21. Was this expedient attended with success?

22. What was the conduct of Manlius after this?

23. What farther measures were taken to punish his ambition?

24. What defence did he set up?

25. Was his plea successful?

26. What is remarkable in his punishment?

27. How did the Roman affairs proceed at this time?

28. Relate a memorable instance of the obedience paid by the Romans to their pontiffs or priests?

29. What was the consequence of this heroic act?

30. What happened this year, and what was the character of Camil'lus?

FOOTNOTES:

[1] These laws were engraven on brass, and hung up in the most conspicuous part of the Forum.

[2] They were, however, defeated, first by the consul Vale'rius, and next still more decisively by the consuls Quinc'tius and Fu'rius.

[3] The duty of the censors, at first, was merely to perform the census, or numbering of the people. It was by degrees that they became Magistri Morum, or inspectors and regulators of men's lives and manners.

[4] They appointed an extraordinary magistrate, under the title of superintendent of provisions, and the person named for this office, L. Minutius, an active and prudent man, immediately sent his agents into the neighbouring countries to buy corn; but little, however was procured, as Maelius had been beforehand with him. (Liv. l. iv. c. 13, 14.)

[5] The guilt of Mae'lius was never proved, and no arms were found when his house was searched. The charge of aiming at royalty is more than absurd; it is morally impossible. He seems to have aimed at opening the higher offices of state to the plebeians, and to have looked upon the consulship with too eager desire. He fell a sacrifice, to deter the plebeians from aiming at breaking up a patrician monopoly of power. It is painful to see Cincinna'tus, at the close of a long and illustrious life, countenancing, if not suggesting this wanton murder. But, as Niebuhr remarks, "no where have characters been more cruel, no where has the voice of conscience against the views of faction been so defied, as in the aristocratic republics, and not those of antiquity only. Men, otherwise of spotless conduct, have frequently shed the purest and noblest blood, influenced by fanaticism, and often without any resentment, in the service of party."

[6] The account of the siege of Ve'ii is full of improbabilities, and the story of the mine is utterly impossible, for without a compass and a good plan of the city, such a work could not have been formed. That Ve'ii, however, was besieged and taken at this time is very certain, but that is the only part of the legend on which we can rely.

[7] The as was a brass coin, about three farthings of our money.

[8] This day was from henceforth marked as unlucky in their calendar, and called Allien'sis.

[9] Among others, the Vestals fled from the city, carrying with them the two Palladiums and the sacred fire. They took shelter at Caere, a town of Etru'ria, where they continued to celebrate their religious rites; from this circumstance religious rites acquired the name of ceremonies.

[10] This self-devotion was in consequence of a vow made by these brave old men, which Fa'bius, the Pontifex Maximus, pronounced in their names. The Romans believed that, by thus devoting themselves to the internal gods, disorder and confusion were brought among the enemy.

[11] These were the footsteps of Pon'tius Comin'ius, who, with great prudence and bravery, found means to carry a message from Camil'lus to the Romans in the Capi'tol, and to return with the appointment of dictator for Camil'lus.

[12] As a reward for this essential service, every soldier gave Man'lius a small quantity of corn and a little measure of wine, out of his scanty allowance; a present of no mean value in their then distressed situation. On the other hand, the captain of the guard, who ought to have kept the sentinels to their duty, was thrown headlong from the Capitol. In memory of this event, a goose was annually carried in triumph on a soft litter, finely adorned; whilst dogs were held in abhorrence, and were impaled every year on a branch of elder.

[13] As the Gauls suffered the bodies of the Romans, who were slain in their frequent encounters, to lie unburied, the stench of their putrefaction occasioned a plague to break out, which carried off great numbers of the army of Brennus.

[14] The authenticity of this narrative is more than suspicious. Polyb'ius, the most accurate of the Roman historians, says that the Gauls carried their old home with them. Sueto'nius confirms this account, and adds that it was recovered at a much later period from the Galli Seno'nes, by Liv'ius Dru'sus; and that on this occasion Dru'sus first became a name in the Livian family, in consequence of the victorious general having killed Drau'sus, the Gallic leader.

[15] So little taste, however, for order and beauty, did those display who had the direction of the works, that the city, when rebuilt, was even less regular than in the time of Romulus.

[16] This account appears so absurd as to be scarcely credible; in fact, Manlius was first tried by the "comitia centuriata," and acquitted. His second trial was before the "comitia curiata," where his enemies, the patricians, alone had the right of voting. See Introduction, Chap. III.

[17] Some judicious writers, however, acknowledge that the chasm was afterwards filled up with earth and rubbish. (Livy, l. 7. c. 6. Val. Maximus, l. 5. c. 6. et alli.)

* * * * *



CHAPTER XIII.

SECTION I.

FROM THE WARS WITH THE SAMNITES AND THOSE WITH PYRRHUS, TO THE BEGINNING OF THE FIRST PUNIC WAR; WHEN THE ROMANS BEGAN TO EXTEND THEIR CONQUESTS BEYOND ITALY.

The brave man is not he who feels no fear For that were stupid and irrational; But he, whose noble soul his fear subdues, And bravely dares the danger nature shrinks from.—Baillie.

1. The Romans had triumphed over the Sab'ines, the Etru'rians, the Latins, the Her'nici, the AE'qui, and the Volsci; and now began to look for greater conquests. They accordingly turned their arms against the Sam'nites, a people descended from the Sab'ines, and inhabiting a large tract of southern Italy, which at this day makes, a considerable part of the kingdom of Naples. 2. Vale'rius Cor'vus, and Corne'lius, were the two consuls to whose care it first fell to manage this dreadful contention between the rivals.

3. Vale'rius was one of the greatest commanders of his time; he was surnamed Cor'vus, from the strange circumstance of being assisted by a crow in a single combat, in which he killed a Gaul of gigantic stature. 4. To his colleague's care it was consigned to lead an army to Sam'nium, the enemy's capital, while Cor'vus was sent to relieve Cap'ua, the capital of the Capin'ians. 5. Never was a captain more fitted for command than he. To a habit naturally robust and athletic, he joined the gentlest manners; he was the fiercest, and yet the most good-natured man in the army; and, while the meanest sentinel was his companion, no man kept them more strictly to their duty; but to complete his character, he constantly endeavoured to preserve his dignity by the same arts by which he gained it. 6. Such soldiers as the Romans then were, hardened by their late adversity, and led on by such a general, were unconquerable. The Samnites were the bravest men they ever yet had encountered, and the contention between the two nations was managed on both sides with the most determined resolution. 7. But the fortune of Rome prevailed; the Samnites at length fled, averring, that they were not able to withstand the fierce looks, and the fire-darting eye of the Romans. 8. Corne'lius, however, was not at first so fortunate; for having unwarily led his army into a defile, he was in danger of being cut off, had not De'cius possessed himself of a hill which commanded the enemy; so that the Samnites, being attacked on both sides, were defeated with great slaughter; not less than thirty thousand of them being left dead upon the field.

9. Some time after this victory, the forces stationed at Cap'ua mutinying, compelled Quin'tinus, an eminent old soldier, to be their leader; and, conducted by their rage, more than by their general, came within six miles of the city. 10. So terrible an enemy, almost at the gates, not a little alarmed the senate, who immediately created Vale'rius dictator, and sent him forth with an army to oppose them. 11. The two armies were now drawn up against each other, while fathers and sons beheld themselves prepared to engage in opposite causes. 12. Any other general than Corvus would, perhaps, have brought this civil war to extremity; but he, knowing his influence among the soldiery, instead of going forward to meet the mutineers in a hostile manner, went with the most cordial friendship to embrace, and expostulate with his old acquaintances. 13. His conduct had the desired effect. Quin'tius, as their speaker, solicited no more than to have their defection from their duty forgiven; and for himself, as he was innocent of their conspiracy, he had no reason to solicit pardon for offences. 14. Thus this defection, which threatened danger to Rome, was repaired by the prudence and moderation of a general, whose ambition it was to be gentle to his friends, and formidable only to his enemies.

15. A war between the Romans and Latins followed soon after. 16. As their habits, arms, and language were the same, the exactest discipline was necessary to prevent confusion in the engagement. Orders, therefore, were issued, that no soldier should leave his ranks on pain of death. 17. With these injunctions, both armies were drawn out and ready, when Me'tius, the general of the enemy's cavalry, pushed forward from his lines, and challenged any knight in the Roman army to single combat. 18. For some time there was a general pause, no soldier daring to disobey his orders, till Ti'tus Man'lius, son of the consul Man'lius, burning with shame to see the whole body of the Romans intimidated, boldly advanced against his adversary. 19. The soldiers, on both sides, for a while suspended the general engagement, to be spectators of this fierce encounter. The two champions drove their horses against each other with great violence: Me'tius wounded his adversary's horse in the neck; but Man'lius, with better fortune, killed that of Me'tius. The Latin general, fallen to the ground, for a while attempted to support himself upon his shield; but the Roman followed his blows, and laid him dead as he was endeavouring to rise; then despoiling him of his armour, returned in triumph to his father's tent, where he was preparing for, and giving orders relative to, the engagement. 20. However he might have been applauded by his fellow-soldiers, being as yet doubtful what reception he should find with his father, he came with hesitation, to lay the enemy's spoils at his feet, and with a modest air insinuated, that what he had done was entirely from a spirit of hereditary virtue. 21. Alas! he was soon dreadfully made sensible of his error; when his father, turning away, ordered him to be led publicly forth before his army. Being brought forward, the consul, with a stern countenance, and yet with tears, spoke as follows: "Ti'tus Man'lius, as thou hast regarded neither the dignity of the consulship, nor the commands of a father; as thou hast destroyed military discipline, and set a pattern of disobedience by thy example, thou hast reduced me to the deplorable extremity of sacrificing my son or my country. But let us not hesitate in this dreadful alternative; a thousand lives were well lost in such a cause; nor do I think that thou thyself wilt refuse to die, when thy country is to reap the advantage of thy sufferings. Lictor, bind him, and let his death be our future example." 22. At this unnatural mandate the whole army was struck with horror; fear, for a while, kept them in suspense; but when they saw their young champion's head struck off, and his blood streaming upon the ground, they could no longer contain their execrations and their groans. His dead body was carried forth without the camp, and, being adorned with the spoils of the vanquished enemy, was buried with all the pomp of military solemnity.

23. In the mean time, the battle began with mutual fury; and as the two armies had often fought under the same leaders, they combated with all the animosity of a civil war. The Latins chiefly depended on bodily strength; the Romans on their invincible courage and conduct. 24. Forces so nearly matched, seemed only to want the aid of their deities to turn the scale of victory; and in fact the augurs had foretold, that whatever part of the Roman army should be distressed, the commander of that part should devote himself for his country, and die as a sacrifice to the immortal gods. Man'lius commanded the right wing, and De'cius the left. 25. Both sides fought with doubtful success, as their courage was equal; but, after a time, the left wing of the Roman army began to give ground. 26. It was then that De'cius resolved to devote himself for his country; and to offer his own life, as an atonement, to save his army.

27. Thus determined, he called out to Man'lius with a loud voice, and demanded his instructions, as he was the chief pontiff, how to devote himself, and what form of words he should use. 28. By his directions, therefore, being clothed in a long robe, his head covered, and his arms stretched forward, standing upon a javelin, he devoted himself to the celestial and infernal gods for the safety of Rome. Then arming himself, and mounting his horse, he drove furiously into the midst of the enemy, striking terror and consternation wherever he came, till he fell covered with wounds. 29. In the mean time the Roman army considered his devoting himself in this manner, as an assurance of success; nor was the superstition of the Latins less powerfully influenced by his resolution; a total route began to ensue: the Romans pressed them on every side, and so great was the carnage, that scarcely a fourth part of the enemy survived the defeat.

Questions for Examination.

1. Against whom did the Romans next turn their arms?

2. Who were appointed commanders in this war?

3. Who was Valerius?

4. What separate commands were entrusted to the consuls?

5. What was the character of Valerius?

6. What was the character of the hostile armies?

7. To whom did the advantage belong?

8. Was not the division under Cornelius led into a difficulty, and how was it extricated?

9. What important event next occurred?

10. How were the senate affected by their approach?

11. What are the peculiar evils attendant on civil wars?

12. What steps did Corvus take on this occasion?

13. What was the consequence of this mildness?

14. What reflection may be drawn from this incident?

15. What was the next occurrence of note?

16. What precautions were necessary in this war?

17. In what way was the discipline of the Romans put to the proof?

18. Was his challenge disregarded?

19. Relate the particulars of the combat?

20. What reception did he expect from his father?

21. What was the consequence of his rashness?

22. How was this sentence received by the army?

23. Did a battle ensue?

24. What was wanting to insure the victory?

25. To whom did success incline?

26 What heroic resolution did Decius make?

27. In what way did he do this?

28. What followed?

29. What effect had this sacrifice on the hostile armies?

SECTION II.

U.C. 431.

Absurd the fumed advice to Pyrrhus given, More praised than pander'd, specious, but unsound; Sooner that hero's sword the world had quell'd, Than reason, his ambition.—Young

1. But a signal disgrace which the Romans sustained about this time, in their contest with the Samnites, made a pause in their usual good fortune, and turned the scale for a while in the enemy's favour.[1] 2. The senate having denied the Samnites peace, Pon'tius, their general, was resolved to gain by stratagem, what he had frequently lost by force. 3. Accordingly, leading his army into the neighbourhood of a defile, called Cau'dium, and taking possession of all its outlets, he sent ten of his soldiers, habited like shepherds, with directions to throw themselves into the way which the Romans were to march. 4. Exactly to his wishes, the Roman consul, Posthu'mius, met them, and taking them for what they appeared, demanded the route the Samnite army had taken: they, with seeming indifference, replied, that they were going to Luce'ria, a town in Apulia, and were then actually besieging it. 5 The Roman general, not suspecting the stratagem that was laid against him, marched directly by the shortest road, which lay through the defile, to relieve that city; and was not undeceived till he saw his army surrounded, and blocked up on every side.[2] 6. Pon'tius, thus having the Romans entirely in his power, first obliged the army to pass under the yoke, after having stript them of all but their under garments. He then stipulated, that they should wholly quit the territories of the Samnites, and that they should continue to live upon the terms of their former confederacy. 7. The Romans were constrained to submit to this ignominious treaty, and marched into Cap'ua disarmed, half naked, and burning with a desire of retrieving their lost honour. 8. When the army arrived at Rome, the whole city was most sensibly affected at their shameful return; nothing but grief and resentment were to be seen, and the whole city was put into mourning.

9. This was a transitory calamity; the state had suffered a diminution of its glory, but not of its power.[3] The war was carried on as usual, for many years; the power of the Samnites declining every day, while that of the Romans gained fresh vigour from every victory. 10. Under the conduct of Papir'ius Cursor, repeated triumphs were gained. Fa'bius Max'imus also had his share in the glory of conquering the Samnites; and De'cius, the son of that Decius whom we saw devoting himself, for his country about forty years before, followed the example of his noble father, and, rushing into the midst of the enemy, saved the lives of his countrymen with the loss of his own.[4]

11. The Samnites being driven to the most extreme distress, and unable to defend themselves, were obliged to call in the assistance of a foreign power, and have recourse to Pyr'rhus, king of Epi'rus,[5] to save them from impending ruin. 12. Pyr'rhus, a man of great courage, ambition, and power, who had always kept the example of Alexan'der, his great predecessor, before his eyes, promised to come to their assistance; and, in the mean time, despatched a body of three thousand men, under the command of Cin'eas, an experienced soldier, and a scholar of the great orator Demos'thenes.[6] 13. Nor did he himself remain long behind, but soon after put to sea with three thousand horse, twenty thousand foot, and twenty elephants, in which the commanders of that time began to place very great confidence. 14. However, only a small part of this great armament arrived in Italy with him; for many of his ships were dispersed, and some were totally lost in a storm.

15. Upon his arrival at Taren'tum,[7] his first care was to reform the people whom he came to succour. Observing a total dissoluteness of manners in this luxurious city, and that the inhabitants were rather occupied with the pleasures of bathing, feasting, and dancing, than the care of preparing for war, he gave orders to have all their places of public entertainment shut up, and that they should be restrained in such amusements as rendered soldiers unfit for battle. 16. In the mean time the Romans did all which prudence could suggest, to oppose so formidable an enemy; and the consul Laevi'nus was sent with a numerous force to interrupt his progress. 17. Pyr'rhus, though his whole army was not yet arrived, drew out to meet him; but previously sent an ambassador, desiring to be permitted to mediate between the Romans and the people of Tarentum. 18. To this Laevi'nus answered, that he neither esteemed him as a mediator, nor feared him as an enemy: and then leading the ambassador through the Roman camp, desired him to observe diligently what he saw, and to report the result to his master.

19. In consequence of this, both armies approaching, pitched their tents in sight of each other, upon the opposite banks of the river Ly'ris. Pyr'rhus was always extremely careful in directing the situation of his own camp, and in observing that of the enemy. 20. Walking along the banks of the river, and surveying the Roman method of encamping, he was heard to observe, that these barbarians seemed to be no way barbarous, and that he should too soon find their actions equal to their resolution. 21. In the mean time he placed a body of men in readiness to oppose the Romans, in case they should attempt to ford the stream before his whole army was brought together. 22. Things turned out according to his expectations; the consul, with an impetuosity that marked his inexperience, gave orders for passing the river where it was fordable; and the advanced guard, having attempted to oppose him in vain, was obliged to retire to the whole body of the army. 23. Pyr'rhus being apprised of the enemy's attempt, at first hoped to cut off their cavalry, before they could be reinforced by the foot, which were not as yet got over; and led on in person a chosen body of horse against them. 24. The Roman legions having, with much difficulty, advanced across the river, the engagement became general; the Greeks fought with a consciousness of their former fame, and the Romans with a desire of gaining fresh glory: mankind had seldom seen two such differently disciplined armies opposed to each other; nor is it to this day determined whether the Greek phalanx, or the Roman legion were preferable. 25. The combat was long in suspense; the Romans had seven times repulsed the enemy, and were as often driven back themselves; but at length, while the success seemed doubtful, Pyr'rhus sent his elephants into the midst of the engagement, and these turned the scale of victory in his favour. 26. The Romans, who had never before encountered creatures of such magnitude, were terrified not only at their intrepid fierceness, but at the castles that were fastened on their backs, filled with armed men. 27. It was then that Pyr'rhus saw the day was his own; and, sending his Thessalian cavalry to charge the enemy in disorder, the route became general. A dreadful slaughter of the Romans ensued, fifteen thousand men being killed on the spot, and eighteen hundred taken prisoners. 28. Nor were the conquerors in a much better state than the vanquished, Pyr'rhus himself being wounded, and thirteen thousand of his forces slain. Night coming on, put an end to the slaughter on both sides, and Pyr'rhus was heard to exclaim, that one such victory more would ruin his whole army. 29. The next day, as he walked to view the field of battle, he could not help regarding with admiration the bodies of the Romans who were slain. Upon seeing them all with their wounds in front, their countenances, even in death, marked with noble resolution, and a sternness that awed him into respect, he was heard to cry out, in the true spirit of a military adventurer, "Oh! with what ease could I conquer the world, had I the Romans for soldiers, or had they me for their king!"

30. Pyr'rhus, after this victory, was still unwilling to drive them to an extremity, and considering that it was best to treat with an humbled enemy, he resolved to send his friend Cin'eas,[8] the orator, to negociate a peace; of whom he often asserted, that he had won more towns by the eloquence of Cin'eas, than by his own arms. 31. But Cin'eas, with all his art, found the Romans incapable of being seduced, either by private bribery, or public persuasion; with a haughtiness little expected from a vanquished enemy, they insisted that Pyr'rhus should evacuate Italy, previous to a commencement of a treaty of peace.

Questions for Examination.

1. Were the Romans uniformly successful?

2. Who resolved to use stratagem, and why?

3. By what means did he effect it?

4. What followed?

5. Was the Roman general deceived by this stratagem?

6. What advantage did the Samnite commander take of the situation of the Romans?

7. Were these terms accepted?

8. How was this news received at Rome?

9. Did this event put an end to the war?

10. Who signalized themselves against the Samnites?

11. What measure did the Samnites adopt in this extremity?

12. What was the character of Pyrrhus, and what effort did he make for their relief?

13. Did he follow in person?

14. Did this great force arrive in safety?

15. What was his first care?

16. What measures did the Romans adopt?

17. Did Pyrrhus immediately commence hostilities?

18. What answer was returned?

19. What followed?

20. What opinion did Pyrrhus form of the Romans?

21. What were his first measures?

22. Were his precautions justified?

23. In what way did Pyrrhus resist this attack?

24. What is worthy of observation in this engagement?

25. To whom did the victory fall?

26. On what account were the Romans terrified by the appearance of the elephants?

27. What completed the route?

28. Was this victory cheaply purchased?

29. What were the sensations of Pyrrhus on viewing the field of battle?

30. What measures did he adopt after this victory?

31. Were the arts of Cineas successful?

SECTION III.

In public life, severe, To virtue still inexorably firm; But when, beneath his low illustrious roof, Sweet peace and happy wisdom smoothed his brow. Not friendship softer was, nor love more kind.—Thomson.

1. Being frustrated, therefore, in his expectations, Cin'eas returned to his master, extolling both the virtues and the grandeur of the Romans. The senate, he said, appeared a reverend assembly of demi-gods; and the city, a temple for their reception. 2. Of this Pyr'rhus soon after became sensible, by an embassy from Rome, concerning the ransom and exchange of prisoners. 3. At the head of this venerable deputation was Fabri'cius, an ancient senator, who had long been a pattern to his countrymen of the most extreme poverty, joined to the most cheerful content. 4. Pyr'rhus received this celebrated old man with great kindness; and willing to try how far fame had been just in his favour, offered him rich presents; but the Roman refused. 5. The day after, he was desirous of examining the equality of his temper, and ordered one of his largest elephants to be placed behind the tapestry, which, upon a signal given, being drawn aside, the huge animal raised its trunk above the ambassador's head, making a hideous noise, and using other arts to intimidate him. 6. But Fabri'cius, with an unchanged countenance, smiled upon the king, and told him, that he looked with an equal eye on the terrors of that day, as he had upon the allurements of the preceding. 7. Pyr'rhus, pleased to find so much virtue in one he had considered as a barbarian, was willing to grant him the only favour which he knew could make him happy; he released the Roman prisoners, entrusting them to Fabri'cius alone, upon his promise, that, in case the senate were determined to continue the war, he might reclaim them whenever he thought proper.

8. By this time the Roman army was recovered from its late defeat, and Sulpi'cius and De'cius, the consuls for the following year, were placed at its head.

[Sidenote: U.C. 474.]

9. The panic which had formerly seized it from the elephants, now began to wear off, and both armies met near the city of As'culum, pretty nearly equal in numbers. 10. Here again, after a long and obstinate fight, the Grecian discipline prevailed. The Romans, pressed on every side, particularly by the elephants, were obliged to retire to their camp, leaving six thousand men upon the field of battle. 11. But the enemy had no great reason to boast of their triumph, as they had four thousand slain. Pyr'rhus again observed, to a soldier who was congratulating him upon his victory, "Another such a triumph, and I shall be undone." This battle finished the campaign. 12. The next season began with equal vigour on both sides; Pyr'rhus having received new succours from home. 13. While the two armies were approaching, and yet but a small distance, from each other, a letter was brought to old Fabri'cius, the Roman general, from the king's physician, importing that, for a proper reward, he would take him off by poison, and thus rid the Romans of a powerful enemy, and a dangerous war. 14. Fabri'cius felt all the honest indignation at this base proposal that was consistent with his former character; he communicated it to his colleague, and instantly gave it as his opinion, that Pyr'rhus should be informed of the treachery that was plotted against him. 15. Accordingly, letters were despatched for that purpose, informing Pyr'rhus of the affair, and alleging his unfortunate choice of friends and enemies; that he had trusted and promoted murderers, while he directed his resentment against the generous and brave. 16. Pyr'rhus now began to find that these bold barbarians were, by degrees, schooled into refinement, and would not suffer him to be their superior, even in generosity. He received the message with as much amazement at their candour, as indignation at his physician's treachery. "Admirable Fabri'cius!" cried he, "it would be as easy to turn the sun from its course, as thee from the path of honour." 17. Then, making the proper inquiry among his servants, and having discovered the treason, he ordered his physician to be executed. 18. Not to be outdone in magnanimity, he immediately sent to Rome all his prisoners without ransom, and again desired to negociate a peace: but the Romans still refused, upon any other conditions than had been offered before.

19. After an interval of two years, Pyr'rhus, having increased his army by new levies, sent one part of it to oppose the march of Len'tulus, while he, with the other, went to attack Cu'rius Denta'tus, before his colleague could come up. 20. His principal aim was to surprise the enemy by night; but unfortunately, passing through woods, and the light failing him, his men lost their way; so that at the approach of morning, he saw himself in sight of the Roman camp, with the enemy drawn out ready to receive him. The vanguard of both armies soon met, in which the Romans had the advantage. 21. Soon after, a general engagement ensuing, Pyr'rhus, finding the balance of the victory turning still against him, had once more recourse to his elephants. 22. These, however, the Romans were now too well acquainted with, to feel any vain terrors from; and having found that fire was the most effectual means to repel them, they caused a number of balls to be made, composed of flax and rosin, which were lighted and thrown against them as they approached the ranks. 23. The elephants, rendered furious by the flame, and boldly opposed by the soldiers, could no longer be brought on; but ran back on their own army, bearing down their ranks, and filling all places with terror and confusion: thus victory, at length, declared in favour of Rome. 24. Pyr'rhus, in vain, attempted to stop the flight and slaughter of his troops; he lost not only twenty-three thousand of his best soldiers, but his camp was also taken. 25. This served as a new lesson to the Romans, who were ever open to improvement. They had formerly pitched their tents without order; but, by this new capture, they were taught to measure out their ground, and fortify the whole with a trench; so that many of their succeeding victories are to be ascribed to their improved method of encamping.

26. Pyr'rhus, thus finding all hopes fruitless, resolved to leave Italy, where he found only desperate enemies, and faithless allies; accordingly, calling together the Taren'tines, he informed them that he had received assurances from Greece of speedy assistance, and desiring them to await the event with tranquillity, the night following he embarked his troops, and returned, undisturbed, into his native kingdom, with the remains of his shattered forces, leaving a garrison in Taren'tum merely to save appearances: and in this manner ended the war with Pyr'rhus, after six years' continuance.

27. As for the poor luxurious Taren'tines, who were the original promoters of the war, they soon began to find a worse enemy in the garrison that was left for their defence, than in the Romans who attacked them from without. The hatred between them and Mi'lo, who commanded their citadel for Pyr'rhus, was become so great, that nothing but the fear of their old inveterate enemies, the Romans, could equal it. 28. In this distress they applied to the Carthaginians, who, with a large fleet, came and blocked up the port of Taren'tum; so that this unfortunate people, once famous through Italy for their refinements and pleasures, now saw themselves contended for by three different armies, without a choice of a conqueror. 29. At length, however, the Romans found means to bring over the garrison to their interest; after which they easily became masters of the city, and demolished its walls, granting the inhabitants liberty and protection.

Questions for Examination.

1. What report did Cineas give of the Romans?

2. By what means did Pyrrhus become convinced of its truth?

3. Who headed this deputation?

4. What reception did he experience?

5. What farther trial was made of his disposition?

6. What effect did this produce in Fabricius?

7. In what way did Pyrrhus evince his satisfaction?

8. In what state was the Roman army at this time?

9. Where did the rival armies meet?

10. What was the event of the engagement?

11. Did it cost the enemy dear?

12. Was the war continued?

13. What proposal was made to Fabricius?

14. How was this proposal received?

15. How was this done?

16. What effect had this conduct on Pyrrhus?

17. What followed?

18. What return did he make to the Romans?

19. How was this war carried on?

20. What views had he in this, and how did they succeed?

21. What expedient did Pyrrhus have recourse to, to insure the victory?

22. How did the Romans endeavour to counteract it?

23. What was the consequence?

24. What loss did Pyrrhus sustain?

25. What advantage did the Romans gain from this victory?

26. What resolution did Pyrrhus form, and how did he effect it?

27. What became of the Tarentines?

28. To whom did they have recourse?

29. How did this terminate?

FOOTNOTES:

[1] An additional instance of the severity with which military discipline was maintained among the Romans, happened a short time previous to this: L. Papir'ius Cursor, the dictator, having occasion to quit the army and repair to Rome, strictly forbade Q. Fa'bius Rullia'nus, his master of the horse, to venture a battle in his absence. This order Fa'bius disobeyed, and gained a complete victory. Instead, however, of finding success a palliation of his offence, he was immediately condemned by the stern dictator to expiate his breach of discipline by death. In spite of the mutinous disposition of the army—in spite of the intercessions and threats, both of the senate and people, Papir'ius persisted in his resolution: but what menaces and powerful interposition could not obtain, was granted to the prayers and tears of the criminal's relatives; and Fa'bius lived to fill some of the highest offices of the state, with honour to himself and infinite advantage to his country. (Liv. l. 8. c. 30. 35.)

[2] This gives but an indifferent idea of the military skill of those ages.

[3] It appears, however, to have suffered a diminution of its honour on this occasion, by breaking every article of the treaty of peace extorted from Posthu'mius. As some atonement for this breach of faith, they delivered Posthu'mius, and those who signed the treaty, into the hands of the Samnites, to do with them as they thought fit; but this generous people instantly set them at liberty. Liv. l. 9. c. 8-11.

[4] U.C. 447. About this time Appius Claudius, the censor, constructed an aqueduct, seven miles long, for supplying Rome with water, and that famous road from Rome to Capua, which still remains, the admiration of all Europe.

[5] Epi'rus, a country situated between Macedonia, Achaia, and the Ionian sea. (Strabo.)

[6] Demos'thenes, famous for his bold and nervous style of oratory, flourished at Athens about 320 years before the Christian era.

[7] Taren'tum, now Taren'to, was a town of Calabria, in Italy, situate on a bay of the same name, near the mouth of the river Gale'sus: it was celebrated for its fine harbour. (Strabo.)

[8] Cin'eas is said to have possessed so retentive a memory, that the day after his arrival at Rome, he could salute every senator and knight by name.

* * * * *



CHAPTER XIV.

SECTION I.

FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE FIRST PUNIC WAR, TO THE BEGINNING OF THE SECOND, WHEN THE ROMANS BEGAN TO GROW POWERFUL BY SEA.—U.C. 493.

In every heart Are sown the sparks that kindle fiery war, Occasion needs but fan them, and they blaze.—Cowper.

1. The Romans having destroyed all rival pretensions at home, began to pant after foreign conquests. 2. The Carthagin'ians were at that time in possession of the greatest part of Sicily, and, like the Romans, only wanted an opportunity of embroiling the natives, in order to become masters of the whole island. 3. This opportunity at length offered. Hi'ero, king of Sy'racuse, one of the states of that island, which was as yet unconquered, entreated their aid against the Mam'ertines, an insignificant people of the same country, and they sent him supplies both by sea and land. 4. The Mam'ertines, on the other hand, to shield off impending ruin, put themselves under the protection of Rome. 5. The Romans, not thinking the Mam'ertines worthy of the name of allies, instead of professing to assist them, boldly declared war against Carthage; alleging as a reason, the assistance which Carthage had lately sent to the southern parts of Italy against the Romans. In this manner a war was declared between two powerful states, both too great to continue patient spectators of each other's increase.

6. Carthage, a colony of the Phoeni'cians, was built on the coast of Africa, near the place where Tunis now stands, about a hundred and thirty-seven years before the foundation of Rome. 7. As it had been long growing into power, so it had extended its dominions all along the coasts: but its chief strength lay in its fleets and commerce. 8. Thus circumstanced, these two great powers began what is called the First Punic war. The Carthagin'ians were possessed of gold and silver, which might be exhausted; the Romans were famous for perseverance, patriotism, and poverty, which gathered strength by every defeat.

9. But there seemed to be an insurmountable obstacle to the ambitious views of Rome, as they had no fleet, or at least none that deserved the title; while the Carthagin'ians had the entire command at sea, and kept all the maritime towns in obedience.[1] 10. In such a situation, under disadvantages which nature seemed to have imposed, any people but the Romans would have rested; but nothing could conquer or intimidate them. 11. A Carthagin'ian vessel happened to be driven on shore, in a storm, and this was sufficient to serve as a model. They began to apply themselves to maritime affairs; and though without shipwrights to build, or seamen to navigate a fleet, they resolved to surmount every obstacle with inflexible perseverance. 12. The consul Duil'ius was the first who ventured to sea with his new-constructed armament; he proceeded in quest of the enemy, whom he met near the Lipari islands; and by means of grappling-irons, he so connected the ships of the Carthaginians with his own, that the combat became a sort of land-fight. By this manoeuvre, though his own force was far inferior to that of the enemy, he gained for Rome her first naval triumph, taking from the Carthaginians fifty ships, and what they valued still more, the undisturbed sovereignty of the sea. At Rome medals were struck and a column was erected in commemoration of the victory. This column, called Columna Rostrata, because adorned with the beaks of ships, was struck down by lightning in the interval between the second and third Punic wars. A new column was erected by the Emperor Claudius, and the inscription restored, though probably modernized. It still exists in a state of partial preservation.

13. The Romans soon invaded Sicily, and gained some signal successes, principally by the aid of their ally, king Hi'ero. On one occasion the consul Calati'nus was entrapped by the Carthaginians in a defile, and would certainly have been destroyed but for the bravery of the military tribune Calpur'nius Flem'ma, who, with three hundred resolute men, possessed himself of a neighbouring eminence, and so engaged the attention of the Carthaginians, that the Roman army escaped with very little opposition. This band of heroes was slaughtered to a man, and Calpur'nius himself fell dreadfully wounded, but afterwards recovered, and was rewarded with a corona graminis, or crown made of grass. But notwithstanding their repeated triumphs, the Romans discovered that the conquest of Sicily was only to be obtained by humbling the power of Carthage at home. For this reason the senate resolved to carry the war into Africa itself, and accordingly they sent Reg'ulus and Man'lius, with a fleet of three hundred sail, to make the invasion. 14. Reg'ulus was reckoned the most consummate warrior that Rome could then produce, and a professed example of frugal severity. His patriotism was still greater than his temperance: all private passions seemed extinguished in him; at least they were swallowed up in one great ruling affection, the love of his country. 15. The two generals set sail with their fleet, which was the greatest that had ever yet left an Italian port, carrying a hundred and forty thousand men. They were met by the Carthagin'ians with a fleet equally powerful, and men more used to the sea. 16. While the fight continued at a distance, the Carthagin'ians seemed successful; but when the Romans came to grapple with them, the difference between a mercenary army and one that fought for fame, was apparent. 17. The resolution of the Romans was crowned with success; the enemy's fleet was dispersed, and fifty-four of their vessels taken. 18. The consequence of this victory was an immediate descent upon the coast of Africa, and the capture of the city Clu'pea, together with twenty thousand men, who were made prisoners of war. While Reg'ulus lay encamped here, near the river Bagra'da, he is said to have slain a monstrous serpent by the help of his battering engines. Its skin, which was one hundred and twenty feet long, was sent to Rome and preserved for a long time with great care.

19. The senate being informed of these great successes, and applied to for fresh instructions, commanded Man'lius back to Italy, in order to superintend the Sicilian war, and directed that Reg'ulus should continue in Africa to prosecute his victories there.



20. A battle ensued, in which Carthage was once more defeated, and 17,000 of its best troops were cut off. This fresh victory contributed to throw them into the utmost despair; for more than eighty of their towns submitted to the Romans. 21. In this distress, the Carthagin'ians, destitute of generals at home, were obliged to send to Lacedae'mon, offering the command of their armies to Xantip'pus, a general of great experience, who undertook to conduct them.

22. This general began by giving the magistrates proper instructions for levying their men; he assured them that their armies were hitherto overthrown, not by the strength of the enemy, but by the ignorance of their own commanders; he, therefore, required a ready obedience to his orders, and assured them of an easy victory. 23. The whole city seemed once more revived from despondence by the exhortations of a single stranger, and soon from hope grew into confidence. 24. This was the spirit the Grecian general wished to excite in them; so that when he saw them thus ripe for the engagement, he joyfully took the field. 25. The Lacedaemo'nian made the most skilful disposition of his forces; he placed his cavalry in the wings; he disposed the elephants at proper intervals, behind the line of the heavy-armed infantry, and bringing up the light-armed troops before, he ordered them to retire through the line of infantry, after they had discharged their weapons. 26. At length both armies engaged; after a long and obstinate resistance the Romans were overthrown with dreadful slaughter, the greatest part of their army destroyed, and Reg'ulus himself taken prisoner. 27. Several other distresses of the Romans followed soon after. They lost their fleet in a storm, and Agrigen'tum, their principal town in Sicily, was taken by Karth'alo, the Carthagin'ian general. They built a new fleet, which shared the fate of the former; for the mariners, as yet unacquainted with the Mediterranean shores, drove upon quicksands, and soon after the greater part perished in a storm.[2]

Questions for Examination.

1. What did the Romans now desire?

2. What state afforded them an opportunity for this purpose?

3. Were their wishes gratified, and how?

4. What measures did the Mamertines adopt?

5. Did the Romans afford them the assistance they requested?

6. Where was Carthage situated, and when was it built?

7. Was it a powerful state?

8. Had the Romans or the Carthaginians the means most likely to insure success?

9. Were Rome and Carthage on an equal footing in other respects?

10. Did the Romans attempt to overcome this obstacle?

11. What assisted their endeavours?

12. Who was their first naval commander, and what was his success?

13. What were the means adopted to conquer Sicily?

14. What was the character of Regulus?

15. What was the amount of the force on both sides?

16. On what side did the advantage lie?

17. With whom did the victory remain?

18. What was the consequence of this victory?

19. What were the orders of the senate?

20. What was the next event deserving notice, and its consequences?

21. To what expedient were the Carthaginians obliged to have recourse?

22. What were the first acts of this general?

23. What were the effects his arrival produced?

24. What was the consequence?

25. In what way was the Carthaginian army drawn up?

26. What was the event of the battle?

27. What other disasters did the Romans encounter?

SECTION II.

Who has not heard the Fulvian heroes sung Dentatus' scars, or Mutius' flaming hand? How Manlius saved the capitol? the choice Of steady Regulus?—Dyer.

1. The Carthagin'ians being thus successful, were desirous of a new treaty for peace, hoping to have better terms than those insisted upon by Reg'ulus. They supposed that he, whom they had now for four years kept in a dungeon, confined and chained, would be a proper solicitor. It was expected that, being wearied with imprisonment and bondage, he would gladly endeavour to persuade his countrymen to a discontinuance of the war which prolonged his captivity. 2. He was accordingly sent with their ambassadors to Rome, under a promise, previously exacted from him, to return in case of being unsuccessful. He was even given to understand that his life depended upon the success of his negociation.

3. When this old general, together with the ambassadors of Carthage, approached Rome, numbers of his friends came out to meet him, and congratulate him on his return. 4. Their acclamations resounded through the city; but Reg'ulus refused, with settled melancholy, to enter the gates. In vain he was entreated on every side to visit once more his little dwelling, and share in that joy which his return had inspired. He persisted in saying that he was now a slave belonging to the Carthagin'ians, and unfit to partake in the liberal honours of his country. 5. The senate assembling without the walls, as usual, to give audience to the ambassadors, Reg'ulus opened his commission as he had been directed by the Carthagin'ian council, and their ambassadors seconded his proposals. 6. The senate themselves, who were weary of a war which had been protracted above fourteen years, were no way disinclinable to a peace. It only remained for Reg'ulus himself to give his opinion. 7. When it came to his turn to speak, to the surprise of the whole, he gave his voice for continuing the war. 8. So unexpected an advice not a little disturbed the senate: they pitied as well as admired a man who had used such eloquence against his private interest, and could conclude upon a measure which was to terminate in his own ruin. 9. But he soon relieved their embarrassment by breaking off the treaty, and by rising, in order to return to his bonds and his confinement. 10. In vain did the senate and his dearest friends entreat his stay; he still repressed their solicitations. Marcia, his wife, with her children, vainly entreated to be permitted to see him: he still obstinately persisted in keeping his promise; and though sufficiently apprised of the tortures that awaited his return, without embracing his family, or taking leave of his friends, he departed with the ambassadors for Carthage.

11. Nothing could equal the fury and the disappointment of the Carthagin'ians, when they, were informed by their ambassadors that Regulus, instead of hastening a peace, had given his opinion for continuing the war. 12. They accordingly prepared to punish his conduct with the most studied tortures. His eye-lids were cut off, and he was remanded to prison. After some days, he was again brought out from his dark and dismal dungeon, and exposed with, his face opposite the burning sun. At last, when malice was fatigued studying all the arts of torture, he was put into a sort of barrel, stuck full of spikes, and in this painful position he continued till he died.

13. Both sides now took up arms with more than former animosity. At length, Roman perseverance was crowned with success; and one victory followed on the back of another. Fa'bius Bu'teo, the consul, once more showed them the way to naval victory, by defeating a large squadron of the enemy's ships; but Luta'tius Cat'ulus gained a victory still more complete, in which the power of Carthage seemed totally destroyed at sea, by the loss of a hundred and twenty ships. 14. This loss compelled the Carthagin'ians again to sue for peace, which Rome thought proper to grant; but still inflexible in its demands, exacted the same conditions which Reg'ulus had formerly offered at the gates of Carthage. 15. These were, that they should lay down a thousand talents of silver, to defray the charge of the war, and should pay two thousand two hundred more within ten years; that they should quit Sicily, with all such islands as they possessed near it; that they should never make war against the allies of Rome, nor come with any vessels of war within the Roman dominions; and lastly, that all their prisoners and deserters should be delivered up without ransom.

[Sidenote: U.C. 513.]

16. To these hard conditions, the Carthagin'ians, now exhausted, readily subscribed; and thus ended the first Punic war, which had lasted twenty-four years; and, in some measure, had drained both nations of their resources.

Questions for Examination.

1. What were the Carthaginians now desirous of obtaining?

2. Was Regulus employed for this purpose?

3. How was Regulus received by the Romans?

4. What was the conduct of Regulus on this occasion?

5. How did the negociation commence?

6. Were the Romans inclined for peace?

7. What was the opinion of Regulus?

8. What was the effect of this advice?

9. How did Regulus put an end to their embarrassment?

10. Could he not be prevailed on to remain at Rome?

11. How did the Carthaginians receive an account of his conduct?

12. In what way did they punish him?

13. With what success was the war continued?

14. What was the consequence of this loss?

15. What were these terms?

16. Were they agreed to? What was the duration of the first Punic war?

FOOTNOTES:

[1] The vessels in which they had hitherto transported their troops, were principally hired from their neighbours the Locrians, Tarentines, &c. It is certain that the Romans had ships of war before this period; but from the little attention they had hitherto paid to naval affairs, they were, probably, badly constructed and ill managed.

[2] The Romans considering these two disasters as indications of the will of the gods that they should not contend by sea, made a decree that no more than fifty galleys should, for the future, be equipped. This decree, however, did not continue long in force.

* * * * *



CHAPTER XV.

SECTION I.

FROM THE END OF THE FIRST PUNIC WAR TO THE END OF THE SECOND.

Spain first he won, the Pyrenieans pass'd, And sleepy Alps, the mounds that nature cast; And with corroding juices, as he went, A passage through the living rocks he rent, Then, like a torrent rolling from on high, He pours his headlong rage on Italy.—Juvenal.

1. The war being ended between the Carthagin'ians and Romans, a profound peace ensued, and in about six years after, the temple of Ja'nus was shut for the second time since the foundation of the city.[1] 2. The Romans being thus in friendship with all nations, had an opportunity of turning to the arts of peace; they now began to have a relish for poetry, the first liberal art which rises in every civilized nation, and the first also that decays. 3. Hitherto they had been entertained only with the rude drolleries of their lowest buffoons, who entertained them with sports called Fescen'nine, in which a few debauched actors invented their own parts, while raillery and indecency supplied the place of humour. 4. To these a composition of a higher kind succeeded, called satire; a sort of dramatic poem, in which the characters of the great were particularly, pointed out, and made an object of derision to the vulgar.

[Sidenote: U.C. 514.]

5. After these, came tragedy and comedy, which were borrowed from the Greeks: indeed, the first dramatic poet of Rome, whose name was Liv'ius Andronicus, was a native of one of the Greek colonies in southern Italy. 6. The instant these finer kinds of composition appeared, this great people rejected their former impurities with disdain. From thenceforward they laboured upon the Grecian model; and though they were never able to rival their masters in dramatic composition, they soon surpassed them in many of the more soothing kinds of poetry. Elegiac, pastoral, and didactic compositions began to assume new beauties in the Roman language; and satire, not that rude kind of dialogue already mentioned, but a nobler sort, was all their own.

7. While they were thus cultivating the arts of peace, they were not unmindful of making fresh preparations for war; intervals of ease seemed to give fresh vigour for new designs, rather than relax their former intrepidity.

[Sidenote: U.C. 527.]

8. The Illyr'ians were the first people upon whom they tried their strength. That nation happened to make depredations upon some of the trading subjects of Rome, which being complained of to Teuta, the queen of the country, she, instead of granting redress, ordered the ambassadors, who were sent to demand restitution, to be murdered. 9. A war ensued, in which the Romans were victorious; most of the Illy'ric towns were surrendered to the consuls, and a peace at last concluded, by which the greatest part of the country was ceded to Rome; a yearly tribute was exacted for the rest, and a prohibition added, that the Illyr'ians should not sail beyond the river Lissus with more than two barks, and those unarmed.

10. The Gauls were the next people that incurred the displeasure of the Romans. 11. A time of peace, when the armies were disbanded, was the proper season for new irruptions; accordingly, these barbarians invited fresh forces from beyond the Alps, and entering Etru'ria, wasted all with fire and sword, till they came within about three days' journey of Rome. 12. A praetor and a consul were sent to oppose them, who, now instructed in the improved arts of war, were enabled to surround the Gauls. 13. It was in vain that those hardy troops, who had nothing but courage to protect them, formed two fronts to oppose their adversaries; their naked bodies and undisciplined forces were unable to withstand the shock of an enemy completely armed, and skilled in military evolutions. 14. A miserable slaughter ensued, in which forty thousand were killed, and ten thousand taken prisoners. 15. This victory was followed by another, gained by Marcel'lus, in which he killed Viridoma'rus, their king, with his own hand. 16. These conquests forced them to beg for peace, the conditions of which served greatly to enlarge the empire. Thus the Romans went on with success; retrieved their former losses, and only wanted an enemy worthy of their arms to begin a new war.

17. The Carthagin'ians had made peace solely because they were no longer able to continue the war. They, therefore, took the earliest opportunity of breaking the treaty, and besieged Sagun'tum, a city of Spain, which had been in alliance with Rome; and, though desired to desist, prosecuted their operations with vigour. 18. Ambassadors were sent, in consequence, from Rome to Carthage, complaining of the infraction of their articles, and required that Han'nibal, the Carthagin'ian general, who had advised this measure, should be delivered up: which being refused, both sides prepared for a second Punic war.

19. The Carthaginians trusted the management of it to Han'nibal. 20. This extraordinary man had been made the sworn foe of Rome, almost from his infancy; for, while yet very young, his father brought him before the altar, and obliged him to take an oath, that he would never be in friendship with the Romans, nor desist from opposing their power, until he or they should be no more. 21. On his first appearance in the field, he united in his own person the most masterly method of commanding, with the most perfect obedience to his superiors. Thus he was equally beloved by his generals, and the troops he was appointed to lead. 22. He was possessed of the greatest courage in opposing danger, and the greatest presence of mind in retiring from it. No fatigue was able to subdue his body, nor any misfortune to break his spirit; he was equally patient of heat and cold, and he took sustenance merely to content nature, not to delight his appetite. He was the best horseman and the swiftest runner, of the time. 23. This great general, who is considered as the most skilful commander of antiquity, having overrun all Spain, and levied a large army composed of various nations, resolved to carry the war into Italy itself, as the Romans had before carried it into the dominions of Carthage. 24. For this purpose, leaving Hanno with a sufficient force to guard his conquests in Spain, he crossed the Pyrene'an mountains into Gaul, with an army of fifty thousand foot, and nine thousand horse. He quickly traversed that country, which was then wild and extensive, and filled with nations that were his declared enemies.

25. In vain its forests and rivers appeared to intimidate; in vain the Rhone, with its rapid current, and its banks covered with enemies, or the Dura branched out into numberless channels, opposed his way; he passed them all with undaunted spirit, and in ten days arrived at the foot of the Alps, over which he was to explore a new passage into Italy. 26. It was in the midst of winter when this astonishing project was undertaken. The season added new horrors to the scene. The prodigious height and tremendous steepness of these mountains, capped with snow; the people barbarous and fierce, dressed in skins, and with long shaggy hair, presented a picture that impressed the beholders with astonishment and terror. 27. But nothing was capable of subduing the courage of the Carthaginian general. At the end of fifteen days, spent in crossing the Alps, he found himself in the plains of Italy, with about half his army; the other half having died of cold, or been cut off by the natives.

Questions for Examination.

1. What was the consequence of the conclusion of the first Punic war?

2. What advantages did the Romans derive from this interval of peace?

3. What species of entertainment had they hitherto enjoyed?

4. What succeeded these low buffooneries?

5. What was the next species, and from whom was it borrowed?

6. Did their former amusements still continue to please?

7. Were the Romans attentive only to the arts of peace?

8. Who first incurred their resentment, and what was their offence?

9. What was the consequence?

10. Who next incurred the displeasure of the Romans? 11. What was their offence, and what favourable opportunity did they choose?

12. What steps were taken to oppose them?

13. Did the Gauls make any effectual resistance?

14. What was the result of the battle?

15. Did this victory decide the contest?

16. What advantages occurred to the Romans from this war?

17. Were the Carthaginians sincere in their overture for peace?

18. What was the consequence of this refusal?

19. To whom was the conduct of the war committed by the Carthaginians?

20. What rendered Hannibal particularly eligible to this post?

21. Was he a favourite with the army?

22. Describe his corporeal and mental qualifications?

23. What resolution did he adopt?

24. What measures did he take for that purpose?

25. Was he not deterred by the dangers of the way?

26. What rendered this passage peculiarly difficult?

27. Did these horrors render the attempt unsuccessful?

SECTION II.

With Hannibal I cleft yon Alpine rocks. With Hannibal choked Thrasymene with slaughter; But, O the night of Cannae's raging field! When half the Roman senate lay in blood.—Young.

1. As soon as it was known at Rome, that Han'nibal, at the head of an immense army, was crossing the Alps, the senate sent Scip'io to oppose him; the armies met near the little river Tici'nus, and the Roman general was obliged to retreat with considerable loss. 2. In the mean time, Han'nibal, thus victorious, took the most prudent precautions to increase his army; giving orders always to spare the possessions of the Gauls, while depredations were committed upon those of Rome; and this so pleased that simple people, that they declared for him in great numbers, and flocked to his standard with alacrity.

3. The second battle was fought upon the banks of the river Tre'bia. 4. The Carthaginian general, being apprised of the Roman impetuosity, of which he availed himself in almost every engagement, had sent off a thousand horse, each with a foot soldier behind, to cross the river, to ravage the enemy's country, and provoke them to engage. The Romans quickly routed this force. Seeming to be defeated, they took the river, and were as eagerly pursued by Sempro'nius, the consul. No sooner had his army attained the opposite bank, than he perceived himself half-conquered, his men being fatigued with wading up to their arm-pits, and quite benumbed by the intense coldness of the water 5. A total route ensued; twenty-six thousand of the Romans were either killed by the enemy, or drowned in attempting to repass the river. A body of ten thousand men were all that survived; who, finding themselves enclosed on every side, broke desperately through the enemy's ranks, and fought, retreating, till they found shelter in the city of Placentia.

6. The third defeat the Romans sustained was at the lake of Thrasyme'ne, near to which was a chain of mountains, and between these and the lake, a narrow passage leading to a valley that was embosomed in hills. It was upon these hills that Han'nibal disposed his best troops and it was into this valley that Flamin'ius, the Roman general, led his men to attack him. 7. A disposition every way so favourable for the Carthaginians, was also assisted by accident; for a mist rising from the lake, kept the Romans from seeing their enemies; while the army upon the mountains, being above its influence, saw the whole disposition of their opponents. 8. The fortune of the day was such as might be expected from the conduct of the two generals. The Roman army was slaughtered, almost before they could perceive the enemy that destroyed them. About fifteen thousand Romans, with Flamin'ius himself, fell in the valley, and six thousand more were obliged to yield themselves prisoners of war.

9. Upon the news of this defeat, after the general consternation was allayed, the senate resolved to elect a commander with absolute authority, in whom they might repose their last and greatest expectations. 10. The choice fell upon Fa'bius Max'imus, a man of great courage, with a happy mixture of caution. 11. He was apprised that the only way to humble the Carthaginians at such a distance from home, was rather by harassing than fighting. For this purpose, he always encamped upon the highest grounds, inaccessible to the enemy's cavalry. Whenever they moved, he watched their motions, straitened their quarters, and cut off their provisions.

12. By these arts, Fa'bius had actually, at one time, enclosed Han'nibal among mountains, where it was impossible to winter, and from which it was almost impracticable to extricate his army without imminent danger. 13. In this exigence, nothing but one of those stratagems of war, which only men of great abilities invent, could save him. 14. He ordered a number of small faggots and lighted torches to be tied to the horns of two thousand oxen, which should be driven towards the enemy. These, tossing their heads, and funning up the sides of the mountain, seemed to fill the whole neighbouring forest with fire; while the sentinels that were placed to guard the approaches to the mountain, seeing such a number of flames advancing towards their posts, fled in consternation, supposing the whole body of the enemy was in arms to overwhelm them. 15. By this stratagem Han'nibal drew off his army, and escaped through the defiles that led beneath the hills, though with considerable damage to his rear.

16. Fa'bius, still pursuing the same judicious measures, followed Han'nibal in all his movements, but at length received a letter from the senate, recalling him to Rome, on pretence of a solemn sacrifice, requiring his presence. 17. On his departure from the army, he strictly charged Minu'tius, his general of the horse, not to hazard an engagement in his absence. This command he disobeyed, and Fa'bius expressed his determination to punish so flagrant a breach of military discipline. 18. The senate, however, favouring Minu'tius, gave him an equal authority with the dictator. 19. On the arrival of Fa'bius at the camp, he divided the army with Minu'tius, and each pursued his own separate plan. 20. By artful management, Han'nibal soon brought the troops of the latter to an engagement, and they would have been cut off to a man, had not Fa'bius sacrificed his private resentment to the public good, and hastened to the relief of his colleague. 21. By their united forces Han'nibal was repulsed, and Minu'tius, conscious of his rashness, resigned the supreme command into the hands of the dictator.

22. On the expiration of his year of office, Fa'bius resigned, and Taren'tius Varro was chosen to the command. 23. Varro was a man sprung from the dregs of the people, with nothing but confidence and riches to recommend him. 24. With him was joined AEmil'ius Paulus, of a disposition entirely opposite; experienced, in the field, cautious in action, and impressed with a thorough contempt for the abilities of his plebeian colleague.

25. The Romans finding themselves enabled to bring a competent force into the field, being almost ninety thousand strong, now again resolved to meet Han'nibal, who was at this time encamped near the village of Cannae, with a wind in his rear, that, for a certain season, blows constantly one way, which, raising great clouds of dust from the parched plains behind, he knew must greatly distress an approaching enemy. In this situation he waited the coming of the Romans with an army of forty thousand foot, and half that number of cavalry. 26. The consuls soon appeared to his wish, dividing their forces into two parts, and agreeing to take the command each day by turns. 27. On the first day of their arrival, AEmil'ius was entirely averse to engaging. The next day, however, it being Varro's turn to command, he, without asking his colleague's concurrence, gave the signal for battle: and passing the river Au'fidus, that lay between both armies, put his forces in array. 28. The battle began with the light-armed infantry; the horse engaged soon after; but the cavalry being unable to stand against those of Numid'ia, the legions came up to reinforce them. It was then that the conflict became general; the Roman soldiers endeavoured, in vain, to penetrate the centre, where the Gauls and Spaniards fought; which Han'nibal observing, he ordered part of those troops to give way, and to permit the Romans to embosom themselves within a chosen body of his Africans, whom he had placed on their wings, so as to surround them; upon that a terrible slaughter of the Romans ensued, fatigued with repeated attacks of the Africans, who were fresh and vigorous. 29. At last the rout became general in every part of the Roman army; the boastings of Varro were now no longer heard: while AEmil'ius, who had been wounded by a slinger, feebly led on his body of horse, and did all that could be done to make head against the enemy. 30. Unable to sit on horseback, he was forced to dismount. It was in these deplorable circumstances, that one Len'tulus, a tribune of the army, flying from the enemy, who at some distance pursued him, met AEmil'ius, sitting upon a stone, covered with blood and wounds, and waiting for the coming up of the pursuers. 31. "AEmil'ius," cried the generous tribune, "you, at least, are guiltless of this day's slaughter; take my horse and fly." "I thank thee, Len'tulus," cried the dying consul, "all is over, my part is chosen. Go, and tell the senate to fortify Rome against the approach of the conqueror. Tell Fa'bius, that AEmil'ius, while living, ever remembered his advice; and now, dying, approves it." 32. While he was yet speaking, the enemy approached; and Len'tulus at some distance saw the consul expire, feebly fighting in the midst of hundreds. 33. In this battle the Romans lost fifty thousand men, and so many knights, that it is said that Han'nibal sent three bushels of gold rings to Carthage, which those of this order wore on their fingers.[2]

Questions for Examination.

1. What measures were adopted by the Romans when they heard of Hannibal's approach?

2. What precautions did Hannibal take?

3. Where was the next battle fought?

4. What was the stratagem employed by Hannibal?

5. What followed?

6. Where was the next engagement?

7. Was this a judicious disposition of the Roman general?

8. What was the result?

9. What expedient did the senate adopt on this occasion?

10. Who was chosen to this office?

11. What method of fighting did he adopt?

12. What was the success of this plan?

13. Was his situation hopeless?

14. Describe his stratagem and its consequences?

15. Did it answer his purpose?

16. Was Fabius continued in office?

17, 18. Of what disobedience was Minutius guilty? Was he punished?

19. How was the army divided?

20, 21. What plan did Fabius pursue? How was its superiority proved?

22, 23, 24. Who succeeded Fabius? What was his character, and that of his colleague?

25. How were the Carthaginians posted at Cannae?

26, 27. How did the consuls behave? How did Varro act?

28. What were the circumstances of the engagement?

29. How did the battle terminate?

30. What was the fate of AEmilius?

31. What generous offer was made by Lentulus?

32. Did the consul accept the tribune's offer?

33. Was the loss of the Romans severe?

SECTION III.

The storming Hannibal In vain the thunder of the battle rolled. The thunder of the battle they returned Back on his Punic shores.—Dyer.

1. When the first consternation was abated after this dreadful blow, the senate came to a resolution to create a dictator, in order to give strength to their government. 2. A short time after Varro arrived, having left behind him the wretched remains of his army. As he had been the principal cause of the late calamity, it was natural to suppose, that the senate would severely reprimand the rashness of his conduct. But far otherwise! The Romans went out in multitudes to meet him; and the senate returned him thanks that he had not despaired of the safety of Rome. 3. Fa'bius, who was considered as the shield, and Marcellus, as the sword of Rome, were appointed to lead the armies: and though Hannibal once more offered them peace, they refused it, but upon condition that he should quit Italy—a measure similar to that they had formerly insisted upon from Pyrrhus.

4. Han'nibal finding the impossibility of marching directly to Rome, or willing to give his forces rest after so mighty a victory, led them to Cap'ua, where he resolved to winter. 5. This city had long been considered as the nurse of luxury, and the corrupter of all military virtue. 6. Here a new scene of pleasure opened to his barbarian troops: they at once gave themselves up to intoxication; and from being hardy veterans, became infirm rioters.

7. Hitherto we have found this great man successful; but now we are to reverse the picture, and survey him struggling with accumulated misfortunes, and, at last, sinking beneath them.

8. His first loss was at the siege of Nola, where Marcel'lus, the praetor, made a successful sally. He some time after attempted to raise the siege of Cap'ua, attacked the Romans in their trenches, and was repulsed with considerable loss. He then made a feint to besiege Rome, but finding a superior army ready to receive him, was obliged to retire. 9. For many years he fought with varied success; Marcel'lus, his opponent, sometimes gaining, and sometimes losing the advantage, without coming to any decisive engagement.

10. The senate of Carthage at length came to a resolution of sending his brother As'drubal to his assistance, with a body of forces drawn out of Spain. 11. As'drubal's march being made known to the consuls Liv'ius and Nero, they went against him with great expedition; and, surrounding him in a place into which he was led by the treachery of his guides, they cut his whole army to pieces. 12. Han'nibal had long expected these succours with impatience; and the very night on which he had been assured of his brother's arrival, Nero ordered As'drubal's head to be cut off, and thrown into his brother's camp. 13. The Carthaginian general now began to perceive the downfall of Carthage; and, with a sigh, observed to those about him, that fortune seemed fatigued with granting her favours.

14. In the mean time, the Roman arms seemed to be favoured in other parts; Marcel'lus took the city of Syr'acuse, in Sicily, defended by the machines and the fires of Archime'des,[3] the mathematician. 15. The inhabitants were put to the sword, and among the rest, Archime'des himself, who was found, by a Roman soldier, meditating in his study. 16. Marcel'lus, the general, was not a little grieved at his death. A love of literature at that time began to prevail among the higher ranks at Rome. Marcel'lus ordered Archime'des to be honourably buried, and a tomb to be erected to his memory.

17. As to their fortunes in Spain, though for a while doubtful, they soon recovered their complexion under the conduct of Scip'io Africa'nus, who sued for the office of proconsul to that kingdom, at a time when every one else was willing to decline it. 18. Scip'io, now no more than twenty-four years old, had all the qualifications requisite for forming a great general, and a good man; he united courage with tenderness, was superior to Hannibal in the arts of peace, and almost his equal in those of war. 19. His father had been killed in Spain, so that he seemed to have an hereditary claim to attack that country. He, therefore, appeared irresistible, obtaining many great victories, yet subduing more by his generosity, mildness, and benevolent disposition, than by the force of arms.[4]

20. He returned with an army from the conquest of Spain, and was made consul at the age of twenty-nine. It was at first supposed he intended meeting Hannibal in Italy, and that he would attempt driving him from thence: but he had formed a wiser plan, which was, to carry the war into Africa; and, while the Carthaginians kept an army near Rome, to make them tremble for their own capital.

21. Scip'io was not long in Africa without employment; Hanno opposed him, but was defeated and slain. Sy'phax, the usurper of Numid'ia, led up a large army against him. 22. The Roman general, for a time, declined fighting, till finding an opportunity, he set fire to the enemy's tents, and attacking them in the midst of the confusion, killed forty thousand, and took six thousand prisoners.

23. The Carthaginians, terrified at their repeated defeats, and at the fame of Scip'io's successes, determined to recall Hannibal, their great champion, out of Italy, in order to oppose the Romans at home. Deputies were accordingly despatched with a positive command for him to return and oppose the Roman general, who at that time threatened Carthage with a siege. 24. Nothing could exceed the regret and disappointment of Hannibal; but he obeyed the orders of his infatuated country with the submission of the meanest soldier; and took leave of Italy with tears, after having kept possession of its most beautiful parts above fifteen years.

25. Upon his arrival at Leptis, in Africa, he set out for Adrume'tum, and at last approached Za'ma, a city about seventy-five miles from Carthage. 26. Scip'io, in the mean time, led his army to meet him, joined by Massinis'sa, with six thousand horse; and to show his rival how little he feared his approach, sent back the spies which were sent to explore his camp, having previously shown them the whole, with directions to inform Hannibal of what they had seen. 27. The Carthaginian general, conscious of his inferiority, endeavoured to discontinue the war by negociation, and desired a meeting with. Scip'io to confer upon terms of peace; to which the Roman general assented. 28. But after a long conference, both sides parting dissatisfied, they returned to their camps, to prepare for deciding the controversy by the sword. 29. Never was a more memorable battle fought, whether we regard the generals, the armies, the two states that contended, or the empire that was in dispute. The disposition Hannibal made of his men, is said to be superior to any even of his former arrangements. 30. The battle began with the elephants on the side of the Carthaginians, which being terrified at the cries of the Romans, and wounded by the slingers and archers, turned upon their drivers, and caused much confusion in both wings of their army, where the cavalry were placed. 31. Being thus deprived of the assistance of the horse, in which their greatest strength consisted, the heavy infantry joined on both sides; but the Romans being stronger of body, the Carthaginians gave ground. 32. In the mean time, Massinissa, who had been in pursuit of their cavalry, returning and attacking them in the rear, completed their-defeat. A total rout ensued, twenty thousand men were killed, and as many taken prisoners. 33. Hannibal, who had done all that a great and undaunted general could perform, fled with a small body of horse to Adrume'tum; fortune seeming to delight in confounding his ability, his valour, and experience.

34. This victory brought on a peace. The Carthaginians, by Hannibal's advice, submitted to the conditions which the Romans dictated, not as rivals, but as sovereigns. 35. By this treaty the Carthaginians were obliged to quit Spain, and all the islands in the Mediterranean. They were bound to pay ten thousand talents in fifty years; to give hostages for the delivery of their ships and their elephants; to restore to Massanis'sa all the territories that had been taken from him; and not to make war in Africa but by the permission of the Romans. Thus ended the second Punic war, seventeen years after it had begun.

Questions for Examination.

1. By what measure did the senate attempt to retrieve this disaster?

2. Did Varro venture to return, and what was his reception?

3. Who were appointed to carry on the war?

4. What was Hannibal's next step?

5. What was the character of this city?

6. What was the consequence to the Carthaginian army?

7. Was Hannibal uniformly successful?

8. What was his first reverse?

9. What happened to him afterwards?

10. What resolution did the senate of Carthage adopt?

11. Did he effect a junction with his brother?

12. Was Hannibal apprised of these intended succours?

13. What inference did Hannibal draw from this?

14. Were the Romans successful in other parts?

15. What was the fate of its inhabitants?

16. Was his loss deplored?

17. What was the success of the Romans in Spain?

18. What was the character of Scipio?

19. What rendered him particularly eligible for this command?

20. Were his exploits confined to Spain?

21. Had he any formidable opposition to encounter?

22. What was the conduct of Scipio?

23. What measures did the Carthaginians have recourse to on this occasion?

24. Was Hannibal pleased at his recall?

25. Whither did he repair on his arrival in Africa?

26. What was the conduct of Scipio?

27. Was Hannibal desirous of continuing hostilities?

28. What was the result?

29. Was the battle of consequence?

30. How did it commence?

31. What followed?

32. What completed the defeat of the Carthaginians?

33. What became of Hannibal?

34. What was the result of the victory?

35. What were the conditions of the treaty?

FOOTNOTES:

[1] The first was in the reign of Numa.

[2] Hannibal has been blamed for not having marched to Rome immediately after this victory; but his army was by no means adequate to the siege of the city; and the allies of the Romans would have been able to curtail his quarters and intercept his convoys. He was, besides, badly provided with provisions and the munitions of war, both of which he could procure by invading Campania, the course which he actually pursued.

[3] This great man was equal to an army for the defence of the place. He invented engines which threw enormous stones against the Romans, hoisted their ships in the air, and then dashed them against the rocks beneath, and dismounted their battering engines. He also set fire to some of the Roman ships by the use of reflectors, or looking-glasses, directing the sun's rays from a great number of them on the same spot at the same time.

[4] During his command in Spain, a circumstance occurred which has contributed more to the fame and glory of Scipio than all his military exploits. At the taking of New Carthage, a lady of extraordinary beauty was brought to Scipio, who found himself greatly affected by her charms. Understanding, however, that she was betrothed to a Celtibe'rian prince, named Allu'cius, he generously resolved to conquer his rising passion, and sending for her lover, restored her without any other recompence than requesting his friendship to the republic. Her parents had brought a large sum of money for her ransom, which they earnestly entreated Scipio to accept; but he generously bestowed it on Allu'cius, as the portion of his bride. (Liv. l. xxvi. c. 50.)

* * * * *



CHAPTER XVI.

Beauteous Greece, Torn from her joys, in vain, with languid arm, Half raised her lusty shield.—Dyer.

1. While the Romans were engaged with Hannibal, they carried on also a vigorous war against Philip, king of Ma'cedon, not a little incited thereto by the prayers of the Athe'nians; who, from once controlling the powers of Persia, were now unable to defend themselves. The Rho'dians with At'talus, king of Per'gamus, also entered into the confederacy against Philip. 2. He was more than once defeated by Galba, the consul. He attempted to besiege Athens, but the Romans obliged him to raise the siege. He tried to take possession of the Straits of Thermop'ylae, but was driven from thence by Quin'tus Flamin'ius, with great slaughter. He attempted to take refuge in Thes'saly, where he was again defeated, with considerable loss, and obliged to beg a peace, upon condition of paying a thousand talents. 3. Peace with Philip gave the Romans an opportunity of showing their generosity, by restoring liberty to Greece.

4. Antio'chus, king of Syria, was next brought to submit to the Roman arms: after embassies on the one side and on the other, hostilities were commenced against him five years after the conclusion of the Macedo'nian war. 5. After many mistakes and great misconduct, he attempted to obtain a peace, by offering to quit all his places in Europe, and such in Asia as professed alliance to Rome. 6. But it was now too late; Scip'io perceived his own superiority, and was resolved to avail himself of it. 7. Antio'chus, thus driven into resistance, for some time retreated before the enemy, till, being pressed hard, near the city of Magnesia he was forced to draw out his men, to the number of seventy thousand foot, and twelve thousand horse.

8. Scip'io opposed him with forces as much inferior in number, as they were superior in courage and discipline. Antio'chus, therefore, was in a short time entirely defeated; his own chariots, armed with scythes, being driven back upon his men, contributed much to his overthrow. 9. Being thus reduced to the last extremity, he was glad to procure peace from the Romans, upon their own terms; which were, to pay fifteen thousand talents; to quit his possessions in Europe, and in Asia, on the hither side of Mount Taurus; to give twenty hostages, as pledges of his fidelity; and to deliver up Hannibal, the inveterate enemy of Rome, who had taken refuge at his court.

10. In the mean time Hannibal, whose destruction was one of the articles of this extorted treaty, endeavoured to avoid the threatened ruin. 11. This consummate general had long been a wanderer, and an exile from his ungrateful country. He had taken refuge at the court of Antio'chus who, at first, gave him a sincere welcome, and made him admiral of his fleet, in which station he showed his usual skill in stratagem.



12. But he soon sunk in the Syrian's esteem for projecting schemes which that monarch had neither genius to understand, nor talents to execute. 13. Sure, therefore, to find no safety or protection, he departed by stealth; and, after wandering for a time among the petty states, which had neither power nor generosity to protect him, he took refuge at the court of Pru'sias, king of Bythin'ia. 14. In the mean time, the Romans, with a vindictive spirit utterly unworthy of them, sent AEmil'ius, one of their most celebrated generals, to demand him of this king; who, fearing the resentment of Rome, and willing to conciliate their friendship by this breach of hospitality, ordered a guard to be placed upon Hannibal, with an intent to deliver him up. 15. The poor old general, thus implacably persecuted from one country to another, and finding every method of safety cut off, determined to die. He, therefore, desired one of his followers to bring him poison; and drinking it, he expired as he had lived, with intrepid bravery.

[Sidenote: U. C 513]

16. A second Macedo'nian war was soon after proclaimed against Per'seus, the son of that Philip who had been obliged to beg peace of the Romans. 17. Perseus, in order to secure the crown, had murdered his brother Deme'trius; and, upon the death of his father, pleased with the hopes of imaginary triumphs, made war against Rome. 18, During the course of this war, which continued about three years, opportunities were offered him of cutting off the Roman army; but being ignorant how to take advantage of their rashness, he spent the time in empty overtures for peace. 19. At length AEmil'ius gave him a decisive overthrow. He attempted to procure safety by flying into Crete: but being abandoned by all, he was obliged to surrender himself, and to grace the splendid triumph of the Roman general.[1]

20. About this time Massinis'sa, the Numidian, having made some incursions into a territory claimed by the Carthaginians, they attempted to repel the invasion. 21. This brought on a war between that monarch and them; while the Romans, who pretended to consider this conduct of theirs as an infraction of the treaty, sent to make a complaint. 22. The ambassadors who were employed upon this occasion, finding the city very rich and flourishing, from the long interval of peace which it had now enjoyed for nearly fifty years, either from motives of avarice to possess its plunder, or from fear of its growing greatness, insisted much on the necessity of a war, which was soon after proclaimed, and the consuls set out with a thorough resolution utterly to demolish Carthage.

The territory thus invaded by Massinis'sa, was Tysca, a rich province, undoubtedly belonging to the Carthaginians. One of the ambassadors sent from Rome was the celebrated Cato, the censor, who, whatever his virtues may have been, appears to have imbibed an inveterate hatred to Carthage. For, on whatever subject he debated in the senate, he never failed to conclude in these words, "I am also of opinion that Carthage should be destroyed." The war, however, which had broken out in Spain, and the bad success of the Roman arms in that quarter, for some time delayed the fate of that devoted city; and it might, perhaps, have stood much longer, had not some seditious demagogues incited the populace to insult the Roman ambassador, and to banish those senators who voted for peace.

To account for the apparent pusillanimity of the Carthaginians, it is necessary to observe, that they had suffered repeated defeats in their war with Massinis'sa; and that fifty thousand of their troops, after having been blocked up in their camp till from want they were obliged to submit to the most humiliating conditions, were inhumanly massacred by Gulus'sa, the son of the Numidian king. The Romans chose this distressing juncture to declare war against them.

As one proof of their sincere desire for peace, they had previously delivered up to the Romans all their arms and warlike engines, of which they possessed prodigious magazines; thus leaving themselves still more defenceless than before.

23. The wretched Carthaginians, finding that the conquerors would not desist from making demands, while the vanquished had any thing to give, attempted to soften the victors by submission; but they received orders to leave the city, which was to be levelled with the ground. 24. This severe command they received with all the distress of a despairing people: they implored for a respite from such a hard sentence: they used tears and lamentations; but finding the consuls inexorable, they departed with a gloomy resolution, prepared to suffer the utmost extremities, and fight to the last for their seat of empire.

25. Those vessels, therefore, of gold and silver, which their luxury had taken such pride in, were converted into arms. The women parted also with their ornaments, and even cut off their hair to be converted into strings for the bowmen. As'drubal, who had been lately condemned for opposing the Romans, was now taken from prison to head their army; and such preparations were made, that when the consuls came before the city, which they expected to find an easy conquest, they met with such resistance as quite dispirited their forces and shook their resolution. 26. Several engagements were fought before the walls, with disadvantage to the assailants; so that the siege would have been discontinued, had not Scip'io AEmilia'nus, the adopted son of Africa'nus, who was now appointed to command it, used as much skill to save his forces after a defeat, as to inspire them with fresh hopes of a victory. 27. But all his arts would have failed, had he not found means to seduce Phar'nes, the master of the Carthaginian horse, who came over to his side. The unhappy townsmen soon saw the enemy make nearer approaches; the wall which led to the haven was quickly demolished; soon after the forum itself was taken, which offered to the conquerors a deplorable spectacle of houses nodding to their fall, heaps of men lying dead, hundreds of the wounded struggling to emerge from the carnage around them, and deploring their own and their country's ruin. The citadel soon after surrendered at discretion. 28. All now but the temple was subdued, and that was defended by deserters from the Roman army, and those who had been most forward to undertake the war. These expected no mercy, and finding their condition desperate, set fire to the building, and voluntarily perished in the flames. This was the end of one of the most renowned cities in the world, for arts, opulence, and extent of dominion; it had rivalled Rome for above a hundred years, and, at one time, was thought to have the superiority.