the campaigns of Zumalacarregui, the Carlist chief, a modern Sertorius, whose extraordinary career was cut short by a chance ball before the walls of Bilbao, in 1835. (Henningsen, The most striking Events of a Twelve-month's Campaign with Zumalacarregui, London, 1836.)]

[Footnote 169: Metellus marched to another part of Spain, and left Pompeius to deal with Perperna. According to Appian's narrative the decisive action between Pompeius and Perperna took place "on the tenth day," probably the tenth from the death of Sertorius. Pompeius would not see Perperna after he was taken, and prudently put him to death. "The death of Sertorius," says Appian, "was the end of the Spanish war, and it is probable that if Sertorius had lived, it would not have been terminated so soon, or so easily."]



LIFE OF EUMENES.

I. The historian Douris tells us that the father of Eumenes of Kardia was so poor that he was obliged to act as a waggoner; yet he gave his son a liberal education both in mental and bodily exercises. While Eumenes was yet a lad, Philip, King of Macedon, happened to come to the city of Kardia, where he amused his leisure time by witnessing the gymnastic exercises of the young men. Perceiving that Eumenes was one of the most athletic, and that he was a manly and clever boy, Philip took him away and attached him to his own person. A more probable story is that Philip gave the boy this advancement out of regard for his father, whose friend and guest he was. After the death of Philip, Eumenes continued in the service of his son Alexander, and was thought to be as wise and as faithful as any of that prince's servants. His position was nominally that of chief secretary, but he was treated with as much honour and respect as the king's most intimate friends, and was entrusted with an independent command during the Indian campaign. On the death of Hephaestion, Perdikkas was appointed to succeed him, and Eumenes was given the post of commander of the cavalry, vacated by Perdikkas. Upon this Neoptolemus, the chief of the men-at-arms, sneered at Eumenes, saying that he himself bore a spear and shield in Alexander's service, but that Eumenes bore a pen and writing-tablets. However the Macedonian chiefs laughed him to scorn, as they well knew the worth of Eumenes, and that he was so highly esteemed that Alexander himself had done him the honour to make him his kinsman by marriage. He bestowed upon him Barsine, the sister of that daughter of Artabazus by whom he himself had a son named Herakles, and gave her other sister Apame to Ptolemaeus at the time when he distributed the other Persian ladies among his followers.

II. Eumenes however was often in danger of incurring the displeasure of Alexander, because of his favourite Hephaestion. On one occasion a house was assigned to Evion, Hephaestion's flute-player, which the servants of Eumenes had previously claimed for their master's lodging. Hearing this, Eumenes went to Alexander in a rage, and complained that it was better to be a flute-player than a soldier. At first Alexander agreed with him, and blamed Hephaestion for his conduct. But afterwards he changed his mind, and attributed what Eumenes had done to a desire to insult himself, rather than to vindicate his rights against Hephaestion. At another time, when Alexander was about to despatch Nearchus with a fleet to explore the Atlantic, he asked his friends to subscribe some money, as he had none in his treasury. The sum for which Eumenes was asked was three hundred talents, of which he only paid one hundred, and said that he had had great difficulty in collecting even that amount. Alexander did not reproach him, nor take the money from him; but he ordered his slaves secretly to set the tent of Eumenes on fire, hoping when his property was brought out of it to prove him to have lied in saying that he possessed so little money. However the tent burned quicker than was expected, and Alexander was sorry that he had destroyed all the papers and writings which it contained. There was found in the ruins more than a thousand talents' worth of gold and silver, melted by the heat of the fire. Of this Alexander refused to take any, but sent orders to all the officers of his kingdom to replace the accounts and writings which had been destroyed. Once again too he quarrelled with Hephaestion about some present to which each laid claim. They each abused the other roundly, but Eumenes came off the victor. Shortly afterwards, however, Hephaestion died, to the great grief of Alexander, who was enraged with all those who had disliked Hephaestion when alive, and were pleased at his death. He regarded Eumenes with especial hatred, and frequently referred to his quarrels with Hephaestion. Eumenes, however, being a shrewd man, determined that what seemed likely to become his ruin should prove his salvation. He won Alexander's favour by inventing new and extravagant modes of showing honour to his friend, and spent money profusely in providing him with a splendid funeral.

III. When Alexander himself died, and the Macedonian army quarrelled with its chiefs, he in reality espoused the cause of the latter, although he declared that he belonged to neither party, modestly observing that it was not for him, a stranger, to interfere in the quarrels of Macedonians with one another. In the general division of Alexander's conquests which then took place, Eumenes obtained Cappadocia, Paphlagonia, and the coast of the Euxine sea as far as Trapezus.[170] This country was not yet conquered by the Macedonians, but was ruled by Ariarathes, and Leonnatus and Antigonus were requested by Perdikkas to come with a large army to put Eumenes in possession of his principality. Antigonus took no heed of this command, as he was already revolving immense schemes of conquest, and beginning to despise his colleagues. Leonnatus, however, did begin to march an army towards Phrygia, intending to help Eumenes, but on the way he was met by Hekataeus the despot of Kardia, who besought him to assist the Macedonians under Antipater, who were being besieged in the city of Lamia. Leonnatus on hearing this became eager to cross his army over the straits into Europe; and consequently he sent for Eumenes and reconciled him with Hekataeus. These two men had always been at enmity with one another on political grounds. Eumenes had often endeavoured to use his influence with Alexander to crush Hekataeus, and restore liberty to the oppressed citizens of Kardia, and never ceased accusing him of tyranny and injustice. On this occasion Eumenes refused to take part in the expedition into Europe, stating that he feared Antipater, who had always been his enemy, and who would be very likely to assassinate him to please Hekataeus. In answer to these objections Leonnatus unfolded to him his secret plans. His march to relieve Antipater was merely intended as a pretence to cover his real object, which was to attempt to make himself master of Macedonia. He also showed Eumenes several letters which he had received from Pella, in which Kleopatra offered to marry him if he would march thither. However Eumenes, either because he feared Antipater, or because he thought Leonnatus to be embarked upon a rash and crazy enterprise, left him by night, taking with him all his property. He was attended by three hundred horsemen, and two hundred armed slaves, and had with him treasure to the amount of five thousand talents. He fled at once to Perdikkas, and betrayed all Leonnatus's plans to him, by which treachery he gained great favour with Perdikkas, and soon afterwards was established in his government of Cappadocia by an army led by Perdikkas himself. Ariarathes was taken prisoner, the country subdued and Eumenes proclaimed satrap over it. He distributed the government of the various cities amongst his friends, established garrisons, courts of justice, and receivers of revenue, as an absolute ruler, without any interference from Perdikkas. But when Perdikkas left the country Eumenes followed him, as he did not wish to be away from the court of that prince.

IV. However, Perdikkas considered that he was well able to carry out his own designs abroad, but required an active and faithful lieutenant to guard what he already possessed at home. Consequently when he reached Cilicia he sent Eumenes back, nominally to his own government, but really to observe Armenia where Neoptolemus was endeavouring to raise a revolt. Eumenes had frequent interviews with this man, who was of a flighty and vainglorious character, and tried to restrain him from any act of open rebellion. Perceiving also that the Macedonian phalanx was grown very strong, and gave itself most insolent airs, he determined to raise up some counterpoise to it, in the shape of a force of cavalry.

He set free from all taxes and state payments whatever those men of his province who were able to serve as horse soldiers, and bestowed fine horses, purchased by himself, upon their officers and those whom he especially trusted. He divided them into regiments, frequently bestowed upon them honours and rewards, and constantly exercised them in the performance of military manoeuvres. Some of the Macedonians were alarmed, but others were delighted to see in how short a time he had raised a force of no less than six thousand three hundred cavalry soldiers.

V. When Kraterus and Antipater, having made themselves masters of Greece, crossed over into Asia to destroy the kingdom of Perdikkas, and were about to invade Cappadocia, Eumenes was appointed by Perdikkas, who was absent on a campaign against Ptolemy, to be commander-in-chief of the forces in Cappadocia and Armenia. He also sent letters, ordering Neoptolemus and Alketas to place themselves under the orders of Eumenes. Alketas at once refused to serve under him, alleging that the Macedonian troops which he commanded would be ashamed to fight against Antipater, and were willing to receive Kraterus as their king. Neoptolemus also no longer concealed the treachery which he had so long meditated, and when summoned by Eumenes to join him, answered by drawing up his men in order of battle. Now did Eumenes reap the fruits of his prudence and foresight; for though his infantry was vanquished, yet his cavalry completely overthrew Neoptolemus, and captured all his baggage. He also caught the phalanx of the enemy when disordered by its victory, and forced it to surrender at discretion, and swear allegiance to himself. Neoptolemus fled with a few followers and joined Kraterus and Antipater, by whom an embassy had been sent to Eumenes to offer him the peaceful enjoyment of his government if he would join them, and likewise a large accession of territory and force, on condition that he would cease to regard Antipater with dislike and would not become an enemy to his friend Kraterus. To these overtures Eumenes answered that he had long hated Antipater, and was not likely to begin to love him now, when he saw him making war against his own friends, but that he was willing to act as mediator between Kraterus and Perdikkas, if they wished to arrange a fair and honourable peace. He declared that as long as he had breath in his body he would resist all unjust schemes of spoliation, and would rather lose his life than betray the confidence bestowed upon him by Perdikkas.

VI. When Eumenes returned this answer to Antipater, he was deliberating what was the next step to take, when suddenly Neoptolemus arrived bringing the news of his defeat, and begging for immediate assistance. He wished one of the chiefs to accompany him, but especially Kraterus, declaring that he was so popular with the Macedonians that if they so much as caught sight of his broad-brimmed Macedonian hat, and heard his voice, they would go over to him in a body. Indeed the name of Kraterus had great influence with the Macedonians, and he was their favourite general now that Alexander was dead, for they remembered how steadfast a friend Kraterus had proved to them, and how he had often incurred the anger of Alexander by opposing his adoption of Persian habits, and standing by his countrymen when they were in danger of being neglected and despised by a corrupt and effeminate court. Kraterus accordingly sent Antipater into Cilicia, and himself with the greater part of the army marched with Neoptolemus to fight Eumenes, whom he imagined he should catch unawares, engaged in feasting and celebrating his late victory. It did not argue any very great skill in Eumenes, that he soon became aware of the march of Kraterus to attack him; but to conceal his own weak points, not only from the enemy, but also from his own troops, and actually to force them to attack Kraterus without knowing against whom they fought, appears to me to have been the act of a consummate general. He gave out that Neoptolemus and Pigres were about to attack him a second time, with some Cappadocian and Paphlagonian cavalry. On the night when he intended to start he fell asleep and dreamed a strange dream. He seemed to see two Alexanders, each at the head of a phalanx, preparing to fight one another. Then Athena came to help the one, and Demeter the other. After a hard fight, that championed by Athena was overcome, and then Demeter gathered ears of corn, and crowned the victorious phalanx with them. He at once conceived that this dream referred to himself because he was about to fight for a most fertile land and one that abounded in corn; for at that time the whole country was sown with wheat, as if it were time of peace, and the fields promised an abundant harvest. He was confirmed in his idea of the meaning of his dream when he heard that the watchword of the enemy was 'Athena,' with the countersign 'Alexander.' Hearing this, he himself gave the word 'Demeter,' with the countersign 'Alexander,' and ordered all his soldiers to crown themselves and adorn their arms with ears of wheat. He was often tempted to explain to his officers who it was against whom they were about to fight; but in spite of the inconvenience of such a secret, he decided finally to keep it to himself.

VII. He was careful not to send any Macedonians to attack Kraterus, but entrusted this duty to two divisions of cavalry, which he placed under the command respectively of Pharnabazus the son of Artabazus and Phoenix of Tenedos. These he ordered, as soon as they saw the enemy, to charge at full speed, and not to give them time for any parley, or to send a herald; for he was grievously afraid that if the Macedonians recognized Kraterus they would desert to him. He himself formed three hundred of the best of his cavalry into a compact mass with which he proceeded towards the right, to engage the detachment under Neoptolemus. The main body, as soon as it had passed a small hill, came in sight of the enemy and at once charged at full gallop. Kraterus at this broke out into violent abuse of Neoptolemus, saying that he had been deceived by him about the Macedonians who were to have deserted. However, he called upon those about him to quit them like men, and advanced to meet the horsemen.

The shock was terrible. Their spears were soon broken, and the fight was continued with swords. Kraterus proved no unworthy successor of Alexander, for he slew many and often rallied his troops, until a Thracian rode at him sideways and struck him from his horse. No one recognized him as he lay on the ground except Gorgias, one of the generals of Eumenes, who at once dismounted and kept guard over him, although he was grievously hurt and almost in the death-agony.

Meanwhile Eumenes encountered Neoptolemus. Each had a long-standing grudge against the other; but it chanced that in the first two charges which took place they did not see one another. The third time they recognized one another, and at once drew their daggers and rode together with loud shouts of defiance. With their reins flowing loose they drove their horses against one another like two triremes, and each clutched at the other as he passed, so that each tore the helmet from the other's head, and burst the fastenings of the corslet upon his shoulder. Both fell from their horses, and wrestled together in deadly strife on the ground. As Neoptolemus strove to rise, Eumenes struck him behind the knee, and leaped upon his own feet, but Neoptolemus rested upon his other knee, and continued the fight until he received a mortal stab in the neck. Eumenes through the mortal hate which he bore him at once fell to stripping him of his armour and abusing him, forgetting that he was still alive. He received a slight stab in the groin, but the wound frightened Eumenes more than it hurt him, as the hand that dealt it was almost powerless. Yet when Eumenes had finished despoiling the corpse he found that he was severely cut about the arms and thighs, in spite of which he remounted his horse, and rode to the other side of the battle-field, where he thought the enemy might still be offering resistance. Here he heard of the death of Kraterus, and rode up to where he lay. Finding that he was still alive and conscious, Eumenes dismounted, and with tears and protestations of friendship cursed Neoptolemus and lamented his hard fate, which had forced him either to kill his old friend and comrade or to perish at his hands.

VIII. This victory was won by Eumenes about ten days after his former one. He gained great glory from this double achievement, as he appeared to have won one battle by courage and the other by generalship. Yet he was bitterly disliked and hated both by his own men and by the enemy, because he, a stranger and a foreigner, had vanquished the most renowned of the Macedonians in fair fight. Now if Perdikkas had lived to hear of the death of Kraterus, he would have been the chief Macedonian of the age; but the news of his death reached the camp of Perdikkas two days after that prince had fallen in a skirmish with the Egyptians, and the enraged Macedonian soldiery vowed vengeance against Eumenes. Antigonus and Antipater at once declared war against him: and when they heard that Eumenes, passing by Mount Ida where the king[171] used to keep a breed of horses, took as many as he required and sent an account of his doing so to the Masters of the Horse, Antipater is said to have laughed and declared that he admired the wariness of Eumenes, who seemed to expect that he would be called upon to give an account of what he had done with the king's property. Eumenes had intended to fight a battle on the plains of Lydia near Sardis, because his chief strength lay in his cavalry, and also to let Kleopatra[172] see how powerful he was; but at her particular request, for she was afraid to give umbrage to Antipater, he marched into Upper Phrygia, and passed the winter in the city of Kelainae. While here, Alketas, Polemon, and Dokimus caballed against him, claiming the supreme command for themselves. Hereupon Eumenes quoted the proverb, "No one reflects that he who rules must die."

He now promised his soldiers that in three days he would give them their pay, and accomplished this by selling the various fortified villages and castles in the neighbourhood to them, all of which were full of human beings to sell for slaves, and of cattle. The officers who bought these places from Eumenes were supplied by him with siege-artillery to take them, and the proceeds of the plunder were set off against the arrears of pay due to the soldiers. This proceeding made Eumenes very popular with his army, indeed, when a proclamation was distributed in his camp by contrivance of the enemy, in which a reward of a hundred talents and special honours were offered to the man who would kill Eumenes, the Macedonians were greatly enraged, and determined that a body-guard of one thousand men, of the best families in Macedonia, should watch over his safety day and night. The soldiers obeyed him with alacrity and were proud to receive from his hands the same marks of favour which kings are wont to bestow upon their favourites. Eumenes even took upon himself to give away purple hats and cloaks, which is accounted the most royal present of all by the Macedonians.

IX. Success exalts even mean minds, and men always appear to have a certain dignity when in high station and power; but the truly great man proves his greatness more by the way in which he bears up against misfortunes and endures evil days, as did Eumenes. He was defeated by Antigonus in Southern Cappadocia by treachery, but when forced to retreat he did not allow the traitor who had betrayed him to make good his escape to Antigonus, but took him and hanged him on the spot. He managed to retreat by a different road to that on which the enemy were pursuing, and then suddenly turning about, encamped on the battle-field of the day before. Here he collected the dead bodies, burned them with the timber of the houses in the neighbouring villages, and raised separate barrows over the remains of the officers and the men—monuments of his hardihood and presence of mind which excited the admiration of Antigonus himself when he again passed that way. The two armies were still sometimes so near each other, that Eumenes once had an opportunity of making himself master of the whole of the enemy's baggage, which would have enriched his troops with an immense booty. He feared that the possession of such wealth would render them eager to quit his toilsome and perilous service, and sent secret warning under the pretext of private friendship to Menander, the general who had been left in charge of the baggage, and enabled him to withdraw into an unassailable position. This seemingly generous action excited the gratitude of the Macedonians, whose wives and children it had saved from slavery and dishonour, till Antigonus pointed out to them that Eumenes had spared them only that he might not encumber himself.[173] X. After this, Eumenes, who was being constantly pursued by a superior force, recommended the greater part of his men to return to their homes. This he did either because he was anxious for their safety, or because he did not wish to drag about with him a force which was too small to fight, and too large to move with swiftness and secrecy. He himself took refuge in the impregnable fortress of Nora, on the borders of Cappadocia and Lycaonia, with five hundred horse and two hundred foot soldiers, and dismissed from thence with kind speeches and embraces, all of his friends who wished to leave the fortress, dismayed by the prospect of the dreary imprisonment which awaited them during a long siege in such a place. Antigonus when he arrived summoned Eumenes to a conference before beginning the siege, to which he answered, that Antigonus had many friends and officers, while he had none remaining with him, so that unless Antigonus would give him hostages for his safety, he would not trust himself with him. Upon this Antigonus bade him remember that he was speaking to his superior. "While I can hold my sword," retorted Eumenes, "I acknowledge no man as my superior." However, after Antigonus had sent his cousin Ptolemaeus into the fortress, as Eumenes had demanded, he came down to meet Antigonus, whom he embraced in a friendly manner, as became men who had once been intimate friends and comrades. They talked for a long time, and Eumenes astonished all the assembly by his courage and spirit; for he did not ask for his life, and for peace, as they expected, but demanded to be reinstated in his government, and to have all the grants which he had received from Perdikkas restored to him. The Macedonians meanwhile flocked round him, eager to see what sort of man this Eumenes was, of whom they had heard so much; for since the death of Kraterus no one had been talked of so much as Eumenes in the Macedonian camp. Antigonus began to fear for his safety; he ordered them to keep at a distance, and at last throwing his arms round the waist of Eumenes conducted him back through a passage formed by his guards to the foot of the fortress.

XI. After this Antigonus invested the place with a double wall of circumvallation, left a force sufficient to guard it, and marched away. Eumenes was now closely besieged. There was plenty of water, corn, and salt in the fortress, but nothing else to eat or to drink. Yet he managed to render life cheerful, inviting all the garrison in turn to his own table, and entertaining his guests with agreeable and lively conversation. He himself was no sturdy warrior, worn with toil and hardships, but a figure of the most delicate symmetry, seemingly in all the freshness of youth, with a gentle and engaging aspect. He was no orator, but yet was fascinating in conversation, as we may partly learn from his letters. During this siege, as he perceived that the men, cooped up in such narrow limits and eating their food without exercise, would lose health, and also that the horses would lose condition if they never used their limbs, while it was most important that, if they were required for a sudden emergency, they should be able to gallop, he arranged the largest room in the fort, fourteen cubits in length, as a place of exercise for the men, and ordered them to walk there, gradually quickening their pace, so as to combine exercise with amusement. For the horses, he caused their necks to be hoisted by pulleys fastened in the roof of their stable, until their fore feet barely touched the ground. In this uneasy position they were excited by their grooms with blows and shouts until the struggle produced the effect of a hard ride, as they sprung about and stood almost erect upon their hind legs till the sweat poured off them, so that this exercise proved no bad training either for strength or speed. They were fed with bruised barley, as being more quickly and easily digested.

XII. After this siege had lasted for some time, Antigonus learned that Antipater had died in Macedonia, and that Kassander and Polysperchon were fighting for his inheritance. He now conceived great hopes of gaining the supreme power for himself, and desired to have Eumenes as his friend and assistant in effecting this great design. He sent Hieronymus of Kardia, a friend of Eumenes, to make terms with him. Hieronymus proffered a written agreement to Eumenes, which Eumenes amended, and thus appealed to the Macedonians who were besieging him to decide between the two forms, as to which was the most just. Antigonus for decency's sake had mentioned the names of the royal family of Macedonia in the beginning of his agreement, but at the end of it demanded that Eumenes should swear fealty to himself. Eumenes corrected this by inserting the names of Queen Olympias and all the royal family, and then took a solemn oath of fealty, not to Antigonus alone, but to Olympias and all the royal house of Macedonia. This form was thought more reasonable by the Macedonians, who swore Eumenes according to it, raised the siege, and sent to Antigonus that he also might swear in the same form as Eumenes. After this Eumenes delivered up all the Cappadocian hostages in Nora, soon collected a force of little less than a thousand men, from his old soldiers who were still roaming about that country, and rode off with them, as he very rightly distrusted Antigonus, who as soon as he heard of what had happened, sent orders to the Macedonians to continue the siege, and bitterly reproached them for allowing Eumenes to amend the form of oath tendered to him.

XIII. While Eumenes was retreating he received letters from the party in Macedonia opposed to Antigonus, in which Olympias begged him to come and take the son of Alexander, whose life was threatened, under his protection; while Polysperchon and Philip, the king, bade him take the command of the army in Cappadocia and make war against Antigonus, empowering him out of the treasure at Quinda to take five hundred talents, as compensation for his own losses, and to make what use he pleased of the remainder for the expenses of the war. He was also informed that orders had been sent to Antigenes and Teutamus the commanders of the Argyraspides, the celebrated Macedonian regiment with the silver shields, to put him in possession of the treasure which they had brought from Susa, and to place themselves with their troops under his command.

Antigenes and Teutamus, on receiving these orders, received Eumenes with all outward manifestations of friendship, but were really full of concealed rage at being superseded by him. He, however, judiciously allayed their wrath by refusing to take the money, which he said he did not need, while as they wore both unwilling to obey and unable to command, he called in the aid of superstition, and declared that Alexander himself had appeared to him in a dream, as when alive, arrayed in the ensigns of royalty, seated in his tent, and despatching affairs of state, and he proposed that they should erect a magnificent tent, should place a golden throne in the centre, on which should be laid a diadem, sceptre and royal apparel, and that there they should transact business as in the presence of the king. Antigenes and Teutamus willingly agreed to this proposal, which flattered their self-love by seeming to place them on an equality with Eumenes.

As they marched up the country they were met by Peukestas, a friend of Eumenes, and by several other satraps, or provincial governors, who came accompanied by considerable bodies of troops, whose numbers and excellent equipment and discipline gave great encouragement to the Macedonian soldiery.

But these satraps, since the death of Alexander, had become dissolute, licentious, and effeminate princes, with all the vices of Eastern despots. They perpetually intrigued and quarrelled with one another, while they courted the Macedonians by profuse liberality, providing them with magnificent banquets and unlimited wine, until they entirely ruined the discipline of their camp, and led them to meditate choosing their leaders by a popular vote, as is done in republican cities. Eumenes, perceiving that the satraps mistrusted one another, but that they all agreed in hating and fearing himself, and only wanted an opportunity for having him assassinated, pretended to be in want of money, and borrowed large sums from those whom he chiefly suspected of designs against his person, so that he secured the safety of his person by taking other men's money, an object which most people are glad to attain by giving their own.

XIV. While the peace lasted, the Macedonian soldiery willingly listened to the flattering promises of the satraps, each of whom wished to raise a force and make war upon the others; but when Antigonus moved to attack them with a large army, and a real general was imperatively demanded to meet him, then not only the soldiers implicitly obeyed Eumenes, but even those princes who during the peace had affected such airs of independence lowered their tone and each without a murmur proceeded to his appointed duty. When Antigonus was endeavouring to cross the river Pasitigris, none of the confederates except Eumenes perceived his design, but he boldly withstood him, and in a pitched battle slew many men, filled the stream with corpses, and took four thousand prisoners. And also, when Eumenes fell sick, the Macedonians clearly proved that they knew that the others could give them banquets and fair promises, but that he alone could lead them to victory.

When the army was in Persia, Peukestas magnificently entertained all the soldiers, giving each man a victim for sacrifice, and thought that by this liberality he had quite won their hearts; but a few days afterwards, when they came into the presence of the enemy, Eumenes happened to be ill, and was being carried in a litter apart from the noise of the march in order to obtain rest. As the army gained the crest of some low hills they suddenly saw the enemy's troops marching down into the plain below. As soon as they saw the head of the column, with its gilded arms flashing in the sun, and the elephants with their towers and purple trappings, ready for instant attack, the Macedonians halted, grounded their arms, and refused to proceed until Eumenes should put himself at their head, plainly telling their officers that they dared not risk a battle without him for their leader. Eumenes at once came to the front at full speed in his litter, of which he caused the curtains on both sides to be drawn back, while he waved his hand to them in delight. They, in return, greeted him in the Macedonian fashion by shouts and the clash of their arms, and at once took up their shields and levelled their lances with a loud cry, challenging the enemy to come and fight them, for they now had a general to lead them on.

XV. Antigonus, who had learned from prisoners that Eumenes was sick and travelling in a litter, imagined that it would not be difficult to overcome the others, and therefore hastened his march, hoping to bring on a battle while Eumenes was still unable to command. When, however, as he rode along the enemy's line he observed their admirable order and arrangement, he hesitated to attack. At last he perceived the litter proceeding from one wing to the other. Then, with a loud laugh, as was his habit when joking with his friends, he exclaimed, "It is that litter, it seems, that is manoeuvring against us." Saying this, he at once withdrew his forces and encamped at some little distance. The army of Eumenes, however, soon afterwards, needing refreshment and repose, forced their generals to place them in cantonments for the winter in the district of Gabiene. These were so scattered, that the whole army was spread over a distance of a thousand stades (or a hundred and twenty-five English miles). Antigonus, hearing this, marched suddenly to attack them by a very difficult road, on which no water was to be found, but which nevertheless was very short and direct. He hoped to fall upon the enemy while scattered in their winter quarters, and defeat them before their generals could rally them into a compact mass. But as he marched through a desert region his army met with strong winds and bitter cold, so that the men were forced to light large fires to warm themselves, and these gave notice of their arrival to the enemy; for the natives who inhabited the mountains near the line of Antigonus's march, when they saw the numerous fires lighted by his troops, sent messengers on swift camels to tell Peukestas what they had observed. He was much alarmed at the news, and, noticing that the rest of the satraps shared his fears, proposed to retreat to the opposite extremity of the province, where they might at least reassemble a part of their force before the enemy came up. Eumenes, however, calmed their fears by promising that he would stop the progress of Antigonus, and prevent his coming to attack them until three days after they expected him. His counsels prevailed, and he at once despatched messengers to call the troops together out of their winter quarters, and collect all the available force, while he himself with the other generals rode to the front, and selecting a spot which was plainly visible to those crossing the desert, ordered fires to be lighted at intervals, as though an army were encamped along the frontier awaiting the attack of Antigonus. The latter, observing the heights covered with watch-fires, was filled with rage and mortification, imagining that the enemy must long ago have known his plans. Fearing to fight with his wearied troops against men who were fresh and had been living in comfort, he turned aside from the desert, and refreshed his army among some neighbouring villages. When, however, he saw no enemy, or any signs of a hostile army being near, and learned from the natives that no troops had been seen by them, but only a large number of fires, he perceived that he had been out-manoeuvred by Eumenes, and marched forward in anger, determined to settle their disputes by a pitched battle.

XVI. Meanwhile the greater part of the army of Eumenes had assembled, and, admiring his stratagem, declared that he alone was fit to be their leader. This so vexed the officers in command of the Argyraspids, Antigenes, and Teutamus, that they determined to make away with him, and they held a council with most of the satraps and officers of the army to determine how best they might rid themselves of him. They all agreed that it would be wisest to make use of his talents in the approaching battle, and immediately after the battle to assassinate him. This result of their deliberations was at once betrayed to Eumenes by Eudamus, the officer in command of the elephants, and Phaedimus, not from any love they bore to him, but through fear of losing the money which they had lent him. Eumenes thanked them for their kindness, and afterwards observed to the few friends whom he could trust, that he was living amongst a herd of savage beasts. He withdrew to his tent, made his will, and destroyed all his private papers, not wishing after his death to involve any one in danger. After having made these arrangements, he thought of allowing the enemy to win the victory, or of escaping through Armenia and Media into Cappadocia. He came to no decided resolution while his friends were present, but merely discussed the various chances which presented themselves to his versatile intellect, and then proceeded to array his troops in order of battle, uttering words of encouragement to them all, whether Greek or barbarian, while he himself was received with cheerful and confident shouts by the Argyraspids, who bade him be of good cheer, as the enemy never could abide their onset. These men were the oldest of the soldiers of Philip and Alexander, and had remained unconquered in battle up to that time, although many of them were seventy and none of them were less than sixty years old. They now called out, as they moved to attack the troops of Antigonus, "Ye are fighting against your fathers, ye unnatural children." Charging with fury, they broke down all opposition, for no one could stand before them, though most of the enemy died where they stood. On this side Antigonus was utterly defeated, but his cavalry were victorious; and through the base and unsoldierly conduct of Peukestas the whole of the baggage fell into his hands, by his own great presence of mind and the nature of the ground. This was a vast plain, not dusty, and yet not hard, but like a sea-beach, composed of a light loose sand, covered with a salt crust. Upon this the trampling of so many horses and men soon raised a cloud of dust through which no object could be seen, as it whitened the whole air and dazzled the eyes. Through this Antigonus dashed unnoticed, and made himself master of the baggage, together with the wives and children of the army of Eumenes.

XVII. When the battle was over, Teutamus at once sent to offer terms for the recovery of the baggage. As Antigonus promised that he would deliver everything up to the Argyraspids, and that their wives and children should be kindly treated, if Eumenes were placed in his hands, the Macedonians were treacherous and wicked enough to resolve to deliver him alive into the hands of his enemies. With this intent they drew near to him, on various pretexts, some lamenting their loss, some encouraging him because of the victory he had won, and some preferring charges against the other generals. Suddenly they fell upon him, snatched away his sword, and bound his hands. When Nikanor was sent to conduct him to Antigonus, he asked, while he was passing through the ranks of the Macedonians, to be permitted to address them, not with any intention of begging his own life, but that he might clearly point out to them what was to their own advantage. Silence was enforced, and Eumenes, standing on a hillock, held forth his fettered hands, and spoke as follows:—"Basest of Macedonians, could Antigonus ever have erected such a monument of your disgrace as you have set up yourselves by surrendering your general to him? Is it not shameful for you, who have conquered in the battle, to acknowledge yourselves defeated because of your baggage, as though victory lay more in money than in arms, so that you should ransom your baggage by delivering up your general? I indeed am now being carried off captive, an unconquered man, who has overcome his foes, but has been ruined by his friends; but I beseech you in the name of the Zeus that protects armies, and the gods who watch over the true keeping of oaths, kill me here with your own hands; for I shall be slain by you no less when I am put to death in the enemy's camp. Antigonus cannot complain of this action of yours, for he wishes to receive Eumenes dead, and not alive. If you are chary of your own hands to do the deed, one of mine will suffice if you will loose it from its bonds. Or if you will not trust me with a sword, then cast me, bound as I am, to be trampled on by the elephants. If you will act thus I will acquit you of all blame, and will declare that you have dealt with your general as became honourable men."

XVIII. When Eumenes had spoken thus, all the army was grieved and lamented his fate, but the Argyraspids called out that he must be carried away, and no attention paid to his talk; for, they said, it mattered little what fate befel a pestilent fellow from the Chersonese, who had involved the Macedonians in endless wars and troubles, but that it was not to be borne that the bravest of the soldiers of Philip and Alexander, after their unheard-of exploits, should in their old age be deprived of the fruits of their toils and be forced to depend upon charity, or that their wives should pass a third night in the enemy's camp. They at once hurried him away. When he reached the enemy's quarters, Antigonus, fearing that he would be crushed to death by the crowd (for not a man remained in the camp), sent ten of the strongest elephants, and many Medes and Parthians, armed with spears, to keep off the press from him. He himself could not bear to see Eumenes, because they had once been friends and comrades; and when he was asked by those who had charge of his person how they were to treat him, answered, "Like an elephant, or a lion!" After a while he felt compassion for his sufferings, and ordered his heavy chains to be removed, appointed an attendant to anoint his person, and allowed his friends to have free access to him and supply him with provisions. A long debate took place for several days about the fate of Eumenes, in which Nearchus, a Cretan, and the young Demetrius, pleaded earnestly for him, while the other generals all opposed them and pressed for his execution. It is said that Eumenes himself inquired of his jailer, Onomarchus, what the reason was that Antigonus, having got his enemy into his power, did not put him to death quickly or else set him free honourably. When Onomarchus insultingly answered that it was not then, but in the battle-field that he ought to have shown how little he feared death, Eumenes retorted, "I proved it there also; ask those whom I encountered; but I never met a stronger man than myself." "Since then you have now met with a stronger man than yourself," said Onomarchus; "why cannot you patiently await his pleasure?"

XIX. When, therefore, Antigonus made up his mind to put Eumenes to death, he ordered him to be kept without food. He lingered thus for two or three days; but as the camp was suddenly broken up, men were sent to despatch him. Antigonus restored his body to his friends, and permitted them to burn it and collect the ashes in a silver urn to be carried to his wife and children. The death of Eumenes was quickly avenged by Heaven, which stirred up Antigonus to regard the Argyraspids with abhorrence, as wicked and faithless villains. He placed them under the command of Sibystius, the governor of Arachosia, and gave him orders to employ them, by small parties at a time, upon services which would ensure their destruction, so that not one of them should ever return to Macedonia, or behold the Grecian sea.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 170: Trebisond.]

[Footnote 171: Alexander.]

[Footnote 172: Plutarch tells us nothing of how Kleopatra came to Sardis. See Thirlwall's 'History of Greece,' chap. lvii.]

[Footnote 173: Thirlwall's 'History,' chap. lvii.]



COMPARISON OF SERTORIUS AND EUMENES.

The above are all the particulars of the lives of Eumenes and Sertorius which have come down to us, and which appear worth recording. When we come to compare them, we find that each was an exile from his native country, and commanded a numerous army of foreign troops, although Sertorius enjoyed the great advantage of an undisputed command, while Eumenes always had to contend with many competitors for the first place, which nevertheless he always obtained by his brilliant exploits. Sertorius was eagerly followed by men who were proud to obey him, but Eumenes was only obeyed out of self-interest, by men who were incompetent to lead. The Roman ruled the tribes of Lusitania and Iberia, who had been long before conquered by the Romans, while the Kardian led the Macedonians, when fresh from the conquest of the world. Yet Sertorius was always looked up to as a wise man and a consummate captain, whereas Eumenes was despised as a mere quill-driver before he fought his way to the rank of general; so that Eumenes not only started with less advantages, but met with much greater difficulties, before he attained to distinction. Moreover, Eumenes throughout his whole career was constantly opposed by open enemies, and constantly had to make head against secret plots and intrigues; whereas Sertorius was at first opposed by none of the officers under his command, and at the very last only by a few. The one had for his object merely to conquer his enemies, while the other, after winning a victory, was obliged to defend himself against the jealousy of his friends.

II. Their military achievements are pretty equally balanced; although Eumenes was naturally fond of war and tumults, while Sertorius was of a quiet and peaceful disposition. Thus it happened that Eumenes, rather than dwell in comfortable and honourable retirement, passed his whole life in war, because he could not be satisfied with anything short of a throne; while Sertorius, who hated war, was forced to fight for his own safety against foes who would not allow him to live in peace. Antigonus would have made use of Eumenes as an officer with pleasure, if the latter would have laid aside his designs upon the throne of Macedonia; but Pompeius and his party would not so much as allow Sertorius to live, although his only wish was to be at rest.

From this it resulted that the one of his own free will went to war to obtain power, while the other was forced against his will to obtain power in order to repel attacks.

The one died by an unexpected stroke, while the other long looked for death, and at last even wished for it. In the first this shows a noble and generous spirit, not to distrust his friends; while the latter seems rather to argue weakness of purpose, for though Eumenes had long intended to fly, yet he did not, and was taken. The death of Sertorius did not disgrace his life, for he met at the hands of his friends with that fate which none of his enemies could inflict upon him; but Eumenes, who could not escape before he was taken prisoner, and yet was willing to live after his capture, made a discreditable end; for by his entreaties to be spared, he proved that his enemy had conquered not merely his body but also his spirit.



LIFE OF AGESILAUS.

Archidamus, the son of Zeuxidamus, king of Lacedaemon, after a glorious reign, left one son, Agis, by a noble lady named Lampito, and a much younger one, named Agesilaus, by Eupolia, the daughter of Melesippides. As by the Spartan law Agis was the next heir, and succeeded to the throne, Agesilaus was prepared for the life of a private man, in that severe Spartan school by which obedience is instilled into the youth of that country. For that reason it is said that the epithet of 'man-subduing' is applied to Sparta by the poet Simonides, because the Spartan customs render the citizens well behaved, and amenable to discipline, like horses who are broken to harness early in life. The direct heirs to the throne are not subjected to this training; but in the case of Agesilaus it happened that when he began to rule he had previously been taught to obey. This rendered him by far the most popular of the kings of Sparta, because, in addition to the haughty spirit that became a king, he had learned to sympathize with the people over whom he ruled.

II. Agesilaus was an early and intimate friend of Lysander, as they were both placed as boys in the same herd or troop for the purposes of discipline. It was then that Lysander learned to admire the moderation and self-restraint of Agesilaus, who, although he was ambitious and high-spirited, with a most vehement and passionate desire to be first in every kind of competition, was yet of a manageable and easily ruled disposition, very sensitive to reproach, and far more afraid of blame than of toils or dangers. The misfortune of his lame leg was almost unnoticed, partly from the robust vigour of his frame, and also from his own cheerful acknowledgment of this defect, being always the first to joke about it. He sought by these means to remedy his lameness, while his daring spirit never allowed it to prevent his undertaking the most dangerous and laborious adventures. We have no record of his appearance, for he himself never would consent to have his portrait taken, and even when dying begged that no statue or painting of him should be taken. We are, however, told that he was of small and mean stature, but that his lively and cheerful temper, even in the most trying situations, and the absence of anything harsh and overbearing in his manners, made him more popular than many younger and handsomer men even in extreme old age. The historian Theophrastus informs us that the mother of Agesilaus was a very small woman, and that the Ephors had fined Archidamus, on that special ground, for marrying her. "She will not bring forth kings to rule us," said they, "but kinglets."

III. During the reign of Agis, Alkibiades arrived in Lacedaemon as an exile, having made his escape from the army in Sicily, and, after a short sojourn, was universally believed to be carrying on an intrigue with the king's wife, Timaea, insomuch that Agis refused to recognize her child as his own, but declared that Alkibiades was its father. The historian Douris tells us that Timaea was not altogether displeased at this imputation, and that when nursing the child among her attendants she was wont to call it Alkibiades instead of Leotychides. The same authority states that Alkibiades himself declared that he seduced Timaea, not out of wantonness, but with the ambitious design of placing his own family upon the throne of Sparta. In consequence of this, Alkibiades, fearing the wrath of Agis, left Sparta, and the child was always viewed with suspicion by Agis, and never treated as his own son, until in his last illness the boy by tears and entreaties prevailed upon him to bear public witness to his legitimacy. But after the death of Agis, Lysander, the conqueror of Athens, who was the most important man in Sparta, began to urge the claims of Agesilaus to the throne, on the ground that Leotychides was a bastard, and therefore excluded from the succession. Many of the other citizens eagerly espoused the cause of Agesilaus, because they had been brought up in his company, and had become his intimate friends. There was, however, one Diopeithes, a soothsayer, who was learned in prophetic lore, and enjoyed a great reputation for wisdom and sanctity. This man declared that it was wrong for a lame man to become king of Lacedaemon, and quoted the following oracle:—

"Proud Sparta, resting on two equal feet, Beware lest lameness on thy kings alight; Lest wars unnumbered toss thee to and fro, And thou thyself be ruined in the fight."

In answer to this, Lysander argued that the oracle really warned the Spartans against making Leotychides king; for the god was not likely to allude to actual lameness, which might not even be congenital, but might arise from some accidental hurt, as disqualifying any one for the office of king, but rather meant by a "lame reign," the reign of one who was not legitimate, and not truly descended from Herakles. Agesilaus also said that Poseidon bore witness to the illegitimacy of Leotychides; for Agis was said to have been cast out of his bed-chamber by an earthquake, after which he abstained from approaching his wife, on religious grounds, for a period of more than ten months, at the end of which Leotychides was born.

IV. Having been raised to the throne on those grounds, Agesilaus at the same time acquired the large property left by the late king Agis, as Leotychides was declared illegitimate and driven into exile. As his own mother's family were respectable, but very poor, he distributed half this property among them, thus making sure of their good will and favour, and removing any jealousy which they might feel at his elevation. Moreover, as Xenophon tells us, he gained the greatest influence by always deferring to the wishes of his country, and thus was really enabled to act exactly as he pleased. The whole power of the state was at that time vested in the Ephors and the Senate of Elders, of whom the Ephors are elected every year, while the Elders sit for life. These two bodies were intended as a check upon the power of the kings, who would otherwise have been absolute, as has been explained in the Life of Lykurgus. Between these magistrates and the kings there was generally a bad understanding; but Agesilaus adopted an opposite line of conduct. He never attempted to oppose or thwart the Ephors or the Senate, and even showed a marked deference to them, referring the initiative of all state affairs to them, hurrying into their presence when summoned, and rising from his royal throne whenever they appeared, while he presented each senator, on his election, with a cloak and an ox, to congratulate him on joining the Senate. Thus he appeared to exalt the power of the Ephors and to court their favour, but he himself was by far the greatest gainer, as his own personal influence was greatly increased, and the power of the crown much strengthened by the general good will which he inspired.