[Footnote 462: C. Scribonius Curio, consul B.C. 76, father of the Curio mentioned in the Life of Pompeius, c. 58, who was a tribune B.C. 50.]

[Footnote 463: Cicero wrote his book on his Consulship B.C. 60, in which year Caesar was elected consul, and it was published at that time. Caesar was then rising in power, and Cicero was humbled. It would be as well for him to say nothing on this matter which Plutarch alludes to (Ad Attic. ii. 1).

Cicero wrote first a prose work on his consulship in Greek (Ad Attic. i. 19), and also a poem in three books in Latin hexameters (Ad Attic. ii. 3).]

[Footnote 464: Attic drachmae, as usual with Plutarch, when he omits the denomination of the money. In his Life of Cato (c. 26) Plutarch estimates the sum at 1250 talents. This impolitic measure of Cato tended to increase an evil that had long been growing in Rome, the existence of a large body of poor who looked to the public treasury for part of their maintenance. (See the note on the Life of Caius Gracchus, c. 5.)]

[Footnote 465: Caesar was Praetor B.C. 62. He was Praetor designatus in December B.C. 63, when he delivered his speech on the punishment of Catiline's associates.]

[Footnote 466: Some notice of this man is contained in the Life of Lucullus, c. 34, 38, and the Life of Cicero, c. 29. The affair of the Bona Dea, which made a great noise in Rome, is told very fully in Cicero's letters to Atticus (i. 12, &c.), which were written at the time.

The feast of the Bona Dea was celebrated on the first of May, in the house of the Consul or of the Praetor Urbanus. There is some further information about it in Plutarch's Romanae Quaestiones (ed. Wyttenbach, vol. ii.). According to Cicero (De Haruspicum Responsis, c. 17), the real name of the goddess was unknown to the men; and Dacier considers it much to the credit of the Roman ladies that they kept the secret so well. For this ingenious remark I am indebted to Kaltwasser's citation of Dacier; I have not had curiosity enough to look at Dacier's notes.]

[Footnote 467: The divorce of Pompeia is mentioned by Cicero (Ad Attic. i. 13).]

[Footnote 468: Clodius was tried B.C. 61, and acquitted by a corrupt jury (judices). (See Cicero, Ad Attic. i. 16.) Kaltwasser appears to me to have mistaken this passage. The judices voted by ballot, which had been the practice in Rome in such trials since the passing of the Lex Cassia B.C. 137. Drumanu remarks (Geschichte Roms, Claudii, p. 214, note) that Plutarch has confounded the various parts of the procedure at the trial; and it may be so. See the Life of Cicero, c. 29. There is a dispute as to the meaning of the term Judicia Populi, to which kind of Judicia the Lex Cassia applied. (Orelli, Onomasticon, Index Legum, p. 279.)]

[Footnote 469: Caesar was Praetor (B.C. 60) of Hispania Ulterior or Baetica, which included Lusitania.]

[Footnote 470: A similar story is told by Suetonius (Caesar, 7) and Dion Cassius (37. c. 52), but they assign it to the time of Caesar's quaestorship in Spain.]

[Footnote 471: The Calaici, or Callaici, or Gallaeci, occupied that part of the Spanish peninsula which extended from the Douro north and north-west to the Atlantic. (Strabo, p. 152.) The name still exists in the modern term Gallica. D. Junius Brutus, consul B.C. 138, and the grandfather of one of Caesar's murderers, triumphed over the Callaici and Lusitani, and obtained the name Callaicus. The transactions of Caesar in Lusitania are recorded by Dion Cassius (37. c. 52).]

[Footnote 472: Many of the creditors were probably Romans. (Velleius Pat. ii 43, and the Life of Lucullus, c. 7.)]

[Footnote 473: Caesar was consul B.C. 59.]

[Footnote 474: The measure was for the distribution of Public land (Dion Cassius, 38. c. 1, &c. &c.) and it was an Agrarian Law. The law comprehended also the land about Capua (Campanus ager). Twenty thousand Roman citizens were settled on the allotted lands (Vell. Pater, ii. 44; Appianus, Civil Wars, ii. 10). Cicero, who was writing to Atticus at the time, mentions this division of the lands as an impolitic measure. It left the Romans without any source of public income in Italy except the Vicesimae (Ad Attic. ii. 16, 18).

The Romans, who were fond of jokes and pasquinades against those who were in power, used to call the consulship of Caesar, the consulship of Caius Caesar and Julius Caesar, in allusion to the inactivity of Bibulus, who could not resist his bolder colleague's measures. (Dion Cassius, 38. c. 8.)]

[Footnote 475: The marriage with Pompeius took place in Caesar's consulship. Life of Crassus, c. 16.

This Servilius Caepio appears to be Q. Servilius Caepio, the brother of Servilia, the mother of M. Junius Brutus, one of Caesar's assassins. Servilius Caepio adopted Brutus, who is accordingly sometimes called Q. Caepio Brutus. (Cicero, Ad Divers. vii. 21; Ad Attic. ii. 24.) Piso was L. Calpurnius Piso, who with Aulus Gabinius was consul B.C. 58.]

[Footnote 476: Q. Considius Gallus. He is mentioned by Cicero several times in honourable terms (Ad Attic. ii. 24).]

[Footnote 477: Cicero went into exile B.C. 58. See the Life of Cicero, c. 30.

Dion Cassius (38. c. 17) states that Caesar was outside of the city with his army, ready to march to his province, at the time when Clodius proposed the bill of penalties against him. Cicero says the same (Pro Sestio, c. 18). Caesar, according to Dion, was not in favour of the penalties contained in the bill; but he probably did not exert himself to save Cicero. Pompeius, who had presided at the comitia in which Clodius was adrogated into a Plebeian family, in order to qualify him to be a tribune, treated Cicero with neglect (Life of Pompeius, c. 46). Caesar owed Cicero nothing. Pompeius owed him much. And Cicero deserved his punishment.]

[Footnote 478: Caesar's Gallic campaign began B.C. 58.

He carried on the war actively for eight years, till the close of B.C. 51. But he was still proconsul of Gallia in the year B.C. 50. Plutarch has not attempted a regular narrative of Caesar's campaigns, which would have been foreign to his purpose (see the Life of Alexander, c. 1); nor can it be attempted in these notes. The great commander has left in his Commentary on the Gallic War an imperishable record of his subjugation of Gaul.]

[Footnote 479: Plutarch here, after his fashion, throws in a few anecdotes without any regard to the chronological order.]

[Footnote 480: Massalia, an ancient Greek settlement, now Marseilles, was called Massilia by the Romans. The siege of Massalia is told by Caesar (Civil War, ii. 1, &c.). It took place after Pompeius had fled from Brundisium.]

[Footnote 481: The story of Scaeva is told by Caesar (Civil War, iii. 53). The missiles were arrows. As to the exact number of arrows that the brave centurion Scaeva received in his shield, see the note in Oudendorp's Caesar. Scaeva was promoted to the first class of centurions (Suetonius. Caesar, 68).]

[Footnote 482: Cordoba or Cordova in Hispania Baetica. Caesar must therefore have been subject to these attacks during his quaestorship, or at least his praetorship in Spain.

Of Caesar's endurance and activity, Suetonius also (Caesar, 57) has preserved several notices.]

[Footnote 483: Kaltwasser translates this: "He travelled with such speed that he did not require more than eight days to reach the Rhone after leaving Rome;" as if this was his habit. But Kaltwasser is mistaken.]

[Footnote 484: See the Life of Pompeius, c. 10.

In the time of Gellius (xvii. 9) there was extant a collection of Caesar's letters to C. Oppius and Cornelius Balbus, written in a kind of cipher. (See Suetonius, Caesar, 56.) Two letters of Caesar to Oppius and Balbus are extant in the collection of Cicero's letters (Ad Atticum, ix. 8, 16), both expressed with admirable brevity and clearness. One of them also shows his good sense and his humanity.]

[Footnote 485: The story is also told by Suetonius (Caesar, 54). Instead of using plain oil, Leo thought he should please his guests by mixing it with a fragrant oil (conditum oleum pro viridi). He was an ill-bred fellow for his pains; but a well-bred man would affect not to notice his blunder.]

[Footnote 486: This campaign belongs to B.C. 58. The Helvetii occupied the country between the Rhine, the Jura, the Rhone, and the Rhaetian Alps. The history of the campaign is given by Caesar (Gallic War, i. 2-29; Dion Cassius, 38, c. 31). The Arar is the Saone, which joins the Rhone at Lyons.]

[Footnote 487: This German chief had been acknowledged as king and ally (rex et amicus) during Caesar's consulship, B.C. 59. What territory the Romans considered as belonging to his kingdom does not appear. The campaign with Ariovistus and the circumstances which preceded it are told by Caesar (Gallic War, i. 31, &c.).

The speech of Caesar in which he rated the men for their cowardice is reported by himself (Gallic War, i. 40). The pursuit of the Germans was continued for five miles according to the MSS. of Caesar; but some editors in place of 'five' have put 'fifty.' Plutarch's 400 stadia are equal to 50 Roman miles.]

[Footnote 488: Caesar (Gallic War, i. 54). The army wintered in the country between the Jura, the Rhone and Saone, and the Rhine; which was the country of the Sequani. Caesar says that he went into Citerior Gallia, that is, North Italy, 'ad conventus agendos,' to make his circuits for the administration of justice and other civil business. He may be excused for not saying anything of his political intrigues.]

[Footnote 489: The rising of the Belgae is the subject of Caesar's Second Book. This campaign was in B.C. 57. It was not a rebellion of the Belgae, for they had not been conquered, but they feared that the Romans would attack them after completing the subjugation of the Galli. The Belgae were defeated on the Axona, the Aisne, a branch of the Seine (Gallic War, ii. 9-11). There is no mention in Caesar of lakes and rivers being filled with dead bodies.]

[Footnote 490: The Nervii considered themselves of German origin. They occupied Hainault in Belgium, and the modern cities of Cambray and Tournay in France were within their limits. The Nervii were on the Sabis, the Sambre. Caesar (ii. 25) speaks of seizing a shield and restoring the battle. Plutarch has taken from Caesar (c. 29) the amount of the enemy's loss. See Dion Cassius (39. c. 1, &c.)]

[Footnote 491: "Ob easque res ex litteris Caesaris dies xv subplicatio decreta est, quod ante id tempus accidit nulli." (Caesar, Gallic War, ii. 35.)]

[Footnote 492: See the Life of Crassus, c. 14; Life of Pompeius, c. 51. The meeting at Luca was at the end of B.C. 56, and Plutarch has omitted the campaign of that year, which is contained in Caesar's Third Book of the Gallic War.]

[Footnote 493: Csasar (iv. 1) names them Usipetes and Tenetheri. The events in this chapter belong to B.C. 55, when Cn. Pompeius Magnus and M. Licinius Crassus were consuls for the second time.]

[Footnote 494: Caesar, iv. c. 12. Plutarch here calls the Commentaries [Greek: ephemerides], which means a Diary or Day-book. The proper Greek word would be [Greek: hypomnemata]. Kaltwasser accordingly concludes that Plutarah appears to have confounded the Ephemerides and the Commentarii, or at least to have used the word [Greek: ephemerides] improperly instead of [Greek: hypomnemata] . There is no proof that Caesar kept a diary. That kind of labour is suited to men of a different stamp from him. Plutarch means the Commentarii. It is true that Servius (Ad AEneid. xi. 743) speaks of a diary (Ephemeris) of Caesar, which records his being once captured by the Gauls. But see the note of Davis on this passage (Caesar, ed. Oudendorp, ii. 999). Suetonius, who enumerates Caesar's writings (Caesar, 55, 56), mentions no Ephemeris. There were abundant sources for anecdotes about Caesar. The Roman himself wrote as an historian: he was not a diary keeper.]

[Footnote 495: Tanusius Geminus wrote a history which is mentioned by Suetonius (Caesar, 9). Cato's opinion on this occasion was merely dictated by party hostility and personal hatred. His proposal was unjust and absurd. Caesar had good reason for writing his Anticato.]

[Footnote 496: Or Sigambri, a German tribe on the east bank of the Lower Rhine. They bordered on the Ubii, and were north of them. The name probably remains in the Sieg, a small stream which enters the Rhine on the east bank, nearly opposite to Bonn.]

[Footnote 497: Caesar describes the construction of this bridge (iv. 17) without giving any particulars as to the place where it was made. The situation can only be inferred from a careful examination of the previous part of his history, and it has been subject of much discussion, in which opinions are greatly divided. The narratives of Dion Cassius (39. c. 48) and Florus (iii. 10) give some assistance towards the solution of the question. Professor Mueller, in an excellent article in the 'Jahrbuecher des Vereins von Alterthumsfreunden im Rheinlande' (vii. 1845), has proved that the bridge must have been built near Coblenz. Caesar defeated the Germans in the angle between the Moselle and the Rhine. He must have crossed the Moselle in order to find a convenient place for his bridge, which he would find near Neuwied. The bridge abutted on the east bank on the territory of the Ubii, who were his friends. The narrative of Caesar, when carefully examined, admits of no other construction than that which Mueller has put upon it; and if there were any doubt, it is removed by Caesar himself in another passage (Gallic War, vi. 9) where he speaks of his second bridge, which gave him a passage from the territory of the Treviri into that of the Ubii, and he adds that the site of the second bridge was near that of the first.

In the Gallic War (iv. 15) Caesar speaks of the junction (ad confluentem Mosae et Rheni) of the Mosa and the Rhine, where Mueller assumes that he means the Moselle, as he undoubtedly does. Either the reading Mosa is wrong, or, what is not improbable, both the Moselle and the Maas had the same name, Mosa. Mosella or Mosula is merely the diminution of Mosa. At this confluence of the Moselle and Rhine the town of Coblenz was afterwards built, which retains the ancient name. Caesar indicates which Mosa he means clearly enough by the words 'ad confluentem.' There was no 'confluens' of the Great Mosa and the Rhenus.]

[Footnote 498: The first expedition of Caesar to Britain was in the autumn of B.C. 55, and is described in his fourth book of the Gallic War, c. 20, &c. He landed on the coast of Kent, either at Deal or between Sandgate and Hythe. His second expedition was in the following year B.C. 54, which is described in the fifth book, c. 8 &c. He crossed the Thamesis (Thames) in face of the forces of Cassivelaunus, whose territories were bounded on the south by the Thames.

There has been some discussion on the place where Caesar crossed the Thames. Camden (p. 882, ed. Gibson) fixes the place at Cowey Stakes near Oatlands on the Thames, opposite to the place where the Wey joins the Thames. Bede, who wrote at the beginning of the eighth century, speaks of stakes in the bed of the river at that place, which so far corresponds to Caesar's description, who says that the enemy had protected the ford with stakes on the banks and across the bed of the river. Certain stakes still exist there, which are the subject of a paper in the Archaeologia, 1735, by Mr. Samuel Gale. The stakes are as hard as ebony; and it is evident from the exterior grain that the stakes were the entire bodies of young oak trees. Caesar places the ford eighty miles from the coast of Kent where he landed, which distance agrees very well with the position of Oatlands, as Camden remarks.

Cassivelaunus had been appointed Commander-in-chief of all the British forces. This is the king whom Plutarch means. He agreed to pay an annual tribute to the Romans (Gallic War, v. 22), and gave them hostages. Compare Cicero, Ad Attic. iv. 17.

Caesar wrote two letters to Cicero while he was in Britain. He wrote one letter on the 1st of September, which Cicero received on the 28th of September (Ad Quintum Fratrem, iii. 1). Cicero here alludes to Caesar's sorrow for his daughter's death, of which Caesar had not received intelligence when he wrote to Cicero; but Cicero knew that the news had gone to him. On the 24th of October, Cicero received another letter written from the British coast from Caesar, and one from his brother Quintus who was with Caesar. This letter was written on the 26th of September. Caesar states (Gallic War, v. 23) that it was near the time of the equinox when he was leaving Britain.]

[Footnote 499: See the Life of Crassus, c. 16, and the Life of Pompeius, c. 53.]

[Footnote 500: L. Aurunculeius Cotta and Q. Titurius Sabinus were sent into the country of the Eburones, the chief part of which was between the Maas and the Rhine, in the parallels of Namur and Liege. This king, who is called Abriorix, is named Ambiorix by Caesar (Gallic War, 24, &c.) The Gauls, after an unsuccessful attempt on the camp, persuaded the Romans to leave it under a promise that they should have a safe passage through the country of the Eburones. Ambiorix made them believe that there was going to be a general rising of the Gauls, and that their best plan was to make their way to the camp of Q. Cicero or Labienus. When they had left their camp, the Gauls fell upon them in a convenient spot and massacred most of them.]

[Footnote 501: Quintus Cicero was encamped in the country of the Nervii in Hainault. The attack on his camp is described by Caesar (Gallic War, v. 39, &c.) Caesar says, when he is speaking of his own camp (v. 50), 'Jubet ... ex omnibus partibus castra altiore vallo muniri portasque obstrui, &c.... cum simulatione terroris;' of which Plutarch has given the meaning.]

[Footnote 502: Kaltwasser remarks that Plutarch passes over the events in Caesar's Sixth Book of the Gallic War, as containing matters of less importance for his purpose.]

[Footnote 503: Caesar (vii. 4) calls him Vercingetorix. He was of the nation of the Arverni, whom Plutarch (as his text stands) calls Arvenni in c. 25, and Aruveni in c. 26. The Arverni were on the Upper Loire in Auvergne. The Carnunteni, whom Caesar calls Carnutes, were partly in the middle basin of the same river. Orleans (Genapum) and Chartres (Autricum) were their headquarters.]

[Footnote 504: [Greek: tais autais hodois] in the MSS., which gives no sense. I have adopted Reiske's alteration [Greek: autais tais hodois] . Caesar (vii. 8) describes his march over the Cevenna, the Cevennes, in winter. He had to cut his road through snow six feet deep. The enemy, who considered the Cevennes as good a protection as a wall, were surprised by his sudden appearance.]

[Footnote 505: So Plutarch writes it. It is AEdui in Caesar's text, or Haedui. The AEdui, one of the most powerful of the Gallic tribes, were situated between the Upper Loire and the Saone, and possessed the chief part of Burgundy. The Saone separated them from the Sequani on the east.]

[Footnote 506: The Lingones were on the Vosges, which contain the sources of the Marne and the Moselle. The Saone separated them from the Sequani on the south-east. The account of this campaign is unintelligible in Plutarch. It is contained in Caesar's Seventh Book.]

[Footnote 507: A small matter in itself; but if true, a trait in Caesar's character. Schaefer has the following note: "Aliter facturus erat Cyrneus, omnino inferior ille Romano." The Corsican is Napoleon. Caesar was the magnanimous man, whom Aristotle describes (Eth. Nicom. iv. 7); Napoleon was not.]

[Footnote 508: Alise, or rather the summit of Mont Auxois, west of Dijon in Burgundy, represents the Alesia of Caesar. A stream flowed along each of two sides of the city. Alesia belonged to the Mandubii, who were dependants of the AEdui. The siege and capture of Alesia, B.C. 52, are told by Caesar (Gallic War, vii. 68, &c.)

The assembling of the Gallic nations was a last great effort to throw off the yoke.

Dion Cassius (40. c. 41) says Vercingetorix was put in chains. Seven years after he appeared in Caesar's triumph, after which he was put to death.

Caesar passed the winter of B.C. 51 at Nemetocenna, Arras, in Belgium. The final pacification of Gaul is mentioned (viii. 48). Caesar left Gaul for North Italy in the early part of B.C. 50, and having visited all the cities in his province on the Italian side of the Alps, he again returned to Nemetocenna in Belgium, and after finally settling affairs in those parts, he returned to North Italy, where he learned that the two legions, which had been taken from him for the Parthian war, had been given by the consul C. Marcellus to Pompeius, and were kept in Italy.

In nine years Caesar completed the subjugation of all that part of Gaul which is bounded by the Saltus Pyrenaeus, the Alps and the Cevennes, the Rhine and the Rhone; and it was reduced to the form of a province. (Suetonius, Caesar, c. 25.) With the capture of Alesia the Seventh book of the Gallic War ends. The Eighth book is not by Caesar.]

[Footnote 509: As to the disturbances at Rome mentioned in this chapter, see the Life of Pompeius, c. 54, &c., notes.]

[Footnote 510: Life of Pompeius, c. 52.]

[Footnote 511: M. Claudius Marcellus, consul B.C. 51, with S. Sulpicius Rufus.]

[Footnote 512: Novum Comum or Novocomum; north of the Padus, had been settled as a Colonia Latina by Caesar. (Appianus, Civil Wars, ii. 26.)

The government of the colonia was formed on a Roman model: there was a body of Decuriones or Senators.]

[Footnote 513: See the Life of Pompeius, c. 58; Appianus, Civil Wars, ii, 26; Dion Cassius, 40. c. 59.]

[Footnote 514: L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, whom Caesar took in Corfinium, c. 34.]

[Footnote 515: See the Life of Pompeius, c. 52.]

[Footnote 516: Caesar (Civil War, i. 1) mentions this letter; but it was read in the Senate after great opposition. The consuls of the year B.C. 49 were L. Cornelius Lentulus and C. Claudius Marcellus.

Caesar, in the first few chapters of the Civil War, has clearly stated all the matters that are referred to in c. 30 and 31. The "letters" mentioned in c. 31 as coming before Curio and Antonius left Rome, are not mentioned by Caesar. Plutarch might have confounded this with another matter. (Civil War, i. 3.)]

[Footnote 517: Caesar was at Ravenna when the tribunes fled from Rome, and he first saw them at Ariminum, Rimini, which was not within the limits of Caesar's province. (Civil War, i. 6; Dion Cassius, 41. c. 3.)]

[Footnote 518: Q. Hortensius Hortalus, a son of the orator Hortensius. He was an unprincipled fellow.]

[Footnote 519: Caesar says nothing of the passage of the Rubico, but his silence does not disprove the truth of the story as told by Plutarch. The passage of the Rubico was a common topic (locus communis) for rhetoricians. Lucanus (Pharsalia, i. 213) has embellished it:—

"Fonte cadit modico parvisque impellitur undis Puniceus Rubicon, cum fervida canduit aestas— Tunc vires praebebat hiems."

This small stream does not appear to be identified with certainty. Some writers make it the Fiumicino.

Ariminum was not in Caesar's province, and Plutarch must have known that, as appears from his narrative. Kaltwasser thinks that he may mean that it was originally a Gallic town, which was true.]

[Footnote 520: In Plutarch's time the system of naming the Romans was greatly confused, and he extended the confusion to earlier times. C. Asinius Pollio, who was with Caesar at the Rubico and at the battle of Pharsalia, wrote a history of the Civil Wars. He was also a poet. (Horatius, Od. ii. 1.) His work, as we may collect from c. 46, furnished materials for anecdotes about Caesar.]

[Footnote 521: This dream according to Suetonius (Caesar, c. 7) and Dion Cassius (41. c. 24) he had at Cades (Cadiz) in Spain during his quaestorship. The time of the dream is not unimportant, if the interpretation of it was that he was destined to have the dominion of the world. Caesar has not recorded his dream. Sulla recorded his dreams. He was superstitious and cruel. Caesar was not cruel, and there is no proof that he was superstitious.]

[Footnote 522: Pompeius went to Capua, where he thought of making a stand, but he soon moved on to Brundisium. On the confusion in the city see Dion Cassius (41. c. 5-9).]

[Footnote 523: The author of the Eighth book of the Gallic War (c. 52) speaks of Labienus being solicited by Caesar's enemies. Caesar had put him over Gaul south of the Alps. In the Civil War, Book 1, he is merely mentioned as having fortified Cingulum at his own cost. Cicero (Ad Attic. vii. 7) says that he was indebted to Caesar for his wealth. His defection is mentioned by Cicero several times, and it gave a temporary encouragement to the party of Pompeius. (Ad Attic. vi. 12, 13.) Labienus joined Pompeius and the Consuls at Teanum in Campania on the 23rd of January.]

[Footnote 524: Corfinium three miles from the river Aternus. Caesar (Civil War, i. 16-23) describes the siege of Corfinium. L. Domitius Ahenobarbus was treated kindly by Caesar. He afterwards went to Massalia and defended it against Caesar. This most excellent citizen, as Cicero calls him, met the death he so well deserved at the battle of Pharsalia, and as Cicero says (Phillipp. ii. 29), at the hand of M. Antonius.]

[Footnote 525: See the Life of Pompeius, c. 62.]

[Footnote 526: From this it appears that the Life of Pompeius was written after the Life of Caesar.]

[Footnote 527: Caesar (Civil War, i, 32) has reported his own speech.]

[Footnote 528: See the Life of Pompeius, c. 62.]

[Footnote 529: This was the "sanctius aerarium" (Caesar, Civil War, i. 13), which Lentulus had left open; in such alarm had he left the city. This money, which was kept in the temple of Saturn, was never touched except in cases of great emergency. Vossius remarks that to save his own character, Caesar says that he found this treasury open. But Caesar does not say that he found it open. He says that Lentulus left it open. There was time enough for Metellus to lock the door after Lentulus ran away. Caesar would have been a fool not to take the money; and if he wanted it, he would of course break the door open, if he found it shut. But whether the door was open or shut was unimportant; the wrongful act, if there was any, consisted in taking the money, and he would not have been excused for taking it simply because the door was unlocked. I believe Caesar broke it open (Cicero Ad Attic. x. 4; Dion Cassius, 41. c. 17; and the authorities quoted by Reimarus). I also believe Caesar when he says that Lentulus left the door unlocked. The Senate had supplied Pompeius with money for the war out of the ordinary treasury. When Caesar took Corfinium, he gave to Domitius all the money that he found there, which was to a large amount, though this was public money and had been given to Domitius by Pompeius to pay his soldiers with. (Appianus, ii. 28; Caesar, Civil War, i. 23.) When "that man of greatest purity and integrity," as Cicero calls him, M. Terentius Varro, commanded for Pompeius in Spain (B.C. 48), he carried off the treasure from the temple of Hercules at Cadiz. That man, on whom Cicero vents every term of abuse that his fear and hatred could supply, restored the stolen money to the god. (Caesar, Civil War, ii. 18, 21.)]

[Footnote 530: The Spanish campaign against Afranius is contained in the Civil War, 34, &c. The legati of Pompeius in Spain were L. Afranius, consul B.C. 60, M. Petreius, and M. Terentius Varro, better known for his learning and his numerous works than for his military talents. After the surrender of Afranius and Petreius, Caesar marched to the south of Spain, for Varro, who was in Lusitania, was making preparations for war. Varro, after some feeble efforts, surrendered to the conqueror at Cordova. Varro was treated kindly like all the rest who fell into Caesar's hands, and he had the opportunity of placing himself against Caesar at Dyrrachium.

On his return from the successful close of his Spanish campaign, Massalia surrendered to Caesar after an obstinate resistance. (Caesar, Civil War, ii. 22.)

It was on his return to Massalia from the south of Spain that Caesar heard of his appointment as Dictator (Civil War, ii. 21).]

[Footnote 531: (Caesar, Civil War, iii. 1; Dion Cassius, 41. c. 37.) Caesar does not speak of those who had suffered in Sulla's time; nor does Dion.]

[Footnote 532: Caesar and P. Servilius Isauricus (son of the consul Isauricus, B.C. 79) were elected Consuls for B.C. 48. See the Life of Pompeius, c. 54, notes; and of Caesar, c. 57, Dictator.

When Caesar had left Rome, the boys formed themselves into two parties, Pompeians and Caesarians, and had a battle without arms, in which the Caesarians were victorious. (Dion Cassius, 41, c. 39.)

As to Caesar's forces, see Civil War, iii. 2.]

[Footnote 533: Dion Cassius (41. c. 45) tells this story of the boat adventure; and (Appianus, Civil Wars, ii. 57) Caesar was uneasy at the delay of M. Antonius and his legions, and he feared that Antonius might desert him. Caesar says nothing of this attempt to cross the sea. He very seldom mentions his personal risks. He left this to the anecdote collectors.]

[Footnote 534: The river appears to be the Anas of Dion (41. c. 45) which is near Apollonia, though he does not mention the river in his account of Caesar's attempted voyage. This is the river which Strabo calls AEas, and Hekataeus calls Aous (Strabo, p. 316).

For the events in these three chapters see the Life of Pompeius, c. 65, &c., and the references in the notes.]

[Footnote 535: Caesar calls the root Chara (Civil War, iii. 48. Comp. Plinius, N.H. 19, c. 8). These facts are mentioned in Caesar. The events in the neighbourhood of Dyrrachium and Apollonia must be studied in Caesar, Dion Cassius, Book 41, and Appianus, Book ii.]

[Footnote 536: Caesar mentions the capture of Gomphi (Civil War, iii. 80), but he says nothing of the wine. Caesar let his men plunder Gomphi. The town had offered him all its means and prayed him for a garrison, but on hearing of his loss at Dyrrachinm the people shut their gates against him and sent to Pompeius for aid. The town was stormed on the first day that it was attacked.]

[Footnote 537: As Kaltwasser observes, there was no bad omen in the dream, as it is here reported. We must look to the Life of Pompeius, c. 68, for the complete dream. Perhaps something has dropped out of the text here. Dacier, as Kaltwasser says, has inserted the whole passage out of the Life of Pompeius.]

[Footnote 538: This is an error. The name is Q. Cornificus. See the note of Sintenis. He was a quaestor of Caesar. Calenus is Fulvus Calenus, who had been sent by Caesar into Achaia, and had received the submission of Delphi, Thebae, and Orchomenus, and was then engaged in taking other cities and trying to gain over other cities. (Caesar, Civil War, iii. 55.)]

[Footnote 539: See the Life of Pompeius, c. 71.]

[Footnote 540: I have omitted the unmeaning words [Greek: e dia theias hettes tethambemenos] . See the note of Sintenis.]

[Footnote 541: These words of Caesar are also reported by Suetonius (Caesar, 30), on the authority of Pollio. They are: Hoc voluerunt: tantis rebus gestis C. Caesar condemnatus essem, nisi ab exercitu auxilium petissem. These words are more emphatic with the omission of 'they brought me into such a critical position,' and Casaubon proposes to erase them in Plutarch's text, that is, to alter and improve the text.]

[Footnote 542: A rich town of Lydia in Asia Minor on the north side of the Maeander. This miracle at Tralles and others are enumerated by Caesar (Civil War, iii. 105; Dion Cassius, 41. c. 61). The book of Livius, in which this affair of Patavium (Padua) was mentioned (the 111th), is lost. See the Supplement of Freinsheim, c. 72.]

[Footnote 543: See life of Pompeius, c. 42, notes; and Appianus (Civil Wars, ii. 88).]

[Footnote 544: Caesar crossed the Hellespont, where he met with C. Cassius Longinus going with a fleet to aid Pharnakes in Pontus. Cassius surrendered and was kindly treated, in consideration of which he afterwards assisted to murder Caesar. (Appianus, Civil Wars, ii. 88.)]

[Footnote 545: Of Knidus. The same who is mentioned by Cicero (Ad Attic. xiii. 7) as a friend of Caesar, and by Strabo, p. 48, &c.

Asia is the Roman province of Asia.]

[Footnote 546: Caesar (Civil War, iii. 106) speaks of his arrival on the coast of Egypt. The Egyptians were offended to see the Roman fasces carried before him.]

[Footnote 547: Caesar had the head of Pompeius burnt with due honours, and he built a temple to Nemesis over the ashes. The temple was pulled down by the Jews in their rising in Egypt during the time of Trajanus. (Appianus, Civil Wars, ii. 90.)

As to the seal ring see the Life of Pompeius, c. 80, and Dion Cassias (42. c. 18).]

[Footnote 548: The Alexandrine war, which is confusedly told here, is recorded in a single book entitled De Bello Alexandrino and in Dion Cassius (42. c. 34-44). The origin of it is told by Caesar at the end of the third Book of the Civil War. The history of the Alexandrine war by Appianus was in his AEgyptiaca, which is lost. Dion Cassius, a lover of scandal, mentions that Caesar's attachment to Kleopatra was the cause of the Alexandrine war (42. c. 44). But it could not be the sole cause. Caesar landed with the insignia of his office, as if he were entering a Roman province, and it might be reasonably suspected by the Egyptians that he had a design on the country. Instead of thanking them for ridding him of his rival, he fixed himself and his soldiers in one of the quarters of Alexandria. Caesar went to get money (Dion, 42. c. 9). Kleopatra kept him there longer than he at first intended to stay.]

[Footnote 549: Ptolemaeus Auletes through Caesar's influence had been declared a friend and ally of the Romans in Caesar's consulship B.C. 59. (Cic. Ad Attic. ii. 16.) Ptolemaeus had to spend money for this: he both gave and promised. It does not appear that this money was promised to Caesar: it is more probable that it was promised to the Roman State and Caesar came to get it.]

[Footnote 550: The story of Kleopatra coming to Caesar is also told by Dion Cassius (42. c. 34). Caesar mentions his putting Pothinus to death (Civil War, iii. 112). Caesar had at first only 3200 foot soldiers and 800 cavalry to oppose to the 20,000 men of Achillas, who were not bad soldiers. Besides these 20,000 men Achillas had a great number of vagabonds collected from all parts of Cilicia and Syria.]

[Footnote 551: Alexandria had no springs, and it was supplied from the Nile, the water of which was received into cisterns under the houses. This supply was (Bell. Alex. 5, &c.) damaged by Ganymedes the Egyptian drawing up salt water from the sea and sending it into the cisterns. Caesar supplied himself by digging wells in the sand.]

[Footnote 552: As to the destruction of the library see Dion Cassius (42. c. 38) and the notes of Reimarus. The destruction is not mentioned by Caesar or the author of the Alexandrine war. Kleopatra afterwards restored it, and the library was famed for a long time after. Lipsius (Opera iii. 1124, Vesal 1675) has collected all that is known of this and other ancient libraries.]

[Footnote 553: The Pharos is a small island in the bay of Alexandria, which was connected with the mainland by a mole, and so divided the harbour into two parts. The story of the battle of the Pharos is told by Dion Cassius (42. c. 40), with the particulars about Caesar's escape. See the notes of Reimarus.

The modern city of Alexandria is chiefly built on the mole which joined the old city to the mainland. (Article Alexandria, 'Penny Cyclopaedia,' by the author of this note.)]

[Footnote 554: The King, the elder brother of Kleopatra, was drowned in the Nile. (Dion Cassius, 42. c. 43, and the notes of Reimarus.) His body was found. (Florus, ii. 60.)]

[Footnote 555: Caesar did not add Egypt to the Roman Empire. He married Kleopatra to her younger brother, who was a boy. Dion says that he still continued his commerce with Kleopatra. Caesar was nine months in Egypt, from October 48 to July 47 of the unreformed Kalendar.

Caesarion, a Greek form from the word Caesar, may have been Caesar's son, for there is no doubt that Caesar cohabited with Kleopatra in Egypt. There is more about this Caesarion in Suetonius, Caesar, c. 52, where the reading is doubtful; Caesar Octavian. c. 17. When Caesar Octavianus took Egypt he put Caesarion to death.]

[Footnote 556: He had been acknowledged by Pompeius as king of the Bosporus after the death of his father. He was now in Asia Minor, where he had taken Amisus and had castrated all the male children. Caesar after hearing of the defeat of Domitius Calvinus, his legatus, by Pharnakos, advanced against him and routed his army. Zela is eight hours south of Amasia, the birthplace of Strabo, and about 40 deg. 15' N. lat. Pharnakes was afterwards murdered by Asander, one of his generals. (Appianus, Civil Wars, ii. 91; Dion Cassius, 42, 46; Bell. Alexandria, c. 72.)

The modern town of Zilleh, which contains 2000 houses, stands on the site of Zela. A hill rises abruptly above the plain near the centre of the present town, and occupies a commanding position. The appearance of the place corresponds very well with Strabo's description (p. 561), in whose time it was the capital of Zelitis. (Hamilton's Asia Minor, i. 361.)]

[Footnote 557: This is the best MS. reading, not Amintius; the true name is probably C. Matius. He was an intimate friend of Caesar, and he is well spoken of by Cicero. He remained faithful to the cause of Caesar after his death, and he attached himself to Octavianus. There is a letter of Cicero to Matius, with the answer of Matius (Cicero, Ad Diversos, xi. 27, 28) written after Caesar's death, which shows him to have been a man of honour and courage, and worthy of the name of Caesar's friend.

This letter of Caesar's is probably a forgery of the anecdote-makers. Davis (note to Oudendorp's Caesar, ii. 992) has indicated the probable source of this supposed letter. (Suetonius, Caesar, c. 37.) The battle was a smart affair of several hours, and was not won without some loss.]

[Footnote 558: He was named Dictator for B.C. 47 by the Senate in Rome immediately after the battle of Pharsalia: he was at Alexandria when he received this news. He appointed M. Antonius his Master of the Horse and sent him to Rome. (Dion Cassius, 42. c. 21-33.)]

[Footnote 559: It broke out during his dictatorship. (Suetonius, Caesar, c. 70; Dion Cassius, 42. c. 52.) The story is told very circumstantially by Appianus (Civil Wars, ii. 92). The soldiers demanded of Caesar release from service (missio), and he granted it to them in a single word, Mitto. The soldiers having got what they asked for were no longer soldiers, but citizens; and Caesar in the subsequent part of the conference properly addressed them as Quirites, just as Cicero addresses the Roman people by this name in one of his orations against Rullus. The soldiers at last prevailed on him to restore them to their former condition; and he set out with them for his African war. This affair is alluded to by Tacitus. (Annal. ii. 42; Lucanus, v. 357.)]

[Footnote 560: P. Cornelius Dolabella, a devoted adherent of Caesar. His turbulent tribunate is recorded by Dion Cassius (42. c. 29, &c.). He was consul with M. Antonius B.C. 44. The name Amantius occurs here again. It is Amintius in some editions of Plutarch. Kaltwasser observes that nothing is known of Amintius and Corfinius. But Corfinius should be Cornificius; and Amantius should probably be C. Matius.]

[Footnote 561: Cato was not in the battle of Pharsalus. After the battle Cato, Scipio, Afranius, and Labienus went to Corcyra, whence they sailed to Africa to join Juba. (Life of Cato, c. 55; Dion Cassius, 42. c. 10; Appianus, Civil Wars, ii. 95, &c.)

The history of the African War is contained in one book, and is printed in the editions with the Gallic War of Caesar. Caesar landed at Hadrumetum, because Utica was strongly guarded. (Dion Cassius, 42. c. 58.)]

[Footnote 562: Comp. the African War, c. 1.]

[Footnote 563: Dion Cassius (42. c. 58) calls him Salatto. Suetonius (Caesar, c. 59) also tells the same story. The African campaign is told by Dion Cassius, 43. c. 1, &c.]

[Footnote 564: Scipio avoided fighting as long as he could. Thapsus was situated on a kind of peninsula, south of Hadrumetum, as Dion Cassius states. But his description is not clear. There were salt-pans near it, which were separated from the sea by a very narrow tract. Caesar occupied this approach to Thapsus, and then formed his lines about the town in the form of a crescent. Scipio came to relieve Thapsus, and this brought on a battle. (African War, 80.) Caesar could not stop the slaughter after the battle was won.]

[Footnote 565: Petreius, Caesar's former opponent in Spain, fled with Juba to Zama, where Juba had his family and his treasures. But the people would not receive Juba into the place. On which, after rambling about for some time with Petreius, in despair they determined to fight with one another that they might die like soldiers. Juba, who was strong, easily killed Petreius, and then with the help of a slave he killed himself. (African War, 94; Dion Cassius, 43, c. 8.)

Scipio attempted to escape to Spain on ship-board. Near Hippo Regius (Bona) he was in danger of falling into the hands of P. Silius, on which he stabbed himself. Afranius and Faustus Sulla, the son of the dictator, were taken prisoners and murdered by the soldiers in Caesar's camp.]

[Footnote 566: As to the death of Cato, see the Life of Cato, c. 65.]

[Footnote 567: The work was in two books, and was written about the time of the battle of Munda, B.C. 45. (Suetonius, c. 56; Cicero, Ad Attic, xii. 40; Dion Cassius, 43. c. 13, and the notes of Reimarus about the "Anticato.")]

[Footnote 568: Caesar made the kingdom of Juba a Roman province, of which he appointed C. Sallustius, the historian, proconsul. He laid heavy impositions on the towns of Thapsus and Hadrumetum. He imposed on the people of Leptis an annual tax of 3,000,000 pounds weight of oil (pondo olei), which Plutarch translates by the Greek word litrae. On his voyage to Rome he stayed at Carales (Cagliari) in Sardinia. He reached Rome at the end of July, B.C. 46. (African War, 97, &c.)

Dion Cassius (43. c. 15, &c.) gives us a speech of Caesar before the Senate on his return to Rome.]

[Footnote 569: As Kaltwasser remarks, Plutarch has omitted the triumph over Gaul. (Dion Cassius, 43. c. 19; Appianus, Civil Wars, ii. 101.) After the triumph Vercingetorix was put to death. Arsinoe, the sister of Kleopatra, appeared in the Egyptian triumph in chains.]

[Footnote 570: See the Life of Sulla, c. 16 notes; and Dion Cassius, 51. c. 15.]

[Footnote 571: Plutarch has the word [Greek: triklinos]. The Latin form is triclinium, a couch which would accomodate three persons at table. The word is of Greek origin, and simply means a place which will allow three persons to recline upon it. As triclinia were placed in eating-rooms, such a room is sometimes called triclinium. It is sometimes incorrectly stated that triclinium means three couches, and that a dining-room had the name of triclinium because it contained three couches; which is absurd. Vitruvius describes oeci(dining-rooms) square and large enough to contain four triclinia, and leave room also for the servants (vi. 10). It may be true that three couches was a common number in a room.]

[Footnote 572: There was no census this year, as Rualdus quoted by Kaltwasser shows. Augustus had a census made in his sixth consulship, B.C. 28; and there had then been none for twenty-four years. That of B.C. 42 was in the consulship of M. AEmilius Lepidus and Munatius Plancus. It has been remarked that Plutarch gives the exact numbers that are given in Suetonius (Caesar, 41), when he is speaking of the number of poor citizens who received an allowance of corn from the state, which number Caesar reduced from 320,000 to 150,000. This passage, compared with Dion Cassius (43. c. 21), seems to explain the origin of Plutarch's statement. Appianus (Civil Wars, ii. 102) also supposed that it was a census. See Clinton, Fasti, Lustra Romana, B.C. 50. (See the Life of Caius Gracchus, c. 5, notes.)]

[Footnote 573: Caesar was sole consul in the year B.C. 45. He was still dictator.]

[Footnote 574: Munda was in Baetica, west of Malaca (Malaga). The battle was fought on the day of the Liberalia, the feast of Liber or Bacchus, the 17th of March. Pompeius, B.C. 49, left Brundisium on the Ides of March, the 15th.

The Spanish campaign is contained in a book entitled "De Bello Hispaniensi," which is printed with the "Commentaries of Caesar:" thirty thousand men fell on the side of Pompeius, and three thousand equites (c. 31). See also Dion Cassius, 43, c. 36; and Appianus, Civil Wars, ii. 104.]

[Footnote 575: Cneius Pompeius, the elder of the two sons of Pompeius Magnus, was overtaken after he had for some time eluded the pursuit of the enemy. His head was carried to Hispalis (Seville) and exhibited in public. Caesar, who was then at Gades (Cadiz), came shortly after to Hispalis, and addressed the people in a speech. Sextus Pompeius was at Corduba during the battle, and he made his escape on hearing the news of his brother's defeat.]

[Footnote 576: C. Didius. According to Dion, Cn. Pompeius was killed by another set of pursuers, not by Didius. The author of the Spanish War (c. 40) does not mention Didius as having carried the head of Pompeius to Hispalis. After the death of Pompeius, Didius fell in a battle with some Lusitani who had escaped from Munda.]

[Footnote 577: Caesar celebrated his Spanish triumph in October, B.C. 45.]

[Footnote 578: Caesar was appointed Dictator for Life, and consul for ten years, (Appianus, ii. 106.)

Dictatorship was properly only a temporary office, and created in some great emergency, or for a particular purpose. The first dictator was T. Lartius, who was appoined, B.C. 501. The original period of office was only six months (Livius, ix. 34), and many dictators abdicated, that is, voluntarily resigned the dictatorship before the end of the six months. The Dictator had that authority within the city which the consuls, when in office, only had without. During his term of office there were no consuls. Under the Dictator there was a Magister Equitum, who was sometimes appointed probably by the Dictator. The whole question of the dictatorship is one of considerable difficulty. No dictator had been appointed for one hundred and twenty years before the time when Sulla was appointed; and his dictatorship and that of Caesar must not be considered as the genuine office. Caesar was the last Roman who had the title of Dictator. The subject of the Dictatorship is discussed by Niebuhr, Roman History, vol. i. 552, English Transl.]

[Footnote 579: The honours decreed to Caesar in the year before are mentioned by Dion Cassius (43. c. 14). Among other things a large statue of him was made which was supported on a figure of the earth (probably a sphere); and there was the inscription—"Semideus, Half-God." The further honours conferred on Caesar in this year are recorded by Dion Cassius (43. c. 44, &c.). A statue of the Dictator was to be placed in the temple of Quirinus (Romulus), which was equivalent to calling Caesar a second founder of Rome. Cicero (Ad Attic. xii. 45, and xiii. 28)

Jokes Atticus on the new neighbour that he was going to have: Atticus lived on the Quirinal Hill, where the temple of Quirinus stood.

The Senate also decreed that Caesar should use the word Imperator as a title prefixed to his name—Imperator Caius Julius Caesar. The old practice was to put it after the name, as M. Tullius Cicero Imperator. The title Imperator prefixed to the name does not occur on the medals of Caesar. But this decree of the Senate was the origin of the term Imperator being used as a title by the Roman Emperors. (Dion Cassius, 43. c. 44.)]

[Footnote 580: I do not find what particular honours Cicero proposed. His correspondence with Atticus during this period shows that he was dissatisfied with the state of affairs, and very uneasy about himself, though, as far as concerned Caesar, he had nothing to fear.]

[Footnote 581: Carthage was destroyed B.C. 146; and Corinth in the same year by L. Mummius. Colonies were sent to both places in B.C. 44. (Dion Cassius, 43. c. 50.) Many Romans were sent to settle in both places. (Strabo, p. 833; Pausanias, ii. 1.) The colonization of Carthage had been attempted by Caius Gracchus. (Life of C. Gracchus, c. 11, notes.)]

[Footnote 582: In B.C. 45 Caesar was consul for the fourth time and without a colleague. But he laid down the office before the end of the year, and Quintus Fabius Maximus and C. Trebonius were appointed consuls; the first instance of consuls being appointed for a part of the year, which afterwards became a common practice. (Dion Cassius, 43. c. 46.) The appointment of C. Caninius is mentioned by Cicero (Ad Diversos, vii. 30), who remarks that nobody dined in that consulship, and that the consul was so vigilant that he did not sleep during his term of office: in fact he was consul for only part of a day. An inscription records the consulships of this year. (Note to Cicero in the Variorum edition.)]

[Footnote 583: On the intended Parthian expedition of Caesar, see Dion Cassius, 43. c. 51.]

[Footnote 584: This design of Caesar is mentioned by Dion Cassius (44. c. 5), Suetonius (Caesar, 441), and Plinius (H.N. iv. 4).]

[Footnote 585: This scheme is not mentioned by any other author that I can find. Circaeum, or Circeii, as the Romans called it, is the mountain promontory, now Circello or Circeo, between which and Tarracina lies the southern part of the Pomptine marshes. The intended cut must therefore run nearly in the direction of the Via Appia and to the west of it. But considerable cuttings would be required on that more elevated part of the Campagna which lies between the mountains of Alba and the nearest part of the coast. The basin of the Pomptine marshes is bounded by the offsets of the Alban mountains, the Volscian mountains, and the sea. In the central part it is only a few feet above the sea-level, and in some parts it is below it. When a violent south-west wind raises the sea on the coast between Tarracina and Circeo, the water would be driven into the basin of the Pomptine marshes instead of flowing out. There would therefore be no sufficient fall of water to keep the channel clear, even if the head of the cut, where it originated in the Tiber, were high enough; and that is doubtful. The scheme was probably a canal, which with some locks might be practicable; but if the work could be accomplished, it would probably have no commercial advantages.]

[Footnote 586: Pometia is the common Roman form, from which comes the name of the Pometinae, or Pomptinae Paludes, now the Pontine Paludi; the site of Pometia is uncertain. That Caesar intended to accomplish the drainage of this tract is mentioned by Dion Cassius and Suetonius.

Setia (Sezza), noted for its wine, is on the Volscian hills (the Monti Lepini), and on the eastern margin of the marshes. The physical condition of this tract is described by Prony, in his "Description Hydrographique et Historique des Marais Pontins," 4to. Paris, 1822; the work is accompanied by a volume of plans and sections and a map of the district. A sketch of the physical character of this district, and of the various attempts to drain it, is also given in the 'Penny Cyclopaedia,'—art. Pomptine Marshes. See also Westphal's two valuable maps of the Campagna di Roma, and his accompanying Memoir, Berlin and Stettin, 1829.]

[Footnote 587: Ostia, the old port of Rome, on the east bank of the Tiber near the mouth of the river. The present Ostia is somewhat farther inland, and was built in the ninth century by Pope Gregory the Fourth. There are extensive remains of the old town, but they are in a very decayed condition. "Numerous shafts of columns, which are scattered about in all directions, remains of the walls of extensive buildings, and large heaps of rubbish covered with earth and overgrown with grass, give some, though a faint, idea of the splendour, of the ancient city, which at the time of its greatest splendour, at the beginning of our era, had eighty thousand inhabitants." (Westphal, Die Roemische Kampagne, p. 7.)]

[Footnote 588: The reformation of the Kalendar was effected in B.C. 46. Dion Cassius (43. c. 26) says that Caesar was instructed on this subject during his residence at Alexandria in Egypt. The Egyptians had a year of 365 days from a very early date (Herodotus, ii. 4). In this year (B.C. 46) Caesar intercalated two months of 67 days between November and December, and as this was the year in which, according to the old fashion, the intercalary month of 23 days had been inserted in February, the whole intercalation in this year was 90 days. Caesar made the reformed year consist of 365 days, and he directed one day to be intercalated in every fourth year (quarto quoque anno) in order that the civil year, which began on the 1st of January, might agree with the solar year. The old practice of intercalating a month was of course dropped. The year B.C. 46 was a year of 445 days. By this reformation, says Dion Cassius, all error was avoided except a very small one, and he adds, that to correct the accumulations of this error, it would only be necessary to intercalate one day in 1461 years. But this is a mistake; for in 1460 years there would be an error of nearly eleven days too much. Ten days were actually dropped between the 4th and 15th of October, 1582, by Gregory XIII., with the sanction of the Council of Trent.

A curious mistake was soon made at Rome by the Pontifices who had the regulation of the Kalendar. The rule was to intercalate a day in every fourth year (quarto quoque anno). Now such expressions are ambiguous in Latin, as is shown by numerous examples. (Savigny, System des heut. Roem. Rechts, iv. 329.) The expression might mean that both the year one and the year four were to be included in the interpretation of this rule; and the Pontifices interpreted it accordingly. Thus, after intercalating in year one, they intercalated again in year four, instead of in year five. In the time of Augustus, B.C. 8. the error was corrected, and the civil year was set right by dropping the three intercalary days which came next after that year, three being the number of days in excess that had been intercalated. For the future the rule of Caesar was correctly interpreted. Dion Cassius in expressing the rule as to intercalation uses the phrase, [Greek: dia pente eton] .

The subject of Caesar's reformation is explained in the notes to Dion Cassius (43. c. 26), ed. Reimarus, and in the article Calendar (Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities) by Professor Key.]

[Footnote 589: The Romans had a large collection of these writings (libri Sibyllini) which were kept in the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus under the care of particular functionaries (duumviri sacrorum). On this curious subject the reader will find sufficient information in the Penny Cyclopaedia,—art. Sibyl.]

[Footnote 590: Dion Cassius (44. c. 8), who tells the story, says that he was seated in the vestibule of the Temple of Venus; and he mentions another excuse that Caesar had for not rising.]

[Footnote 591: L. Cornelius Balbus was a native of Gades. Pompeius Magnus gave him the Roman citizenship for his services in Spain against Sertorius, which was confirmed by a lex passed B.C. 72, in the consulship of Cn. Cornelius Lentulus. Probably to show his gratitude to the consul, Balbus assumed the Roman name Cornelius. Balbus is often mentioned in Cicero's correspondence. After Caesar's death he attached himself to Caesar Octavianus, and he was consul B.C. 40. He left a journal of the events of his own and Caesar's life. He also urged Hirtius (Pansa) to write the Eighth Book of the Gallic War (Preface addressed to Balbus), Suetonius, Caesar, 81.]

[Footnote 592: The Lupercalia are described in the Life of Romulus, c. 21. The festival was celebrated on the 15th of February. It was apparently an old shepherd celebration; and the name of the deity Lupercus appears to be connected with the name Lupus (wolf), the nurturer of the twins Romulus and Remus. Shakspere, who has literally transferred into his play of Julius Caesar many passages from North's Plutarch, makes Caesar say to the consul Antonius—

Forget not, in your speed, Antonius, To touch Calphurnia; for our elders say, The barren, touched in this holy chase, Shake off their sterile curse.

Act i. Sc. 2.]

[Footnote 593: Dion Cassius (44. c. 9) speaks of the honours conferred on Caesar and his supposed ambitious designs.]

[Footnote 594: The Latin word "brutus" means "senseless," "stupid." The Cumaei, the inhabitants of Cume in AEolis, were reckoned very stupid. Strabo (p. 622) gives two reasons why this opinion obtained; one of which was, that it was not till three hundred years after the foundation of the city that they thought of making some profit by the customs duties, though they had a port.]

[Footnote 595: Compare the Life of Brutus, c. 1, Dion Cassius (44. c. 12), and Drumann, Geschichte Roms, Junii, p. 2. This Brutus was not a descendant of him who expelled the last king.]

[Footnote 596: Plutarch means the office of Praetor Urbanus, the highest of the offices called praetorships. There was originally only one praetor, the Praetor Urbanus. There were now sixteen. The Praetor Urbanus was the chief person engaged in the administration of justice in Rome; and hence the allusion to the "tribunal" ([Greek: bema]) where the Praetor sat when he did business.]

[Footnote 597: I have translated this according to the reading of Sintenis. Compare the Life of Brutus, c. 8. Caesar was very lean. As to the writings compare Dion Cassius (44, c. 12).]

[Footnote 598: See the Life of Brutus, c. 89.]

[Footnote 599:

Caesar. Let me have men about me that are fat; Sleek-headed men, and such as sleep o' nights: Yond' Cassius has a lean and hungry look; He thinks too much: such men are dangerous. Shakspere, Julius Caesar, Act i. Sc. 2.]

[Footnote 600: The passage was in the Historical Memoirs. See the Life of Sulla, c. 26; and the Life of Lucullus, c. 28. Notes.]

[Footnote 601: The Ides of March were the 15th, on which day Caesar was murdered.]

[Footnote 602: Compare Dion Cassius (44. c. 17). Caesar also had a dream.]

[Footnote 603: I have kept Plutarch's word, which is Greek. Suetonius (Caesar, c. 81) expresses it by the Latin word "fastigium," and also Florus (iv. 2), Cicero (Philipp. ii. 43), and Julius Obsequens (c. 127), who enumerates the omens mentioned by Plutarch. The passage of Livius must have been in the 116th Book, which is lost. See the Epitome. The word here probably means a pediment. But it also signifies an ornament, such as a statue placed on the summit of a pediment.]

[Footnote 604: Decimus Junius Brutus Albinus was the son of Decimus Junius Brutus, Consul B.C. 77, and grandson of Decimus Junius Brutus Callaicus, Consul B.C. 138. He was adopted by Aulus Postumius Albinus, Consul, B.C. 99, whence he took the name Albinus. He served under Caesar in Gaul, during which campaign he destroyed the fleet of the Veneti. (Gallic War, iii. 12, &c.) Decimus Brutus was a great favourite with Caesar, who by his will placed him in the second degree of succession; he also gave him the province of Cisalpine Gaul, which Brutus held after Caesar's death, and appointed him to be consul for B.C. 42. In the year B.C. 43, after M. Antonius had united himself with M. Lepidus, the governor of Gallia Narbonensis, and L. Munatius Plancus and Asinius Pollio had also joined M. Antonius, Decimus Brutus attempted to make his escape into Macedonia to Marcus Brutus; but he was overtaken in the Alps by the cavalry of Antonius, and put to death after abjectly praying for mercy. This was the just punishment of a treacherous friend who helped Caesar to the supreme power and then betrayed him (Vell. Paterculus, ii. 61). Like many other men, he did well enough when he was directed by others, but when he was put in command, he lost his head and threw away the opportunities that he had. There are extant several of his letters to Ciecro and letters of Cicero to him. (Dion Cassius, 43. c. 53, and the references in the notes; Drumann, Geschichte Roms, Junii.)]

[Footnote 605: It was usual for the Romans in their wills to substitute an heres, one or more (in the Roman sense), to take the property in case the person who was first named in the will for any reason did not take it. Caesar's first heres was his great nephew, C. Octavius, afterwards Augustus.]

[Footnote 606: It was the general opinion that some roll or writing was put into Caesar's hands, which informed him of the conspiracy; but, as is usual in such cases, there were different statements current about the particulars of this circumstance. Compare Dion Cassius, 44. c. 18.]

[Footnote 607: According to Dion Cassius (41. c. 52) the Senate was assembled in the curia ([Greek: synedrion]), which Pompeius had built.]

[Footnote 608: The two sects of Greek philosophy that had most adherents among the Romans were those of the Epicureans and the Stoics. Cassius, as an Epicurean, would have no faith in any superhuman powers; but in the moments of danger a man's speculative principles give way to the common feelings of all mankind. I have kept Plutarch's word "enthusiasm," which is here to be understood not in our sense, but in the Greek sense of a person under some superhuman influence.]

[Footnote 609: This is a mistake of Plutarch, who has stated the fact correctly in his Life of Brutus (c. 17). It was Caius Trebonius who kept Antonius engaged in talk, as we learn from Dion Cassius (44. c. 10), Appianus (Civil War, ii. 117), and Cicero, who in a Letter to Trebonius (Ad Diversos, x. 28) complains that Trebonius had taken Antonius aside, and so saved his life.]

[Footnote 610: Some would write Tullius Cimber. See the note of Sintenis. Atilius may be the true name.]

[Footnote 611: P. Servilius Casca was at this time a tribune of the Plebs (Dion Cassius, 44. c. 52).]

[Footnote 612: Dion Cassius adds (44. c. 19) that Caesar said to M. Brutus, "And you too, my son." Probably the story of Caesar's death received many embellishments. Of his three and twenty wounds, only one was mortal according to the physician Antistius (Suetonius, Caesar, 82): but though the wounds severally might not have been mortal, the loss of blood from all might have caused death. Suetonius (c. 82) adds, that Caesar pierced the arm of Cassius (he mentions two Cassii among the conspirators) with his graphium (stylus). See the notes in Burmann's edition of Suetonius.

The circumstances of the death of Caesar are minutely stated by Drumann, Geschichte Roms, Julii, p. 728, &c. The reflections of Dion Cassius (44. c. 1, 2) on the death of Caesar are worth reading. He could not see that any public good was accomplished by this murder; nor can anybody else.]

[Footnote 613: Cicero was among them. He saw, as he says himself (Ad Attic. xiv. 10), the tyrant fall, and he rejoiced. In his letters he speaks with exultation of the murder, and commends the murderers. But he was not let into the secret. They were afraid to trust him. If he had been in the conspiracy, he says (Philipp. ii. 14) he would have made clean work; he would have assassinated all the enemies of liberty; in other words, all the chief men of Caesar's party. He had abjectly humbled himself before Caesar, who treated him with kind respect. Like all genuine cowards he was cruel when he had power.]

[Footnote 614: M. AEmilius Lepidus, son of M. Lepidus, consul B.C. 78. He afterwards formed one of the Triumviri with M. Antonius and Octavianus Caesar. This was the Lepidus with whom Caesar supped the day before he was murdered. He was a feeble man, though something of a soldier. Shakspere has painted him in a few words:

Antony. This is a slight unmeritable man, Meet to be sent on errands.

Julius Caesar, Act iv. Sc. 1.

There is more of him in the Lives of Brutus and Antonius.]

[Footnote 615: I do not know who this Caius Octavius is. There is probably some mistake in the name. Lentulus was the son of P. Cornelius Lentulus Spinther, consul B.C. 57. He had, like many others, experienced Caesar's clemency. Plutarch is mistaken in saying that this Spinther was put to death, though he was probably included in the proscription. (See Drumann, Geschichte Roms, Lentuli, p. 545.) The Lentulus who is mentioned as having been put to death in Egypt (Life of Pompeius, c. 80) was L. Cornelius Lentulus Crus, consul B.C. 49.

The disturbances which followed Caesar's death are more particularly described in the Lives of Brutus and Antonius.]

[Footnote 616: Caesar made Caius Octavius, his sister's grandson, his first heres. He left a legacy to every Roman citizen, the amount of which is variously stated. He also left to the public his gardens on the Tiber. (Suetonius, Caesar, c. 83); Dion Cassius (44. c. 35).

Shakspere has made a noble scene of the speech of Antonius over Caesar's body on the opening of the will:

Ant. Here is the will, and under Caesar's seal; To every Roman citizen he gives, To every several man, seventy-five drachmas: Moreover he hath left you all his walks, His private arbours and new planted orchards, On this side Tiber; he hath left them you And to your heirs for ever; common pleasures, To walk abroad, and recreate yourselves. Here was a Caesar. When comes such another?

Julius Caesar, Act iii. Sc. 2.

Antonius, according to Roman fashion, made a funeral speech over the body of Caesar (Life of Antonius, c. 14; of Brutus, c. 20). Dion Cassius (44. c. 36-49) has put a long speech in the mouth of Antonius, mere empty declamation. Appianus (Civil Wars, ii. 144-6) gives one which is well enough suited to the character of Antonius. (Oratorum Romanorum Fragmenta, ed. Mayer, p. 455.) It is probable that the speech of Antonius was preserved, and was used as materials by the historians.]

[Footnote 617: This man, who unluckily bore the name of Cinna, was C. Helvius Cinna, a tribune of the plebs, a poet, and a friend of Caesar. (Dion Cassius, 44. c. 50, and the notes of Reimarus.) The conspirator Cinna was the son of L. Cornelius Cinna, who was a partisan of Marius, and was murdered in his fourth consulship (Life of Pompeius, c. 5). Caesar's wife Cornelia, the mother of his only child Julia, was the sister of the conspirator Cinna, as Plutarch names him. But probably he was not one of the conspirators, though he approved of the deed after it was done. (Drumann, Geschichte Roms, Cinnae, p. 591, notes, and also as to Helvius Cinna.)]

[Footnote 618: And also in the Life of Antonius.]

[Footnote 619: Suetonius (Caesar, c. 89) observes that scarce any of his assasins survived him three years; and they all came to a violent end.]

[Footnote 620: This town was on the Asiatic side of the Hellespont. Compare the Life of Brutus, c. 36. 48, and Appianus (Civil Wars, iv. 134). Dion Cassius does not mention the ghost story.]

[Footnote 621: It has been already remarked that Niebuhr is of opinion that the introduction to the Life of Caesar is lost. This opinion will not appear well founded to those who have got a right conception of the dramatic form in which Plutarch has cast most of his Lives, and more particularly this of Caesar. He begins by representing him as resisting the tyrant Sulla when others yielded, and then making his way through a long series of events to the supreme power, which he had no sooner attained than he lost it. But his fortune survived him, and the faithless men, his murderers, most of whom owed to him their lives or their fortunes, were pursued by the avenging daemon till they were all hunted down.

A just estimate of the first of all the Romans is not a difficult task. We know him from the evidence of his contemporaries, both friends and enemies. The devoted attachment of his true friends is beyond doubt; and his enemies could not deny his exalted talents. Cicero, who has in various places heaped on him every term of abuse that his copious storehouse contained, does not refuse his testimony to the great abilities and generous character of Caesar. Drumann (Geschichte Roms, Julii) has given an elaborate examination of Caesar's character. His faults and his vices belonged to his age, and he had them in common with nearly all his contemporaries. His most striking virtues, his magnanimity, his generosity, his mercy to the vanquished, distinguished him among all the Romans of his period. Caesar was a combination of bodily activity, intellectual power, of literary acquirements, and administrative talent that has seldom appeared. As a soldier he was not inferior in courage and endurance to the hardiest veteran of his legions; and his military ability places him in the first rank of commanders who have contended with and overcome almost insurmountable obstacles. Cicero ranks him in the first class of orators; and his own immortal work, his History of the Gallic Campaign and the Civil War, is a literary monument which distinguishes him among all other commanders. As a speaker and a writer he had no superior among his contemporaries. His varied talents are further shown by his numerous literary labours, of which some small notices remain. His views were large and enlightened, his schemes were vast and boundless. His genius deserved a better sphere than the degenerate republic in which he lived. But the power which he acquired did not die with him. A youth of tender age succeeded to the name and the inheritance of Caesar, and by his great talents and a long career of wonderful success consolidated that Monarchy which we call the Roman Empire.

Shakspere has founded his play of Julius Caesar on Plutarch's Life of Caesar and the Lives of Brutus and Antonius. The passages in North's version which he has more particularly turned to his purpose are collected in Mr. Knight's edition of Shakspere (8vo. edition). Shakspere has three Roman plays, Coriolanus, Julius Caesar, and Antony and Cleopatra. As a drama the first is the best. The play of Julius Caesar has been estimated very differently by different critics. Mr. Knight has many valuable remarks on these Roman plays (vol. xi.), and he has shown the way, as he conceives, in which they should be viewed. The Julius Caesar is so constructed as to show the usurpation and death of Caesar, and the fall of Brutus, the chief of the assassins, at the battle of Philippi. With Brutus the hopes of his party fell. The play should therefore rather be entitled Marcus Brutus than Julius Caesar; and it is deficient in that unity without which no great dramatic effect can be produced. The name and the fame of Caesar,

the noblest man, That ever lived in the tide of time,

obscure the meaner talents of Brutus; and that death which in Plutarch forms a truly tragical catastrophe, here occurs in the middle of the action, which would appropriately terminate with it. But we have to follow the historical course of events; we follow Brutus to his fate at the battle of Philippi, and witness the vengeance of which Caesar's ghost forewarns the false friends. Shakspere may have meant to represent Brutus as the last of the Romans, and the Republic as dying with him; but he also represents him as haunted by the ghost of his murdered benefactor, and losing heart before the final contest. The "great daemon" of Caesar avenged him on his enemies; and in this point of view the play has a unity. Brutus dies like a Roman, and that murder to which he was led by the instigation of others, only renders the Monarchy inevitable and necessary. But if the play is faulty in construction, as I venture to think it is, it has other merits of the highest order, which place it in some respects among the best works of the great master of dramatic art.]



LIFE OF PHOKION.

I. The orator Demades, who became one of the chief men in Athens by his subservience to the Macedonians and Antipater, and who was forced to say and to write much that was derogatory to the glory and contrary to the traditional policy of Athens, used to excuse himself by pleading that he did not come to the helm before the vessel of the State was an utter wreck. This expression, which seems a bold one when used by Demades, might with great truth have been applied to the policy of Phokion. Indeed Demades himself wrecked Athens by his licentious life and policy, and when he was an old man Antipater said of him that he was like a victim which has been cut up for sacrifice, for there was nothing left of him but his tongue and his paunch; while the true virtue of Phokion was obscured by the evil days for Greece during which he lived, which prevented his obtaining the distinction which he deserved. We must not believe Sophokles, when he says that virtue is feeble and dies out in men:

"Why, not the very mind that's born with man, When he's unfortunate, remains the same."

Yet we must admit that fortune has so much power even over good men, that it has sometimes withheld from them their due meed of esteem and praise, has sullied their reputations with unworthy calumnies, and made it difficult for the world to believe in their virtue.

II. It would seem that democracies, when elated by success, are especially prone to break out into wanton maltreatment of their greatest men; and this is also true in the opposite case: for misfortunes render popular assemblies harsh, irritable, and uncertain in temper, so that it becomes a dangerous matter to address them, because they take offence at any speaker who gives them wholesome counsel. When he blames them for their mistakes, they think that he is reproaching them with their misfortunes, and when he speaks his mind freely about their condition, they imagine that he is insulting them. Just as honey irritates wounds and sores, so does true and sensible advice exasperate the unfortunate, if it be not of a gentle and soothing nature: exactly as the poet calls sweet things agreeable, because they agree with the taste, and do not oppose or fight against it. An inflamed eye prefers the shade, and shuns strong lights: and a city, when involved in misfortunes, becomes timid and weak through its inability to endure plain speaking at a time when it especially needs it, as otherwise its mistakes cannot be repaired. For this reason the position of a statesman in a democracy must always be full of peril; for if he tries merely to please the people he will share their ruin, while if he thwarts them he will be destroyed by them.

Astronomers teach us that the sun does not move in exactly the same course as the stars, and yet not in one which is opposed to them, but by revolving in an inclined and oblique orbit performs an easy and excellent circuit through them all, by which means everything is kept in its place, and its elements combined in the most admirable manner. So too in political matters, the man who takes too high a tone, and opposes the popular will in all cases, must be thought harsh and morose, while on the other hand he who always follows the people and shares in all their mistakes pursues a dangerous and ruinous policy. The art of government by which states are made great consists in sometimes making concessions to the people, and gratifying them when they are obedient to authority, and at the same time insisting upon salutary measures. Men willingly obey and support such a ruler if he does not act in a harsh and tyrannical fashion: but he has a very difficult and laborious part to play, and it is hard for him to combine the sternness of a sovereign with the gentleness of a popular leader, If, however, he succeed in combining these qualities, they produce the truest and noblest harmony, like that by which God is said to regulate the universe, as everything is brought about by gentle persuasion, and not by violence.

III. All this was exemplified in the case of the younger Cato: for he had not the art of persuasion and was unacceptable to the people, nor did he rise to eminence by the popular favour, but Cicero[622] says that he lost his consulship because he acted as if he were living in the Republic of Plato, and not in the dregs of Romulus. Such men seem to me to resemble fruits which grow out of season: for men gaze upon them with wonder, but do not eat them: and the stern antique virtue of Cato, displayed as it was in a corrupt and dissolute age, long after the season for it had gone by, gained him great glory and renown, but proved totally useless, as it was of too exalted a type to suit the political exigencies of the day. When Cato began his career, his country was not already ruined, as was that of Phokion. The ship of the state was indeed labouring heavily in the storm, but Cato, although he was not permitted to take the helm and guide the vessel, exerted himself so manfully, and gave so much assistance to those who were more powerful than himself, that he all but triumphed over fortune. The constitution was, no doubt, finally overthrown; but its ruin was due to others, and only took place after a long and severe struggle, during which Cato very nearly succeeded in saving it. I have chosen Phokion to compare with him, not because of the general resemblance of their characters as good and statesmanlike men, for a man may possess the same quality in various forms, as, for example, the courage of Alkibiades was of a different kind to that of Epameinondas; the ability of Themistokles was different to that of Aristeides; and the justice of Numa Pompilius was different to that of Agesilaus. But in the case of Phokion and Cato, their virtues bore the same stamp, form, and ethical complexion down to the most minute particulars. Both alike possessed the same mixture of kindness and severity, of caution and daring: both alike cared for the safety of others and neglected their own: both alike shrank from baseness, and were zealous for the right; so that one would have to use a very nice discrimination to discover the points of difference between their respective dispositions.

IV. Cato is admitted by all writers to have been a man of noble descent, as will be explained in his life: and I imagine that the family of Phokion was not altogether mean and contemptible. If his father had really been a pestle maker, as we are told by Idomeneus, who may be sure that Glaukippus, the son of Hypereides, who collected and flung at him such a mass of abuse, would not have omitted to mention his low birth, nor would he have been so well brought up as to have been a scholar of Plato while a lad, and afterwards to have studied under Xenokrates in the Academy; while from his youth up he always took an interest in liberal branches of learning. We are told by the historian Douris that scarcely any Athenian ever saw Phokion laughing or weeping, or bathing in the public baths, or with his hand outside of his cloak, when he wore one. Indeed when he was in the country or on a campaign he always went barefooted and wore only his tunic, unless the cold was excessively severe; so that the soldiers used to say in jest that it was a sign of wintry weather to see Phokion wearing his cloak.

V. Though one of the kindest and most affable of men, he was of a forbidding and severe countenance, so that men who did not know him well feared to address him when alone. Once when Chares in a speech mentioned Phokion's gloomy brow, the Athenians began to laugh. "Yet," said he, "his brow has never harmed you: but the laughter of these men has brought great sorrow upon the state." In like manner also the oratory of Phokion was most valuable, as it incited his countrymen to win brilliant successes, and to form lofty aspirations. He spoke in a brief, harsh, commanding style, without any attempt to flatter or please his audience. Just as Zeno says that a philosopher ought to steep his words in meaning, so Phokion's speeches conveyed the greatest possible amount of meaning in the smallest compass. It is probably in allusion to this that Polyeuktus[623] of Sphettus said that Demosthenes was the best orator, but that Phokion was the most powerful speaker. As the smallest coins are those which have the greatest intrinsic value, so Phokion in his speeches seemed to say much with few words. We are told that once while the people were flocking into the theatre Phokion was walking up and down near the stage, plunged in thought. "You seem meditative, Phokion," said one of his friends. "Yes, by Zeus," answered he, "I am considering whether I can shorten the speech which I am going to make to the Athenians." Demosthenes himself, who despised the other orators, when Phokion rose used to whisper to his friends, "Here comes the cleaver of my harangues." Much of his influence, however, must be ascribed to his personal character; since a word or a gesture of a truly good man carries more weight than ten thousand eloquently argued speeches.

VI. While yet a youth Phokion especially attached himself to the general Chabrias, and followed him in his campaigns, in which he gained considerable military experience, and in some instances was able to correct the strange inequalities of his commander's temperament. Chabrias, usually sluggish and hard to rouse, when in action became vehemently excited, and tried to outdo the boldest of his followers in acts of daring: indeed he lost his life at Chios by being the first to run his ship on shore and to try to effect a landing in the face of the enemy. Phokion, who was a man of action, and cautious nevertheless, proved most useful in stirring up Chabrias when sluggish, and again in moderating his eagerness when roused. In consequence of this, Chabrias, who was of a kindly and noble disposition, loved Phokion and promoted him to many responsible posts, so that his name became well known throughout Greece, as Chabrias entrusted him with the management of the most important military operations. At the battle of Naxos he enabled Phokion to win great glory, by placing him in command of the left wing, where the most important struggle took place, and where the victory was finally decided. As this was the first sea fight, since the capture and ruin of Athens, which the Athenians won by themselves, without allies, over other Greeks, they were greatly pleased with Chabrias, and Phokion was henceforth spoken of as a man of military genius. The battle was won during the performance of the Great Mysteries at Eleusis; and every year afterwards, on the sixteenth day of the month Boeedromion, Chabrias used to entertain the Athenians, and offer libations of wine to the gods.

VII. After this Chabrias sent Phokion to visit the islands and exact tribute from them, giving him an escort of twenty ships of war: upon which Phokion is said to have remarked, that if he was sent to fight the islanders, he should require a larger force, but that if he was going to the allies of Athens, one ship would suffice for him. He sailed in his own trireme, visited all the states, simply and unassumingly explained the objects of his mission to their leading men, and returned home with a large fleet, which the allies despatched to convey their tribute safe to Athens.

He not only esteemed and looked up to Chabrias while he lived, but after his death he took care of his family, and endeavoured to make a good man of his son Ktesippus; and though he found this youth stupid and unmanageable, he never ceased his efforts to amend his character and to conceal his faults. Once only we are told that when on some campaign the young man was tormenting him with unreasonable questions, and offering him advice as though he were appointed assistant-general, Phokion exclaimed, "O Chabrias, Chabrias, I do indeed prove myself grateful for your friendship for me, by enduring this from your son!" Observing that the public men of the day had, as if by lot, divided the duties of the war-office and of the public assembly amongst themselves, so that Eubulus, Aristophon, Demosthenes, Lykurgus, and Hypereides did nothing except make speeches to the people and bring forward bills, while Diopeithes, Menestheus, Leosthenes, and Chares rose entirely by acting as generals and by making war, Phokion wished to restore the era of Perikles, Aristeides, and Solon, statesmen who were able to manage both of these branches of the administration with equal success. Each one of those great men seemed to him, in the words of Archilochus, to have been