In the second, He discourses of some points of the Mechanicks; and relates among other things, that the Arrows and battering Rams (Aries) of the Antients did as much execution, as our Muskets and Canons; and then, that the Vehemence of the percussion depends as much upon the Length of the percutient Body, as upon the velocity of the Motion. He adds, that the Length of a Canon ought not to exceed 13 foot, and that a greater length is not onely useless, but hinders also the effect of the Gun, not because the Bullet is thrown out of the Gun, before all the powder is fired (as some believe;) but because the Bullet is then beaten back into the Gun by the Air, re-entring into it with impetuosity, when the flame is extinct.



III. LE DISCERNEMENT DU CORPS ET DE L'AME, par M. de Cordemoy.

This French Treatise (but very lately come to the Publisher's hands) examines the different Operations of the Soul and Body, and the Secret of their Union, pretending to discover to every one, what he is, and what is transacting within him. It consists of six Discourses.

[Sidenote: * It sounds hard, To say, An extended substance is indivisible.]

1. In the first, the Author examines the Notions, we have in general of Bodies and Matter; of Quantity; of Qualities; of Place; of Rest; of Motion; of Vacuity; of Forms: to shew what is to be understood by these Terms, which cause all the perplexity that is in the ordinary Physicks. He begins with taking notice, that hitherto Philosophers have had no distinct notions of Bodies and Matter, from the want whereof he conceives, that almost all the Errors in Common Physiology have {307} sprung. To rectify which, he defines Bodies to be * Extended Substances, and Matter an Aggregate of Bodies. Whence he inferrs, that Bodies are Indivisible and Matter divisible; a Body being nothing but one and the same substance, whose different extremities are inseparable, because they are the extremities of one and the same Extension, and, in a word, of one and the same Substance; but Matter being nothing but an Association or Collection of Bodies, 'tis evident, (saith he) it must be divisible. This doctrine he so much insists upon, that he conceives, Nature cannot subsist, if a Body in the sence he takes it, be divisible; and that Motion and Rest cannot be explicated without it. As for Quantity, he makes that to be nothing but More or Less Bodies; not allowing, that each Body should be a Quantity, though it be a part of Quantity; no more than an Unite is a Number, though it make part of a Number: so that Quantity and Extension are two distinct things with him, the first belonging properly to Matter, the last to a Body. Touching Vacuity, he conceives, that the Bodies, which compose a mass, are not every where so near one another, as not to leave some interval in several places. Neither does he think it necessary, that those intervals should be fill'd up; nor unconceivable, that there should be no Body between two Bodies; which touch not one another. And when 'tis said, that those intervals cannot be conceived without Extension, and that consequently there are Bodies that replenish them, he frankly pronounces that not to be true; and affirms, that though it may be said, that between two Bodies, which touch not one another, other Bodies may be placed of so or so many feet, &c: yet ought it not to be inferred, that therefore they are there, but onely, that they are thus placed, that there may be put between them so many Bodies, as joyned together would compose an Extension of so many feet. So that one conceives onely, that Bodies may be placed there, but not that they are there: and as we can have an Idea of many Bodies, though none of them be in being; so we can conceive, that some Bodies may be put between others, where really there are none. And when 'tis alledged, that if all the Bodies, that fill a vessel full, were destroyed, the sides of the vessel would be closed together; He professes, he understands not that ratiocination, nor can conceive, what one Body does to the subsistence of another, more than to sustain themselves mutually, when they are thrust by the neighbouring ones: and therefore sees not, why the sides of the vessel should close, if nothing did thrust them together; but understands clearly, that two Bodies may well subsist so far from one another, that one might place a great many Bodies between them, or none at all, and yet they neither approach to, not recoil from one another. {308}

2. In the Second, he examines the Changes, which he knows in Matter, and makes it his business to explicate all those that respect Quantity, Qualities and Forms, by Local Motion, esteeming that needs no other.

3. In the third, he explains the Motion of Artificial Engins, and that of Natural ones, by one and the same Cause; endeavouring among other things to shew, that the Body of an Animal is moved after the same manner with a Watch. That cause of motion he makes the Materia Subtilis; and the finer or subtiler that is, the better and fitter he conceives it to be to preserve Motion.

4. In the Fourth, he teaches, that though Experience seems to evince, that the Soul moves the Body, and that one Body moves an other; yet there is nothing but God, that can produce any notion in the World, and all other Agents, which we believe to be the Cause of this or that Motion, are no more but the Occasion thereof. In doing this, he advances certain Axioms, and Conclusions, which are in short,

a. The Axioms: That no substance has that of it self, which it can loose, without ceasing to be, what it is: That every body may loose of its motion, till it have no more left, without ceasing to be a Body: That we cannot conceive but two sorts of substances, vid. a Spirit (or That which thinketh) and a Body, wherefore they must be considered as the Causes of all, that happens, and what cannot proceed from the one, must necessarily be adscribed to the other: That to Move, or to cause motion, is an Action: That an Action cannot be continued but by the Agent, who began it.

b. The Conclusions: That no Body hath Motion of it self: That the First Mover of Bodies not a Body: That it cannot be but a Spirit, that is the First Mover: That it cannot be but the same Spirit, who has begun to move Bodies, that continues to move.

In the Fifth, He treats of the Union of the Body and Soul, and the manner, how they act one upon the other; and esteems it not more difficult to conceive the Action of Spirits upon Bodies, and of Bodies upon Spirits, than to conceive the Action of Bodies upon Bodies: the cause of the great difficulty in understanding the two former, arising (according to him) from thence, that we will conceive the one by the other, not considering, that every thing acting according to its own nature, we shall never know the action of one Agent, if we will examine it by the notions we have of another, that is of a quite differing nature. Here he notes, that the Action of Bodies upon Bodies is not {309} more known to us; than that of Spirits upon Bodies, or of Bodies upon Spirits; and yet most men admire nothing but this, believing to know the other; whereas he Judges, that all things being well examin'd, the Action of Bodies upon Bodies is no more conceivable, than that of Spirits upon Bodies. Mean while the opinion of the Authour touching this subject, is, That the union of Soul and Body consists onely in this, that certain motions of the Body are followed by certain Cogitations of the Soul, and, on the contrary, that certain Thoughts of the Soul are follow'd by certain Motions of the Body. And, having supposed, that Bodies are said to act upon one another, when they cause some change suitable to Extension; and Spirits to act upon one another, when they cause some change suitable to a Thought; he infers, that when a Body acts upon a Spirit, that cannot be by causing any change of motion, of figure, or parts, as having none of all these; nor when a Spirit acts upon a Body, that cannot be by producing any change of Thought, as having none: But, when this Body, or its motion, or figure, or other thing, depending upon its nature, can be perceived by a Spirit, so as, upon that occasion, this Spirit has thoughts, it had not before, it may be said, that the Body has acted upon this Spirit, for as much as it has caused all the change in it, whereof it was capable according to its nature.

In the Sixth, After he hath shew'd, what is to be understood by what we call Soul, and by what we call Body, he labours to make it out, that we are much more assured of the Existence of the Soul, than of that of the Body, which he conceives he can prove from hence, that we cannot doubt, that we think, because even doubting is thinking; but one may doubt, whether one has a body, for several reasons, which he alledges, and thinks so cogent, that he concludes, it is not evident to him by the light of reason, that he has a Body. But supposing, there be Bodies, he examines, what are the Operations, that belong to the Soul, and what those, that belong to the Body; and lastly, what those, that result from the Union of both: And then explains, how all those operations are perform'd, and particularly, Sensation; where he shews, that the Nerves, holding at one end to the Brain, whereof they are but Allongations, and being at the other end extended to the extremities of the Body; when an Object comes to touch those exterior ends of the Nerves, the interior ones in the Brain are presently shaken; and cause different sensations according to the diversitie of Nerves, and the differing manner, in which they are shaken. And to shew, that 'tis this shaking, that causes Sensation, he notes, that if any thing shakes the interior parts of the Nerves, though the object be absent, the Soul has presently the same {310} sensations, as it would have, if it were present. As, if one should knock on's head forcibly against a wall, the shaking, which the blow gives to the Brain, moving the interior extremities of the Nerve, which causes the sensation of Light, the Soul has the same sensation, which it would have, if it saw a thousand Candles: On the contrary, if the interior extremities of the nerves are not shaken, though the object be present, it causes no sensation; whence it comes, that if a strong Ligature be made upon the middle of the Arm, and the hand be then prickt, no pain is felt, because the shaking of the nerves that are pricked, being stopped by the Ligature, cannot reach to the extremities of the Nerves, that are within the Brain.

* * * * *

Advertisement.

The following Errata, left by the Press in Num. 16, the Reader is desired thus to correct.

Page 269. lin 27. read, motion of B above the Center; G. is also, with a Semi-colon after the word Center. p. 274. l. 13, r. it to do to the. p. 277. l. 24. r. natural days. p. 281. l. 16. r. of his. ib. l. 27. r. a notion. p. 293. l. 4. r. enough without. ib. l. 43. r. to the Sine of. p. 294. l. 1. r. to the Sine of.

* * * * *

LONDON,

Printed for John Martin and James Alestry, Printers to the Royal Society. 1666.

{311}

* * * * *



Numb. 18.

PHILOSOPHICAL TRANSACTIONS.

* * * * *

Munday, October 22. 1666.

* * * * *

The Contents.

_Patterns_ of the _Tables_ proposed to be made for _Observing of Tides_; promised in the next foregoing _Transactions_. Other _Inquiries_ touching the Sea. Some Considerations touching the _Parenchymous_ parts of the Body. Observables concerning _Petrification_. A Relation from _Paris_, of a kind of _Worms_, that eat out Stones. Some promiscuous Observations made in _Somersetshire_. A Problem for finding the Year of the _Julian Period_, by a new and very easie Method. An Account of some Books, not long since publish'd, which are, _1. Tentamina Physico-Theologica de Deo_, Authore _Samuele Parkero. 2. Honorati Fabri Tractatus duo; Prior, de Plantis et de Generatione Animalium; Posterior, de Homine. 3. Relation du Voyage de l'Evesque de Beryte, par la Turquie, la Perse, les Indes_, &c. per Monsieur de _Bourges_._

* * * * *

_Patterns_ of the _Tables_ proposed to be made for _Observing of Tides_, promised in the next foregoing _Transactions_; by Sir _Rob. Moray_._

In performance of what was promised in the last of these Papers for Observing the Tides, here are subjoyned Patterns of the Tables there mentioned; One, for marking the precise Time of the High waters and Low-waters during one Month; that is, between New and New Moon, or Full and Full Moon. The other, for marking the Degrees of the Risings and Fallings of the Water in Equal spaces of Time, and the Velocity of its motion at several heights: The Degrees of Heat and Cold, &c.

The Times, assigned in the first, to the High waters and Lowest Ebbs, are taken out of Mr. Wing's Almanack, for this present year 1666, as he calculates them for the Month of September for London Bridge. Only, whereas he takes notice but of one High-water for every day, Here are set {312} down the Times of the other, and the two Ebbs intervening, by subdividing the Differences, he assignes between two Tides, equally amongst them. In all which, though there may be Errors, that is not to be considered, seeing the Dissein is to Correct and State the Times of the Tides exactly by Experiments, after this method. Mr. Wing states the High waters to fall out at London-Bridge constantly, when the Moon is 46. deg. 30. min. to the West-ward of the Meridian. For the Times, he marks for them, are made up by adding every day 3. hours, 6 minutes, to those in his Table for knowing the Time of the Moons coming to the South.

The First Table consists of two Parts, and each part of four Columns. The first part marks the Tides and Ebbs from the day of the New-Moon to its Full: The other, from the Full to the next New. The first Column in both parts hath the day of the Month and Week; M. standing every where for Morning and A. for Afternoon. The third column hath the Character of the day of the Week prefixt to the Hour and Minute of the High-water, and answering to the day of the Month. The last Column hath the same for the time of Low-water, varying the Character of the day, as often as the low-water falls out more early than the High-water. In this Example between the said New Moons there falls out in all just 57. periods of the Tide or Flowing water, and 58. of the Ebb or Low water; which numbers vary according to the Intervals of the Moons changes, but with what constancy and exactness, is to be inquired after: Which whosoever undertakes to do, may keep such a Table, as is here proposed, in a Book by it self.

The other Table doth in 9. Columns comprehend the particular Observations of the Degrees of the Rising and falling of the Tides, and the other things specified at the Tops of them: The first Column marking the Hour and Minut common to all the several Observations. Each hour is divided in 3. equal Parts, that number of Observations being only pitch't upon by way of Example: The numbers may else be varied at pleasure, when other more frequent Observations are thought fit to be made, or when they prove too frequent and laborious; though the most frequent are most desirable, till competent information of all particulars be attained.

The Rising of the Tide from Low-water to the highest pitcht of the full Sea, is here supposed to be 60. foot: And the Degrees of its rising every 20. Minuts, to be in the Proportion of Sines, The whole time of Flowing supposed to be 6. hours. But this Example will serve for marking the Spaces of the Increasing or Rising, as well as of the falling of the water, in order to the investigation of their Proportions to one another, when the Duration of the Tide exceeds 6. hours by any number of minuts, as well as for just 6. hours; seeing they may be easily collected from any Number of Observations; their precise Time and that of the Duration of the waters Rising and Falling (that is, the just interval between the High-Water and Low-water) being known: This Calculation by Sines, being only set down as a Conjecture, flowing from Observations of the Motion of the water in its Rising and Falling, {313} which seems to observe this or some such like Proportion; which is supposed still to hold in all Tides, be the Duration what it will; the Increase still continuing proportionably till the very midle of the Hight and Duration, and Decreasing afterwards in the same manner: Which whether it be so indeed or not, is that, which is desired to be known.

There is the like Proportion here supposed to be in the different degrees of the Velocity of the Current of the Water after Equal spaces of Times, as in its Rising and Falling: And so it is markt in the Third Column. But because the true Velocity of the Current of the Water, raised above the Levell 456/1000 of a foot, is unknown, it is by way of Supposition set at Ten feet in one Minute of an Hour, which being once stated, the rest distant from each other by the space of 20. Minutes of an Hour, are set down according to the same Proportions of Sines before suggested. It being supposed, that of the Velocity of the Current of the Tide, after it hath flowed 20 minuts of an hour, be such, as a Log of Wood placed in the Water will move 10 foot in the space of one minute of time, at the middle of the Tide it will in the like space of Time move 114 f. 276/1000, and so proportionably at other times: Which, howsoever these Proportions shall be found by Experiments to fall out, may be not unworthy of the pains and charges requisite to acquire the knowledge of it. For, besides the satisfaction it may afford upon other accounts, it may possibly be of no small use to those, who need an exact reckoning of their Ships running, when the Velocity of the Current of the Tide may be necessary to be known; lest through the defect of the knowledge of that, especially when it is reckoned less than indeed it is, the Ship be thrown in the night upon Shores, Rocks or Sands, when they reckon themselves to be far from them.

The Numbers in the 4, 5, 6, 7, and 8. Columns are set down at random, only for Examples sake; there being no difficulty in the apprehension of it, and imitating of it in setting down the true Hights and Variations of the Thermometer, Baroscope, &c. The Use whereof is so vulgarly known, that there needs no further Direction concerning them. But if any person who would make these Experiments, do not know the fabrick or use of any of the Instruments requisite for some of these Observations, nor where to have them, he may address himself to Mr. Shortgrave, one of the Operators of the Royal Society, lodged in Gresham Colledge, from whom he will receive full satisfaction about these things.

But the labour employed in the Observations of the Heat, Cold, &c. required to be taken notice of in order to the Ends proposed in the former Tract, and others that may be of no less delight than advantage, will be much retrenched, when Dr. Christopher Wren puts in practice, what he some years ago proposed to the Royal Society concerning an Engine with a Clockwork, which may perform these Observations in the last enumerate Columns, without being toucht or lookt after but once or twice a day.

The Tables themselves follow,

{314}

A Perpendicular Line divided into Signes, supposed to be the Periods of the Risings and Fallings of the Tides, as is in the other Table represented.



1666. Age of Time of High water. Time of Low water. Sept. the moon ho.mi. Day. Hour. Min. Day. Hour. Min. Mo. 3. New Mo. 2. 57. Morn. Mo. 9. 8. Morn. 8.38'. 3. 19. Aftern. 9. 30. Aftern. Tu. 4. Tu. 3. 41. M. Tu. 9. 511/2 M. 4. 2. A. 10. 121/2 A. We. 5. We. 4. 23. M. We. 10. 331/4 M. 4. 431/2 A. 10. 533/4 A. Th. 6. Th. 5. 4. M. Th. 11. 141/2 M. 5. 25. A. 11. 351/2 A. Fr. 7. Fr. 5. 46. M. Fr. 11. 561/2 M. 6. 7. A. Sa. 0. 171/2 M. Sa. 8. Sa. 6. 28. M. 0. 391/2 A. 6. 51. A. Su. 1. 21/2 M. Su. 9. Su. 7. 14. M. 1. 231/2 A. 7. 37. A. Mo. 1. 481/4 M. Mo. 10. Mo. 8. 0. M. 2. 13. A. 8. 26. A. Tu. 2. 39. M. Tu. 11. 1. Qu. Tu. 8. 52. M. 3. 5. A. 10 A. 9. 18. A. We. 3. 31. M. Mo. 12. Mo. 9. 44. M. 3. 573/4 A. 10. 111/2 A. Th. 4. 251/4 M. Th. 13. Th. 10. 39. M. 4. 53. A. 11. 7. A. Fr. 5. 21. M. Fr. 14. Fr. 11. 35. M. 5. 49. A. Sa. 15. Sa. 0. 3. M. Sa. 6. 17. M. 0. 31. A. 6. 45. A. Su. 16. Su. 0. 59. M. Su. 7. 13. M. 1. 27. A. 7. 41. A. Mo. 17. Mo. 1. 55. M. Mo. 8. 9. M. 2. 23. A. 8. 363/4 A.

Tu. 18. Full. Tu. 2. 501/2 M. Tu. 9. 41/4 M. 11.10'. 3. 19. A. 9. 311/4 A. We. 19. We. 3. 45. M. We. 9. 581/2 M. 4. 11. A. 10. 251/2 A. Th. 20. Th. 4. 39. M. Th. 10. 521/2 M. 5. 6. A. 11. 20. A. Fr. 21. Fr. 5. 34. M. Fr. 11. 48. M. 6. 2. A. 0. 16. A. Sa. 22. Sa. 6. 30. M. Sa. 0. 44. A. 6. 58. A. Su. 1. 121/2 M. Su. 23. Su. 7. 27. M. 1. 411/2 A. 7. 36. A. Mo. 2. 101/4 M. Mo. 24. Mo. 8. 241/2 M. 2. 383/4 A. 8. 53. A. Tu. 3. 63/4 M. Tu. 25. Tu. 9. 201/2 M. 3. 341/4 A. 9. 48. A. We. 4. 13/4 M. We. 26. last Q We. 10. 151/2 M. 4. 291/4 A. 3.11' 10. 43. A. Th. 4. 561/2 M. Th. 27. Th. 11. 10. M. 5. 231/2 A. 11. 37. A. Fr. 5. 48. M. Fr. 28. Fr. 11. 59. M. 6. 10. A. Sa. 29. Sa. 0. 21. M. Sa. 6. 32. M. 0. 43. A. 6. 54. A. Su. 30. Su. 1. 5. M. Su. 7. 16. M. Octob. 1. 27. A. 7. 38. A. Mo. 1. Mo. 1. 49. M. Mo. 7. 59. M. 2. 9. A. 8. 19. A. Tu. 2. Tu. 2. 29. M. Tu. 8. 39. M. New. 2. 49. A. 8. 59. A. We. 3. 1.38' We. 3. 9. M. We. 9. 19. M.

1666. Rising, and Thermo- Hygro- Sept. 3. fall of Tides metre scope Hour. M. Foot /1000 Inch /10 Inch /10 Velocity of Baro- Azimuth. Force the Current scope of the Wind Foot /1000 Inch /10 deg. deg. 00, 000. 0, 000. Weather XII. 00. 00, 000. 6. 7. 28. 1. 3. 4. S. to W. 50. 3. 0, 456. Rain great 20. 10, 000. 6. 7. 28. 1. 3. 4. S. to W. 57. 3. 1, 353. Rain great 40. 36, 250. 6. 8. 28. 1. 3. 4. S. to W. 60. 3. 2, 211. Rain small I. 00. 48, 587. 6. 8. 28. 1. 3. 3. S. W. 45. 4. 3, 000. Rain small 20. 66, 658. 6. 8. 28. 1. 3. 2. S. W. 30. 4. 3, 696. Rain very small 40. 81, 053. 6. 9. 28. 2. 3. 1. S. W. 36. 4. 4, 284. Fair but cloudy II. 00. 93, 289. 6. 9. 28. 2. 3. 0. S. W. 39. 5. 4, 740. Fair and warm 20. 103, 289. 6. 8. 28. 1. 2. 7. S. W. 42. 5. 5, 049. Warm and cloudy 40. 110, 724. 6. 8. 28. 2. 2. 3. S. W. 19. 6. 5, 211. Sunshine III. 00. 114, 276. 6. 8. 28. 2. 2. 0. S. W. 60. 5. 5, 211. Sunshine and clear 20. 110, 724. 6. 7. 28. 3. 2. 1. S. W. 73. 5. 5, 049. Sun clouded 40. 103, 289. 6. 7. 28. 3. 2. 0. S. W. 90. 6. 4, 740. Cloudy IIII. 00. 93, 289. 6. 6. 28. 3. 2. 1. S. W. 90. 6. 4, 284. Hazy about the Horiz. 20. 81, 053. 6. 6. 28. 4. 2. 3. N. W. 87. 6. 3, 696. Misty 40. 66, 658. 6. 5. 28. 4. 2. 3. N. W. 70. 7. 3, 000. Misty V. 00. 48, 487. 6. 4. 28. 4. 2. 3. N. W. 59. 7. 2, 211. Clearing up 20. 36, 250. 6. 2. 28. 5. 2. 3. N. W. 50. 6. 1, 353. Clear 40. 10, 000. 6. 1. 28. 5. 2. 1. N. W. 60. 5. 0, 456. Sunshine VI. 00. 00, 000. 6. 0. 28. 5. 2. 0. N. W. 60. 4. 0, 000. Sunshine

{315}

* * * * *

Other Inquiries Concerning the Sea.

The Publisher of these Tracts, knowing that the Honorable Robert Boyle had not left unconsidered the Natural History of the Sea, of which Subject the late, and these present Papers, have entertained the Reader as to the Observables of its Flux and Reflux; He was on this occasion instant, with that Gentleman to impart to him, for publication, these Heads of Inquiries, he had drawn up, touching that Subject: Which having obtained (though the Author desires, they may be lookt upon as unfinisht) he thus subjoyns.

What is the Proportion of Salt, that is in the Water of differing Seas; And whether in the same Sea it be always the same? And if it be not, how much it differs?

[Sidenote: * This last Clause containing difficult Quaere and that may seem something odd, Mr. Boyl thinks fit to note, That having recommended this matter, among others, to a learned Physician, that was sailing into America, and furnished him with a small Hydrostaticall Instrument, to observe from time to time the Differences of Gravity he might meet with; This account was returned him, That he found by the Glass, the Sea-water to increase in weight, the nearer he came to the Line, till he arrived at a certain Degree of Latitude; as he remembers, it was about the 30th; after which, the Water seemed to retain the same specifick gravity, till he came to the Barbadoes, or Jamaica.]

What is the Gravity of Sea-waters in reference to Fresh Waters and to one another: Whether it vary not in Summer and Winter, and on other Scores? And whether in the same Season its Gravity proceed only from the greater or lesser Proportion of Salt, that is in it, and not sometimes from other Causes? And what are the differing Gravities of the Sea-water, according to the Climats. *

What are the Odors, Colours and Tasts, observable in Sea-water?

What is the depth of the sea in several places, and the Order of its increase and Decrements? And whether the Bottom of the Sea does always rise towards the Shore, unless accidentally interrupted?

Of the Bottom of the Sea, and how it differs from the Surface of the Earth, in reference to the Soyl, and evenness or Roughness of the Superficies, And the Stones, Minerals and Vegetables to be found there?

What the Figuration of the Seas from North to South, and from East to West, and in the several Hemispheres and Climats?

What communication there is of Seas by Streights and Subterraneal Conveyances?

Of the Motion of the Sea by Winds, and how far Storms reach downwards towards the Bottom of the Sea?

[Sidenote: * The particulars whereof (saith the Author) are here omitted; Sir Robert Moray and Dr. Wallis having by there more accurate inquiries about Tides made them needless.]

Of the grand Motions of the Bulk or Body of the Sea; especially of the Tides *; Their History as to their Nature and Differences.

{316} What power the Sea hath to produce or hasten Putrefaction in some Bodies, and to preserve others; as Wood, Cables, and others that are sunk under it?

Of the Power ascribed to the Sea to eject Dead Bodies, Succinum, Ambergris?

Of the shining of the Sea in the night?

What are the Medical vertues of the Sea, especially against Hydrophobia?

What is its vertue to Manure Land? And what are the Plants, that thrive best with Sea-water.

* * * * *

Some Considerations concerning the Parenchymous parts of the Body.

These were communicated by the inquisitive M. Edmund King at the Instance of the Publisher, as follows;

The Parenchymous parts of the Body, are by Anatomists generally supposed to be in very many places wholly void of Vessels; designed chiefly to fill up Cavities and interstices between the Vessels, and to boulster up the same, and to convey them through the parts.

But having many years endeavoured to excarnate several parts of the Body, viz. the Liver, Lungs, Spleen, Kidneys, &c. (not to name the Placenta Uteri, which seems to be Parenchymous too;) and being very desirous to make a Scheme of the Vessels of any of these, what ever they were, I fixt upon; I found, notwithstanding all my care to preserve the Vessels, when I was freeing them, as heedfully as I could, from the supposed Parenchyma, that in every breach, I made, either with my fingers or otherwise, all my endeavors were destructive to my purpose: and that, upon examination of those bits, much of which is called Parenchyma, I met in them more Vessels, than I had preserved in the parts whence they came: And though the portion were never so small, yet my bare eye could make this discovery; much more could I, when assisted by a Microscope, perceive, I had destroyed more Vessels than preserved, in despite of the exactest care, I was capable to use. And being not a little concern'd, that I should undertake to preserve the Vessels by such a Cause, as I saw plainly to be their definition (were the part never so big, or never so small) I was both confounded and tired. For I saw (and so must any, that will attempt this work) in my endeavouring to preserve one Vessel of a traceable magnitude, I spoiled an infinite number of others less discernable, which were as truly Vessels, as the other, differing only in size and figure (as to appearance.) Then reviewing what mischief I had done in every place, quite through the whole Tract of my Fingers, Knife, &c. I begin to think with my self, That it was not impossible for these parts to consist wholly of Vessels curiously wrought and interwoven (probably for more Uses, than is yet known;) And the {317} consideration, which came into my mind, of a piece of fine Cloth (which consists of so many several minute Hairs, call'd Wool) was no discouragement to this opinion. Yet I durst not be presumptuous as to indulge my self too much in it; much less to venter presently to speak of such a thing, which seem'd to contradict so many Learned Men's belief. But being restless, till I might receive more satisfaction in the thing, I iterated experiments over and over; some of which prov'd so successful to my apprehension, that I was encouraged in the year 1663. and 1664 to discourse of it to several very worthy Persons, as Mr. Boyl, Sir William Petty, Dr. Williams, Dr. Lenthal, Dr. Jaspar Needham, Dr. Samson, (who afterwards sent me a Letter from France, intimating the acquaintance he had made with the learned Steno, who hath since published something of the same Discovery) Mr. Daniel Cox, and Dr. Samuel Parker, &c, who doubtless cannot but remember, that then I related to them, I found much cause to believe, that that substance commonly called Parenchyma, was in most, if not in all its Parenchymous parts, full of Vessels; however it had been imagin'd by all, I could ever meet with, to consist in great part of a substance, in many places void of Vessels, designed for such uses, as are above mentioned.

Against which I have now further to alledge, 1. That I observe in a piece of Musculous flesh (so call'd) either raw, rosted, or boiled, &c. that if I so far extend it as to make it to be seen through, I can (assisting my Eye) perceive it full of Vessels placed as thick as is possible to be imagin'd, (the fat if there be any, being first removed) there appearing then nothing but vessels, yet so as with a Microscope may be seen through, when they are extended. 2. That, if any one, as he is at dinner, take a piece of flesh, and begin either at the head or tail of a Muscle, he may divide it in infinitum all along from head to tail, without breaking any thing of that, called Flesh, only these transverse Fibres, that seem to stitch them together, and (as I am apt to think) pass through the very Bodies of the smallest of them, and quite through the whole Muscle up the Cutaneous porosities; so that there is not one of these small ducts, that run per longitudinem, but 'tis furnisht with a sufficient number of outlets, when need requires, though too minute to suffer any alimentary juice to pass transversly (in a living Body) or any other liquor, when the Body is dead and cold. But to wave their use at present, and to return to what I was saying. Compress between the fingers this bit of flesh, and you shall find the Juice, especially if the Meat be Hot, to go before your fingers toward either end you please; but if you compress both ends, you shall see it swell into the middle; and again, if you press the middle, it will run out at both ends. But further, suppose a piece of flesh, called Parenchyma, as big, or as little as you please, in any part of the Body, and let me prick it with a Needle, where you shall appoint; if you feel it, I presume you will acknowledge, a Nerve, or a Fibrilla, related to it, is touch'd; If you feel it not, I am sure some liquor either sanguineous or other, will follow the Needle; And from whence can that come, but out of Vessels? unless {318} accidentally, as by a Contusion, &c., it be extravased, in which case my Argument will not be injured, because the part is depraved, whereas I speak of the parts, as they are in their natural State.

To confirm and illustrate all which, I desire, that the following familiar Observations may be considered:

1. If a Horse, fat and fair to look on, without a hollow to be seen between his Muscles, be rid extreme hard, and into a great sweat, and then kept one day without water or moist meat, you shall see him took so thin in many places as in the musculous parts, that you will hardly believe it to be the same Horse, especially if he be (as the Phrase is among Horse-masters) a Nash or Wash-Horse. The cause of which thinness will easily be granted to be only an exhaustion of Juice, expended out of the Blood, which did stuff out these Vessels. And whoever, that is used to ride hard, shall observe, how thick this foul Horse breaths, and at what a rate he will reek and sweat, will not much wonder at the alteration. But if the Horse be a hardy one, and used to be hard ridden, then you will see, that one days rest, and his belly full of good meat and drink, will in one day or two almost restore him to his former plight, the food being within that short space of time so distributed, that all the Vessels will be replenish'd again, as before. And the cleaner the Horse is, the sooner recruited, and the less sign of hard riding will appear. This seems to shew the facility, with which the Juice, called Blood, passeth; Which surely, if there were such a thing as a Parenchyma might by several accidents (not difficult to mention) be so deprav'd in several parts of it, that it might lose its receptive faculty; than which it may be thought to have none of greater use, being supposed to be without Vessels.

2. Discoursing sometimes with Grasiers in the Country, about the Pasture of Cattle, I have been informed by them, that, if they buy any Old Beasts, Oxen, or Cows to feed, they choose rather those that are as poor as can be, so they be sound; because that, if they are pretty well in flesh, what they then add to them by a good pasture, though it make them both look and sell well, yet it will not make them eat so well, their flesh proving hard and very tough: Which some may suppose to be the age of Parenchyma; and so it is of that so called. But if those Beasts be old and extremely poor, then they feed very kindly, and will be not only very fat but spend well, like young ones, and eat very tender.

Of which I take the reason (excluding a Parenchyma now) to be this. When an Oxe or a Cow is grown old, and in an indifferent plight as to his flesh (for so it is called) all those Vessels having been kept at that size for the most part, have contracted a tenseness and firmness, and their fibers less extensive, nor so fitted for the reception of more unctuous particles to relaxe them; and that additional unctuous matter, which occasions fatness, is forced to seek new quarter any where (often remote from Muscles) where it can be with least difficulty received; sometimes to one place, sometimes to {319} another, as may be seen in Shambles. Whereas, if there were such a thing as a Parenchyma, that certainly would, like a hungry Sponge, immediately swell up in several parts, (which without much difficulty might be discover'd in the dissection) and more eminently, where it should find the pores most potent: And in the dissection of such Muscles it would be very strange, not to find some, if not many, pieces of them in various shapes, to the great inconvenience of the parts, in which they are seated: Which yet I confess I could never find in any Muscle unless it were where there had been a Contusion, or an Impostume, or the like. But according to my opinion of the Parenchymous parts, the reason, why the Flesh of a very lean Ox or Cow, that hath got new Flesh in a good pasture, eats tenderer, seems to be this: That in a very lean Beast the Vessels designed for admitting and distributing the nourishing Juice, are so near contracted, and lye so close together; that, when once they are relax'd; by fresh and unctuous nourishment, they extend every way in all extensive parts, until in a short time the whole Creature is, as it were, created a new, having got new flesh upon old bones. And the necessity of extreme extension makes all those parts, that are, as has been said, for the admission of nourishment, so thin and fine, that it will make the lean Beast, put into a rich pasture, eat young and tender: Whereas one of the same Age, that never was very poor, fed in the same pasture, shall eat hard and tough.

3. It has been observed, that Corpulent Persons in some Diseases, that seize on them, do fall away to wonder, not only in the Wast, but in the Arms, Legs, and Thighs; and the very Calves of the Legs have been observed so flaccid and loose, that one might wrap the skin about the bones. The reason whereof, according to the opinion deliver'd, may be easily rendred to be, A great Consumption of the Stock of Liquors, that in Health kept the Vessels turgid; Which Vessels I suppose to make up those Muscles. But when the Pores are obstructed, that the nourishment is hindred (which then also uses to be but sparingly administred) and sweats, either spontaneous, or forced, are large, there must needs be a great expence of those Liquors, the supply being but inconsiderable: which cannot but contract all these ducts of all sorts nearer together, and make them much less in themselves, meerly from Exhaustion: Or, if there should be no sweats, the internal Heat spends the spirits, and dries up the Liquors; the consequence whereof may reasonably be presumed to be this Flaccidity of parts, and great and sudden Change, made in them; not that there is need of any Parenchyma to fill up these Muscles considering what hath been said. Mean while, I humbly conceive, that if it be in any part of a Muscle, their Ingenuity, that plead for it, will put them upon some experiments, to bring it to Ocular Demonstration, either in Living or Dead Muscle, any kind of flesh, raw, rosted, boyl'd, or in what they can best make it out. And when I shall be convinc'd of an Errour in what I have discoursed, I shall beg pardon for giving the Occasion of the trouble of that Experiment, which shall prove a {320} Parenchyma in any Muscle; and think my time well spent in receiving a full satisfaction of the ungroundedness of my opinion; and readily submit to the Author, with a grateful acknowledgement of my Obligation to any one that shall rectifie me in my mistake, if it be one.

* * * * *

Observables touching Petrification.

Though much hath been already said and written of Petrification, yet 'tis conceived, that all that comes so far short of a competent stock for the composing of a perfect History of Petrification, that the incompleatness thereof ought to awaken the more diligent attention of the Curious, and to call in their aid for Additions, thereby so to encrease and to complete the Materials for that work, that it may the better serve to clear and make out the Cause of that Transmutation. And that the rather, because if it lay in the power of humane Skill (by the knowledge of Nature's works) to raise Petrification, or to allay, or prevent it, or to order and direct it (which perchance in time might be attained the said way) much use might be made of this Art; especially if it could be made applicable to hinder the Generation of the Stone and Gravel in humane Bodies, or to dissolve the Stone, where 'tis formed; besides other valuable Uses, that might be excogitated.

Upon this Consideration, care is, and further will be taken in these Papers, to record, among other Observables of Nature, what shall be communicated of this kind of Change.

In Num. 1. 2. and 5. several Relations have been made belonging to this Argument. Much of it, together with considerable Reflections may be seen in Mr. Boyle's Essay of Firmness: In Helmont de Lithiase, where, among other remarques, is recited the Testimony of Paraeus of a Petrified Child seen at Paris, and by the Owner used for a Whetstone: In Densingius's Historia Infantis in Abdomine inventi, & in duritiem lapideam conversi: In Mr. Hook's Micrography, and in others. To omit now, what has been related (but perhaps not well enough attested) by Authors, concerning the stupendious Petrifications of whole Companies of Men, and Troops of Cattle; by Aventinus, lib. 7. Annal. Bojorum; by Purchas in his Pilgrimage p. 416. in fol. printed at London 1614, and, (of a Troop of Spanish Horsemen) by Jos. Acosta lib. 3. c. 9.

To all which, the curious Dr. Beale now adds a Narrative of a Stone, not long since taken out of the Womb of a Woman of his neighbourhood neer Trent in Somersetshire, by incision, and afterwards perfectly cured, though she had born the Stone with extreme torments for. 8. or 9. years. The operation he relates to have been made in Easter last; after which time, he affirms to have seen the Stone, and weigh'd it in Gold Scales, where it wanted somewhat of four Ounces, but had lost of the weight, it formerly had, {321} being very light for a Stone of that Bulk. He further describes to be of a whitish colour, lighter than Ash-colour; perchance (saith he) not unlike to that recited out of Scaliger by Mr. Boyle in his Essay of Firmness pag. 238. qui aeris contactis postea in gypseam tum speciem tum firmitatem concreverat. It had no deep asperities, and had somewhat of an Oval figure, but less at one end, than a Hen-Egge, and bigger and blunter at the other end, than a Goose egge.

This Stone, (so he concludes) is intended for the Royal Society, with the Testimony of the Chirurgion, that perform'd the Operation, and other Witnesses of special credit; where also will be annexed the manner of Operation.

It appears by this last clause (to add that on this occasion) that this Well-wisher to the Improvement of all usefull knowledge, has taken notice of that considerable Collection of Curiosities, lately presented to the lately nam'd Society for their Repository, by the Publick-minded Gentleman Mr. Daniel Colwall, a very worthy and useful Member of that Body: To which Repository whatsoever is presented as rare and curious, will be with great care, together with the Donors names and their Beneficence recorded, and the things preserved for After-ages, (probably much better and safer, than in their own private Cabinets;) and in progress of Time will be employed for considerable Philosophical and Usefull purposes; of which perhaps more largely in another place.

* * * * *

A Relation of a kind of Worms that eat out Stones.

This is taken out of a Letter, written by one M. de la Voye to M. Auzout, to be found in the 32. Journal des Scavans; as follows.

In a great and very ancient Wall of Free-Stone in the Benedictins Abby at Caen in Normandy, facing Southward, there are to be found many Stones so eaten by Worms, that one may run his hand into most of the Cavities which are variously fashion'd, like the Stones, which I have seen wrought with so much Art in the Louvre: In these cavities there is abundance of live-Worms, their excrement, and of that Stone-dust, they eat. Between many of the Cavities there remain but leaves, as it were, of Stone, very thin, which part them. I have taken some of these living Worms, which I found in the eaten Stone, and put them into a Box with several bits of the Stone; leaving them there together for the space of eight days; and then opening the Box, the Stone seem'd to me eaten so sensibly, that I could no longer doubt of it, I send you the Box and the Stones in it, together with the living Worms: and to satisfie your Curiosity, I shall relate to you, what I have observed of them both with and without a Microscope. {322}

These Worms are inclosed in a Shell, which is grayish and of the bigness of a Barly-corn, sharper at one end, than the other. By the means of an excellent Microscope I have observ'd, that 'tis all overspread with little Stones and little greenish Eggs; and that there is at the sharpest end a little hole by which these Creatures cast out their excrement, and at the other end, a somewhat bigger hole, through which they put out their heads and fasten themselves to the Stones, they gnaw. They are not so shut up, but that sometimes they come out, and walk abroad. They are all black, about two Lines of an inch long and three quarters of a Line large. Their Body is distinguish't into several plyes, and near their head they have three feet on each side, which have but two Joynts resembling those of a Lowse. When they move, their Body is commonly upwards, with their mouth against the Stone. They have a big head, somewhat flat, and even, of the colour of a Tortoise-Shell, braunish, with some small white hair. Their mouth is also big; where may be seen four kinds of Jaw-bones, lying crossewise, which they move continually, opening and shutting them like a pair of Compasses, with four branches. The Jaws on both sides of the mouth are all black, the nether Jaw hath a point like the Sting of a Bee, but uniform. They draw threds out of their mouth with their fore-feet, using that point to range them, and to form their Shells of them. They have Ten Eyes, very black and round, which appear to be bigger than a Pins head. There are five of them on each side of the head, standing after this manner,



But besides these Worms, I have found, that Mortar is eaten by an infinite number of small Creatures, of the bigness of Chees-Mites. These have but two Eyes, and are blackish. They have four feet on each side pretty long. The point of their Muzzle is very sharp, as that of a Spider. I send you but one of them, though I had abundance, but they are dead and lost. It may be, you'l find some at Paris, seeing that in the old Mortar betwixt Stones, that is found in Walls made with rubbish, there is great store of them, together with great plenty of their little Eggs. I have not yet examined, whether these be those, that in the surfaces of all the Stones, where they are met with, make little round holes, and small traces and impressions, which make them look like Worm-eaten Wood. But 'tis probable, they are such. It should be observed, whether these Worms do not take Wings, and all the other appearances of Caterpillars; and whether they are not to be found in plaister that is full of holes, in Bricks, in Greety Stones, and in Rocks.

You may observe more of them in Walls exposed to the South, than in others; and that the Worms, that eat the Stone, live longer, then those, {323} that eat the Mortar, which keep not above eight days alive. I have observed all their parts with a very good Microscope, without which, and a great deal of attention, 'tis difficult to see them well.

I have seen other very old Walls altogether eaten, as those of the Temple at Paris, where I could find no Worms, but the Cavities were full of Shells of various kinds, diversly figur'd and turn'd: all which I believe to be little Animals petrified.

* * * * *

Some promiscuous Observations, made in Somerset shire, and imparted by the above-mentioned Dr. Beale.

His words are these, in a Letter to the Publisher, of the 24. Septemb. 1666 at Yeovill in Somersetshire;

I have two or three remarks, perhaps not unworthy to be recorded for further application in like cases of time and place

1. In the Moores from hence towards Bridgewater, in the extreme drought, we have endured this Summer, some lengths of pasture grew much sooner whithered and parched, than the other pasture. And this Parched part seem'd to bear the length and shape (in gross) of Trees. They digg'd, and found, in the place, Oakes indeed, as black as Ebony. And hence they have been instructed to find and take up many hundreds of Oakes, as a neighbour of good credit assures me. This advertisement may be instructive for other parts, as Kent, Essex, Lincoln, &c.

[Sidenote: * This had somewhat of a Vitriolate taste. But the Experiment being made with greater quantities of this water, which questionless will be done, the nature and kind of it may be better known.]

2. My Cosen Philips of Montague has in his pastures of Socke, about three miles off, a large Pool, to which Pigeons resort; but the Cattle will not drink of it, no not in the extream want of water in this drought. To the taste it is not only brackish, but hath other loathsome tasts. In a Venice-glass it looked greenish and clear, just like the most greenish Cider as soon as it is perfectly clarified. I boyl'd a Pint of it in a Posnet of Bell-Mettall (commonly used to preserve Sweatmeats:) suddenly it yeilded a thick froth, whence I scumm'd half a score Spoonfulls; of which the inclosed is a part, * Suffering the water to be boyl'd all away, it left much of the same on the sides and bottom of the Posnet.

3. From Lamport, towards Bridge water, Eeles are so cheap in the frosts of Winter, that they vend them for little. Their abundance is from hence, that as the people walk, in the frosty Mornings, on the banks of river, they discern, towards the edges of the banks, some parts not hoar, as the rest, but green; where searching the holes of the banks they find heaps of Eeles.

{324}

* * * * *

A Problem for finding the Year of the Julian Period by a new and very easie Method.

This occurs in the Journal des Scavans n^o. 96. as it had been proposed communicated to the Learned Jesuit DE BILLY. viz.

Multiply the Solar Cycle by 4845. and the Lunar, by 4200. and that of the Indiction, by 6916. Then divide the Sum of the Products by 7980. which is the Julian Period: The Remainder of the Division, without having regard to the Quotient, shall be the year required after.

E. g. Let the Cycle of the Sun be 3; of the Moon 4; and of the Indiction, 5. Multiply 3. by 4845, and you have 14535; and 4. by 4200. comes 16800; and 5. by 6916. comes 34580. The Sum of the products is 65915, which being divided by 7980. gives 8. for the Quotient, and the number 2075. which remains, is the Year of the Julian Period.

Some learned Mathematicians of Paris, to whom the said P. de Billy, did propose this Problem, have found the Demonstration thereof; as the same Journal intimates.

* * * * *

An Account of some Books, not long since published.

I. TENTAMINA PHYSICO-THEOLOGICA DE DEO, Sive THEOLOGIA SCHOLASTICA, ad Normam Novae & Reformatae Philosophiae concinnata, & duobus libris comprehensa. Quorum altero, de Dei existentia adversus Atheos & Epicureos ex ipsorummet Principiis disputatur; altero, de ejusdem Essentia & Attributis; primo secundum Theologiam Ethnicam, ubi explicatur, Quantum hactenus Alii in Gentilium sententiis, de summi Numinis Natura eruendis, hallucinati fuerint; deinde secundum Theologiam Christianam: Et quid de Divina Essentia ac Attributis statuendum sit, diceretur. Quibus postremo accedit specialis Dissertatio de Primo Numinis Attributo, AETERNITATE. Authore Samule Parkero, A. M.

This Treatise, published the last year, would sooner have been taken notice of in these Tracts, had it not escaped the Publishers view till of late, when he, upon serious perusal, found it very worthy the recommending it to all sorts of persons; and particularly to those who either please themselves with that fond opinion, That Philosophy is the Apprentiship of Atheisme; or hearken to the aspersions, that are generally laid upon the Reformation of Philosophy.

This excellent piece removes both these; and being joyned and compared with the truly Noble Mr. Boyle's Considerations in his First part of the {325} Usefulness of Experimental-Natural Philosophy, will strongly evince, How Much that Philosophy, which searches out the real Productions of Nature (the true Works of God) does manifest the Divine Glory more, than the Notionals of the Gentiles.

This Author (now a Fellow of the Royal Society) delivers his Matter in two Books.

Lib. 1. Cap. 1. Atheists are disappointed of the Authority of Epicurus, and of other Antient Philosophers, for their gross Atheisme.

Cap. 2. The beautiful Frame of the World evinceth the Architectonical Author and Governor.

Cap. 3. The admirable Contrivance in the Structure of Mankind, and of Animals, does more conspicuously shew the Deity.

Cap. 4. The Atheist caught in his own Net, or convinced by the true force of his own Arguments.

Cap. 5. The Arguments devised against Atheists by Des Cartes, and drawn from the Idea's of our Mind, examin'd and found imperfect and invalid.

Lib. 2. Cap. 1. The opinions of the Gentiles concerning God, unduly applied to the Deity, which we worship: but properly to be understood by them of the Sun, or of the Soul of the World.

Cap. 2. More expresly proved, that the Antient Philosophers conceived, the Soul of the World to be God.

Cap. 3. The Historical Theology of the Gentiles for the most part is unduly applyed or accommodated to the Holy Scriptures.

Cap. 4. The Divine Substance, Immensity, Incomprehensibility, Invisibility, explicated, as far as our weak reason does teach.

Cap. 5. The Divine Perfections, and other Attributes and Affections, how far explicable.

Cap. 6. The Eternity of God, how apprehended.

These are in short the Heads of the Book, which is yet but in Latin. It were to be wisht, the Author would make it speak his own lively English.



II. HONORATI FABRI Soc. Jesu Theologi, Tractatus duo; quorum Prior est de Plantis & de Generatione Animalium; Posterior de Homine.

As the Matter of this Book is considerable, so is the order and dependence of all its parts excellent; in regard that all the Propositions are ranged according to a Geometrical method, and so well disposed, that the latter do always suppose the former, and seem to depend all of them upon certain evident principles, whence they flow by a natural consequence.

This Volume contains two Treatises.

The First is divided into 5. Books. In the four first, he treats of Plants, and distributes them into three Classes; some growing in the Earth, as Trees; others, growing upon Plants, as Mosse; and a third sort growing upon Animals, as Hair, Horns, and Feathers. He examins and considers the {326} Parts of all these Plants and their Use, the manner, how they are produced, and nourished; and their different Qualities. He discourses also of Bread, Wine, Oyle, and the other Mixtures, that are made of Plants.

In the Fifth Book, he treats of the Generation of Animals, where he delivers many curious matters, explicating in a very easie and familiar way that Argument, which hath always been lookt upon, as one of the obscurest in Natural Philosophy.

The Second Treatise consists of 7. Books; wherein the Author considers, what appertains to Man. He discourses first, of Digestion, of the Circulation of the Bloud, and of the Use of the principal parts of the Humane Body. Next, he treats of the Senses, External and Internal; of all the Motions of the Body, both Natural and Voluntary, of the sensitive Appetite, and the Passions; Thence he proceeds to the Temperaments, Habits, Instinct, Sleep, Sickness, &c. Lastly, passing to the Rational Soul, he endeavours to demonstrate the Immortality thereof, and to explain also the Manner, how it worketh upon the Body, and is united with the Body; where he omits not to reason of all the Powers of the Soul, of Liberty, and of the Operations of the Understanding and Will.

In general, the Author makes it his study, for the explicating of the most perplext Difficulties, to shew, that Nature works not but by very simple and easie wayes.

In particular he intersperses several curious remarks. E.g. He teaches how to make Perspectives, that magnifie Objects, without Glass; telling us, that when an Object is look't upon through a small hole, it appears much greater than it is; and that therefore, if instead of Glasses one did cast before ones eyes two Plates having little holes in them, it would furnish us with a new kind of Perspectives, more commodious than those of Glasses, which spoil the Sight by reason of the refraction of the Rayes, caused thereby. Again, He renders the cause of that common, but surprising, effect of Painters, drawing certain Pourtraictures, which seem to look directly upon all their Beholders, on what side soever they place themselves: Videl. That in those Pictures, the Nose it a little turned to one side, and the eyes to the other. Whence it comes, that such pictures seem to look to the right side, because the Eyes are indeed turned that way; but they appear also to look to the left, because the point of the Nose is turned that way, and the Table, whereon the Picture is drawn, being flat the Looker on perceives not, that the Eyes are turned th'other way; which he would do, if the Eyes of the Pourtrait were convex: Whence it comes, that no Figure can be made embossed, which looks every way.

The art, which he teaches of making Parsley shoot out of the ground in a few hours, is this. Infuse the seed of it in Vinegar; and having sown it in good ground cast on it a good quantity of the Ashes of Bean-Cods, and sprinkle it with Spirit of Wine, and then cover it with some linnen. He mentions also; that if you calcine Earth, and then water it well, it will {327} produce a great variety of different Herbs, and that the Ashes of Corn burnt, being sown, have sometimes produced other Corn.

To add that by the by, this Author is not so addicted to Aristotle, as to be on his side, when he thinks Truth is not. He hath emancipated himself considerably from the Scholastick way of Philosophing. He dares maintain, that the Vegetative and Sensitive Souls are not Substantial Forms; and that it is with Plants and Animals, as with Artificial things, the Form whereof results from the Union and Disposition of the parts. According to this Hypothesis he explicates all the Operations of Plants and Animals, without having any recourse to the Soul. He avers also, that there are no Species Intentionales, and no Habitudes, and that the Animal Spirits, which Philosophers commonly believe to be necessary for all the Operations of Life, are useless.

It might also be observed out of this Author, what he discourses of the Generation of Animals by Putrefaction; of the Cause of intermittent Feavers, and of the Animal Instinct, and of many other particulars; were it not better to refer the curious to the Book it self.



III. RELATION DU VOYAGE de l' Evesque de Beryte, par la Turquie, la Perse, les Indes, &c. jusques au Royaume de Siam, & autres lieux; par M. de Bourges, Prestre &c.

This Author imploying his Pen chiefly, according to his design, to give an Accompt of the Success, the Undertakers of this Voyage had, in propagating the Christian Faith in the remoter parts of the World, and relating on that occasion, What number of Churches they have founded in Cochin, China, and the Kingdom of Tonquin, (in which latter alone he affirms, that there are more than three hundred thousand Christians;) being I say principally intent upon that Subject, he seems not to have made many Philosophical observations in those places. Mean while he does good service to those that have occasion to travel into the East-Indies mostly by Land, by describing the passage, they took thither; which was, That they embarqued at Marseilles, in September, the most convenient and favourable season for that Voyage; whence Ships do ordinarily pass every Month from Syria, reckoning one Month for the time of Sayling, to Alexandretta. Thence to Aleppo, counting one Month more for the Stay, to be made there to meet the Caravane for Babylon, and six weeks more for the march from Aleppo to Babylon, where a fortnight will pass before an opportunity happen to embarque upon the Tyger for Balsora; which Journey will require a fortnight more: And about this time it will be about the end of January. Thence is always conveniency to pass from Congo, 4 days Journey from Comoron or Gombroun, to which latter part there is also frequent occasion to pass by Sea from Balsora, which will take up some 15 or 16. days Sail. There (vid. at Comoron) you will every year meet with English, Portugal, Dutch, and Moorish Vessels, from Surat, from October till the end of April, for they are obliged to be at Surate, before the end of May, because all the ports of those {328} Indies are shut the 4. ensuing months, by reason of the danger of that Sea.

But besides this Direction, the Book is not quite destitute of Natural Observations. It relates, 1. How Diamonds are found and separated in Golconda; They take of the Earth, held to be proper to form them, which is reddish, and distinguish'd with white veins, and full of flints and hard lumps. Then they put near the places, which they will digge, a close and even Earth; and to it they carry those Earths, they have digg'd out of the Mine, and gently spread it abroad, and leave it exposed to the Sun for two days. Then being dryed enough they beat it, and sifting this Earth, they find the Diamonds in ashes of Flints, in which Nature hath set them. Here he adds, that the King of that Country farms out these Diamond-Mines for 600000. Crowns per annum, reserving to himself the right of all the Diamonds, that exceed ten Carats in weight. There are Diamonds, that mount to 35. and 40. Carats. And this is the great Treasure of that Prince.

2. That the most esteemed fruit in those parts; the Durion (of the bigness and shape of an ordinary Melon) has a very unpleasing and uneven untollerable smell, like to that of a rotten Apple.

3. That Rice prospers most in waterish grounds; and that the fields, where it grows best, resembles rather to Marshes, than to any ploughed Soyle: Yea, that that Grain has the force, though 6. or 7. foot water stand over it, to shoot its Stalk above it; and that the Stem, which bears it, rises and grows proportionably to the height of the water, that drowns the field.

4. That the way of keeping ones self harmless from a wild Elephant, when he runs directly upon one, is, to hold something to him; as a Hat, a Coat, a piece of Linnen, which he seises on with his Trunk; and playes with it, as if he were pleased with this apparent homage, done to him; and so passes on. If he be in a rage, that then the only remedy is, to turn incessantly behind him to the left side, in regard that naturally (saith this Author) he never turns himself that way, but to the right: And the time, there is to turn, because of the Beasts unweildiness, affords leisure enough to climbe up some high Tree, or to mount some steep ground: all which if it fail, by holding always his tail, and turning with him, the Animal will be tired, and give opportunity to escape.

* * * * *

London, Printed by T. R. for John Martin, Printer to the Royal Society, and are to be sold at the Bell a little without Temple-Bar.

{329}

* * * * *



Numb. 19.

PHILOSOPHICAL TRANSACTIONS.

* * * * *

Munday, November 19. 1666.

* * * * *

The Contents.

An Addition to the Instances of Petrification, formerly enumerated. Articles of Inquiries concerning Mines; as, to the neighbouring Country about them; the Soyl where they are; the Signes of them; the Structure and other particulars belonging to the Mines themselves; the Nature and Circumstances of Ore; and the Reduction of Ore into Metal. Promiscuous Inquiries formerly recommended to Monsieur Heuelius, particularly about Cold; together with his own, and his Correspondents Answer to some of them. The success of the Experiment of Transfusing the Blood of one Animal into another.

* * * * *

An Addition to the Instances of Petrification, enumerated in the last of these Papers.

This Instance was some while since communicated to the Royal Society by that Ingenious Gentleman Mr. Philip Packer, a worthy Member of that Body; in these words;

On a Bank in a Close of Mr. Purefoy, neer his house, call'd Wadley, a mile from Farrington in Berks, there grows an Elme, which hath now lost the top, and is grown hollow, containing neer a Tun of Timber. From the But of the same Tree, one of the spreading Clawes having been formerly cut off with an Axe, that part of the But, from whence the same was sever'd, being about 11/2 foot above ground, and inward within the trunk {330} of the Tree, hath contracted a petrfied Crust, about the thickness of a shilling, all over the woody part within the Bark; the Marks of the Axe also remaining very conspicuous, with this petrified crust upon it. By what means it should thus happen, cannot well be conceived, in regard there is no water neer it; the part, above the ground and out of the weather; the Tree yet growing: unless being cut at some season, when the sap was flowing, the owsing of the sap might become petrified by the Air, and the Tree grow rotten and hollow inward since that time; which how long since, is not known.

A piece of that part cut, was presented, together with this Account, to the said Society, for their Repository.

* * * * *

Articles of Inquiries touching Mines.

What the Honourable Robert Boyle gave the Reader cause to hope for, in Numb. 11. when he was pleased to impart those General Heads for a Natural History of a Country, there publish'd; He is not un-mindful to perform, by enlarging them as occasion serves, with Particular and Subordinate Inquiries. Here he gratifies the Curious with a considerable Set of Inquiries about Mines: which though unfinish'd, yet the Publisher, was instant to obtain their present Publication, to the end, that he might the more conveniently recommend them to several Forreigners of his Acquaintance, now ready to return to their several Countryes, which he understands to abound in Mines; and from the Curious Inhabitants whereof, he expects to receive a good Accompt upon some at least of these Inquiries; which also by several of them have been earnestly desired, as Instructions, to direct them, what Particulars to inquire after upon this Subject.

These Quaeries are reduced by the Author to six Heads:

The first, The neighbouring Country about the Mines.

The second, The Soyl where the Mines are.

The third, The Signs of Mines.

The fourth, The Structure and other particulars belonging to the Mines themselves.

The fifth, The Nature and Circumstances of the Ore.

The sixth, the Reduction of the Ore into Metal. {331}

QUAERIES

About the first Title.

1. Whether the Country be Mountainous, Plain, or distinguish'd with Vales? And in case it be mountainous, what kind of Hills they are; whether high, or low, or indifferently elevated? Whether almost equal or very un-equal in height? Whether fruitful or barren; cold or temperate; rocky or not; hollow or solid? Whether they run in ridges, or seem confusedly placed; and, if the former, what way the ridges run, North and South, &c. And whether they run any thing parallel to one another?

2. Whether the Country be barren or fruitful? And, if any way fruitful, what it produces, and what it most abounds with?

3. What Cattle it nourishes, and whether they have any such thing peculiar in point of bigness, colour, shape, longaevity, fitness or unfitness to make good meat, &c. as may be rather adscribed to the peculiar nature of the place, than to the barrenness of the Soyl, or other manifest causes?

4. Whether the Natives, and other Inhabitants, live longer or shorter than ordinary? Whether they live more or less healthy? Whether they be subject to any Epidemical Diseases, that may very probably be imputed to the Mines; and what these Diseases are; and what Remedies are found successful?

5. Whether the Country be, or be not furnish'd with Rivers, Brooks, Springs, and other Waters; and how these waters are conditioned?

6. Whether the Air be dry or moist; hot or cold; clear or foggy; thick or thin; heavy or light; and especially, whether the Weather be more or less variable than ordinarily; or whether it be subject to great and sudden changes, that may probably be imputed to the Mineral and Subterraneous Steams; and what they are? {332}

About the second Title.

7. Whether the Soyle that is neer the Surface of the Earth, be Stony; and, if it be, what kind of Stones it abounds with? Whether it be Clayie, Marley, Chalkye, &c. And, if it be of several kinds, how many they are; and by what properties they are distinguish'd?

About the third Title.

8. By what Signs they know or guess, that there is a Mine in such a place?

9. These Signs are either upon the Surface of the Earth, or beneath it.

To the former belong these Quaeries.

10. Whether the Ground be made barren by Metalline or Mineral Effluviums?

11. Whether it be observed, that Trees and other greater Plants seem to have their tops burnt, or other leaves or outsides discoloured? or whether there be any Plants, that do affect to grow over such Mines; and whether it have been tryed, that other Plants, that would prosper in the adjacent places, will not be made to grow and thrive there?

12. Whether the Stones and Pebles, that are wash'd by the Brooks, Springs, or other Waters, have any colour'd substance left upon them; and if they have, of what colour, weight, &c. these adherences are?

13. Whether the Waters of the place proposed, do by their tast, smell, ponderousness, &c. disclose themselves to contain Minerals? And, if they do, what Minerals they or their residences, when they are evapourated away, do appear to abound with, or to participate of?

14. Whether Snow will not lye, or Frost continue so long, or Dew be generated or stay upon the ground in the place proposed, as on other neighbouring grounds?

15. Whether the Dew that falls on that ground, will discolour white Linnen or Woollen-Cloths, spred overnight on the {333} surface of the ground, and employed to collect the Dew? And whether the Rain that falls there, and may be supposed to come thither from elsewhere, will discolour such Clothes, or afford any residence of a Mineral Nature?

16. Whether the Place be more than ordinarily subject to Thunder and Lightning, and to sudden Storms or Earthquakes; as likewise to Nocturnal Lights and fiery Meteors.

17. Whether Mists use to rise from Grounds stored with Minerals? What is observable in them, and what Minerals they signify, and may be supposed to be produced by?

18. Whether the Virgula Divinatoria be used to find out the Veins of proposed Mines; and, if it be, with what success?

19. What other Signs above ground afford probability of Mines, or Direction for following a Vein over Hills, Valleys, Lakes, Rivers, &c.

The second sort of Signs belonging to these Quaeries, are such as follow.

20. Whether there be any Clayes, Marles, or other Mineral Earths, yellow or liquid matters, that usually give notice of the Ore? And if there be more than one, how and at what depths they are wont to lye respectively? Of what thickness and consistence they are; and in what Order the Diggers meet with them?

21. Whether there be any Stones or Marchasites to be found neer, or not very far from the surface of the ground, by which one may have ground to expect a Mine? As is often observed in the Tin-Mines of Cornwall, over which such kind of Stones are divers times found lying above ground?

22. Whether all Stones of that kind do equally signify that Mine? And, if not, how the significant Stones are to be known, as by Colour, Bigness, Shape, Weight, Depth under ground, &c.

23. Whether there be any Earths of peculiar kinds, as to Colour, Consistence, &c. that indicate a Mine beneath or near them; and, if there be, what they are, and what is their consecution, if they have any?

24. Whether Heat or Damps give any assurance or a probability of finding a Mine? {334}

25. Whether Water of any kind, met with in Digging, especially at this or that depth, do betoken a Mine?

26. Whether there be any Signs of the neerness of the Mine, and what they are?

27. Whether there be any Signs of ones having miss'd the Mine, either by being past above, or beneath, or having left it on either hand; and what they are?

28. Whether there be any Signs not only of the distinct and determinate kind of Metals or Minerals; but of the Plenty and Goodness of the Vein; and what they are?

29. Whether there be any Signs of the depth of the Vein beneath the surface of the Earth; and what they are?

30. Whether there be any proper or peculiar Signs, that show it to be hopeless, or at least unlikely, to find a Vein in the place where it is digg'd for; and what those are?

About the fourth Title.

31. What is the depth of the Shaft or Groove (which though named in the singular Number; the Questions about it are generally applicable) till you come at the Vein or Ore?

32. Whether the Vein run or lye Horizontal, or dippe? And if it dippe, what inclination it hath, how deep the lowest part lies; and consequently how much deeper than the uppermost? As also, what it's Flexures, if it have any, are? And whether it runs directly North or South, East or West; or seem rather to have a Casual tendency, than any determinate one by Nature? and how far it reaches in all?

33. What is the Wideness of the Groove at the Top, and elsewhere? Whether the Groove be perpendicular or crooked; and if crooked, after what manner, and with what distance it winds?

34. How the Groove is supported? What are the kinds, length, bigness, and way of placing the Timber, Poles, &c. that are employed to support it? And how long the Wood will last, without being spoyled with the subterraneous fumes and waters? and what wood lasts longest? {335}

35. What Air-shaft belongs to the Mine? Whether it be single, or more than One? Of what breadth the Air-shaft is at the Orifice? Whether it be convenient enough, or not? How neer it is placed to the Groove; and in what position? And if there be several Air-shafts, what their Distances and scituation are in reference to the Groove, and to each other? Or how Air is supplied, if there be no Air-shafts?

36. Whether they meet with any Waters in the Mine? And, if they do, how copious they are; at what depths they occur; how they are qualified; and what way they Spring, &c.

37. Whether they are constant or temporary? whether they increase or diminish notably in Summer or Winter, or at any other time of the year; and if they do, at what season that is; how long it is wont to last; and the proportions of Increase and Decrease?

38. What Expedients and Engines are employed to free the Mines from Water? The materials, the parts, the bigness, the shapes, the coaptation; and, in short, the whole structure, number, and way of applying the Instruments, that are made use off to free the Mines from Water?

39. What are the Conditions, Number, &c. of the Adits?

40. Whether the Mine be troubled with Damps, and of what kind they are? whether they come often or seldom at any set time, or altogether irregularly? what Signs fore-run them? what mischief they do? what remedies are the most successfully imployed against them, aswell in reference to the Cleering of the Mine, as to the Preservation and Recovery of the Workmen?

41. What Methods the Mine-men use in following the Vein, and tracing their passages under ground (which they call Plumming and Dyalling) according to the several exigencies? And whether they employ the Instruments, made with the help of the Load-stone, the same way that is usual; and if not, wherein they differ in the use of the same Instruments; or what Instruments they substitute in their place?

42. What ways they take to secure themselves from the uncertainty, incident to the guidance of Magnetick Needles from the Iron-Stone or Ore, that they may meet with under ground? {336} (of which yet perhaps there is not so great danger, as one may imagine; as far as I could find by a Trial, I purposely made in a Groove, where I was sure, there wanted not Iron-Ore.) And what other wayes may be used to direct Miners without the help of a Load-stone?

43. How the Miners deal with the Rocks and Sparrs, they often meet with, before they come at the Ore? Whether they use Fire to soften, calcine, or crack them? How they employ it, and with what measure of success?

44. What wayes and cautions they use, to free the Mine and secure the Work-men from the inconveniencies and danger accruing from the use of much fire in it?

45. What Instruments they use to break the Rock &c? And how those Instruments are conducive; and how long they last?

46. How the Mine-men work; whether naked or cloathed? And what Lights they use to work by; what materials they are made of, what measure of light they give; how long they last; and by what wayes they are kept burning in that thick and foggy air?

47. How Veins are follow'd, lost, and recover'd? And how several Miners work on the same Vein? And what is the best way of getting all the Ore in a Vein, and most conveniently?

48. How they convey out their Ore, and other things, that are to be carried out of the Mine? Whether they do it in Baskets drawn up by Ropes, or upon Mens backs; and if this last-named way; what kind of Vessels they use for matter, shape, and capacity? And whether the Work-men deliver them one to another; or the same Work-men carry them all the way? And whether the Diggers descend and ascend by Ladders of Wood, or of Ropes, &c.

About the Fifth Title.

49. Whether the Ore runs in a Vein; or lie dispers'd in scatter'd pieces; or be divided partly into a Vein, and partly into loose masses; or like a Wall between two Rocks, as it were in a Cleft; or be interspers'd in the firm Rock, like speckled Marble? Or be found in Grains like Sand or Gravel; as store {337} of excellent Tin is said to be found in some parts of Cornwall at the Sides and in the Channels of running Waters, which they call ...; or whether the Ore be of a softer consistence, like Earth or Lome, as there is Lead-ore in Ireland holding store of Silver, and Iron-ore in the North parts of Scotland and elsewhere? And what is observable in it as to Weight, Colour, Mixture, &c?

50. Whether any part of the Metal be found in the Mine perfect and complete? (As I have had presented me good valuable Copper, and pieces of perfect Lead, that were taken up, the one at Jamaica, and the other by an acquaintance of mine, that took them out of the ground himself in New England.)

51. Whether the Mine affords any parcels of Metal, that seem to grow like Plants (as I have sometimes seen Silver growing, as it seemed, out of Stone, or Sparre almost like blades of Grass; as also great Grains of a Metal, which appear'd to me, and which those, that tryed some of it, affirmed to be Gold, abounding in a stony lump, that seem'd to consist chiefly of a peculiar kind of Sparre.)

52. Whether the Vein lie near, or much beneath the surface of the Earth, and at what depth?

53. Whether the Vein have or have not any particular Concomitants, or Coats (if I may so call them;) and, if any, what they are, and in what order they lie? (As the Veins of Lead-ore, with us, have frequently annnext to them a Substance call'd Sparre, and next to that another, call'd Caulk.)

54. Whether (besides these Coats) the Vein have belonging to it any other Heterogeneous substance? (As in Tin-mines we often find that yellow substance, which they call Mundick.)

55. What are the principal Qualities of these Extraneous substances? (As that Sparre is white, but transparent, almost like course Crystall, heavy, britle, easily divisible into flakes, &c. Caulk is of a different texture, white, opacous, and like a Stone, but much more ponderous. Mundick I have had of a fine golden colour; but, though it be affirm'd to hold no Metal; yet I found it in weight, and otherwise, to differ from Marchasites; and the Mine-men think it of a poisonous nature.) {338}

56. Whether the Vein be inclosed every way in its Coats; or whether it only lye between them?

57. Whether the Vein be every way of an uniform breadth, and thickness; and, if it be, what these Dimensions are; and if not, in what places it varies, and in what measures? (The like Questions are to be made concerning the sparre, Caulk, and other Teguments or mixtures of the Ore?)

58. Whether the Vein be un-interrupted, or in some places broken off; and whether it be abruptly, or not; and whether it be by Vales, Brooks, Gullets, &c?

59. How wide the Interruptions are? what Signs, whereby to find the Vein again? whether the ulteriour part or division of the Vein be of the same Nature, and hold on in the same Course, as to its tendency upwards or downwards, or Horizontally, Norward, Southward, &c. with the Vein, from which it is cut off?

60. Whether, in case the last end of the Vein be found, it terminate abruptly, or else end in some peculiar kind of Rock or Earth, which does, as it were, close or Seal it up, without leaving any crack or cranny, or otherwise? And whether the terminating part of the Vein tend upwards, downwards, or neither? And whether in the places, where the Vein is interrupted, there be any peculiar Stone or Earth, that does, as it were, seal up the Extremity of it?

61. Whether it be observed; that the Ore in Tract of time may be brought to afford any Silver or Gold, which it doth not afford, or more than it would afford, if it were not so ripe? And whether it have been found, that the Metalline part of the Vein grows so, that some part of the Mine will afford Ore or Metal in tract of time, that did not so before? And whether to this Maturation of the Mine, the being exposed to the free Air be necessary; or, whether at least it conduce to the Acceleration of it; or otherwise?

62. Whether all the Ore, contained in the Mine, be of the self-same nature and goodness; and, if not, what are the differing kinds; and how to be discriminated and estimated?

63. What is the fineness and goodness of the Ore, by which the Mine is wont to be estimated? And what are the marks and {339} characters, that distinguish one sort from another?

64. What proportion of Metal it affords? (As in our Iron-mines 'tis observed, that about three Tuns of Iron-stone will afford one Tun of Metal: And I have had Lead-Ore, which an Ingenious man, to whom I recommended such Tryals, affirm'd to me to afford three parts in four of good Lead.)

65. Whether the Ore be pure in its kind from other Metals, and, if not, of what Metals it participates; and in what proportion? Which is especially to be Inquired into, in case the Mine be of a base metal, that holds a noble metal: (As I have known it observ'd, that Lead-Ore, that is poor in its own metal; affords more Silver, than other; and I remember, that the Ore lately mention'd, being rich in Lead, scarce afforded us upon the Cuppel, an Atome of Silver. And Matthesius informs us, that a little Gold is not unfrequently found in Iron-Ore. And I have by me some Gold, that never endur'd the Fire, taken out of a Lump of Tin-Ore.)

About the sixth Title.

66. What are the mechanick and praevious Operations, as Beating, Grinding, Washing, &c. that are used to separate the Ore from the Heterogeneous Bodies, and prepare it for the Fire? Or whether the Ore requires no such preparation? (as it often happens in Lead, and sometimes in Iron, &c.)

67. Whether Mercury be made use off, to extract the nobler from the baser metals? (as is their practice in Peru, and other parts of the West-Indies.)

68. Whether the leaving the Ore expos'd to the open Air and Rain for a good while, be used as a Praeparative? (as I have seen done in Iron-stone.)

69. Whether the Burning and Beating of the Ore be used to prepare it for the Furnace? (as is practised in Iron, and almost always in Copper:) And, in case they use it more than once, how often they do it; (for, Copper-Ore is in some places washed 8. or 10. times, and in others, 12. or 14.) and with what circumstances; as, how long the Ignition lasts at a time, whether the Ore be suffer'd to cool of it self, or be quench'd? whether it be washed betwixt each Ignition?

70. What Flux-powders, and other ways they have to try {340} and examine the goodness of the Ore in small quantities?

71. Whether, when they work in great, they use to melt the Ore with any Flux or Additaments, or only by the force of the Fire, or in any way between both? (As throwing in of Charcoals when they melt Iron-stone does not only serve to feed the Fire, but perhaps by the Alchaly of its Ashes to promote the fusior: so Lime-stone, &c.)

72. What kind of Furnaces they use, to melt the Ore in? Whether they be all of one sort and bigness, or of differing?

73. What are, the Situation, Materials, Dimensions, Shape, Bigness, and in short what is the whole structure and Contrivance of the Furnace? If there be any thing peculiar and remarkable? What Tools are used in Smelting, their Figures, use, &c. And the whole manner of working?

74. What kinds of Fewel, and what quantities of it, are wont to be employed in the Furnace, within the compass of a day, or week? How much is put in at a time? How often it is renewed? And how much Ore in a determinate time, as a week or a day, is wont to be reduced to Metal?

75. In case an Additament be employed, what that is, and in what proportion it is added? Whether it be mingled with the Ore, before that be put into the Fire, or cast in afterwards; and, if so, at what time, &c?

78. Whether the Ore be melted by a Wind, excited by the Fire it self; as in Wind-ovens? Ore by the course of Waters? Or acuated by the blast of Bellows; and, if so, whether these Bellows be mov'd by a Wheel, turn'd by Water running under it, or falling on it? And what are, the Dimensions, Situation, &c. of the Bellows?

79. What contrivance they have, to let or take out the Metal, that is in fusion; and cast it into Barrs, Sows, Pigs, &c?

80. What Clay, Sand, or Mould they let it run or pour it through? And after what manner they refrigerate it?

8l. Whether or no they do, either to facilitate the fusion, or to obtain the more or better Metal, mingle differing sorts or degrees of Ore of the same metal? (As in some places 'tis usual, to mingle poor and rich Ore; and at Mendip they mix two or more of these differing kinds of Lead-ore that they call Frim-ore, Steel-ore, Potern-ore, &c.) {341}

82. Whether or no, having once brought the Ore to fusion, they melt all the Metal it self, to have it the more pure? And, if they do, with what circumstances they make the fusion?

83. Whether they have any Signs, whereby to know whether the Fusion have been well or ill perform'd; and the Metal have obtain'd the perfection, to be expected from such Ore, melted in such a Furnace?

84. Whether they observe any great difference in the goodness of the Metal, that first melts, from that of the rest of the Metal which comes afterwards in the same or another operation? And whether the Rule holds constantly? (For, though they observe in Tin-Mines, the best Metal comes first, yet in the works of an Industrious friend of mine, he informs me, that the best Metal comes last.)

85. Whether the produced Metal be all of the same goodness? And if it be, how good it is in reference to the Metal of other Mines, or other parts of the same Mine or Vein? And if it be not, what differences are observ'd between the produced portions of Metal; and what disparity that amounts to in the price?

86. What are the Wayes of distinguishing them, and estimating their goodness?

87. Whether they do any thing to the Metal, after it is once brought to Fusion, and, if need be, melt it over again, to give it a melioration? (As when Iron is refined, and turn'd into Steel;) And what distinct Furnaces, and peculiar Ways of ordering the Metals are employ'd to effect this improvement? With a full description of them and the Tools in all Circumstances, observ'd in the refining of Metals.

88. Whether in those places, where the Metal is melted, there be not elevated some Corpuscles, that stick to the upper parts of the Furnace, or Building? And, if there be, whether they be barely fuliginous and recrementitious exhalations, or, at least in part, Metallin Flowers? (As in the Cornish Tin-mines, after some years they usually destroy the thatch'd Houses, where the Ore hath been melted, to get the stuff, that adhears to the insides of the Roofs, out of which they melt store of excellent Tin.)

89. Whether the Metal, being brought to fusion, affords {342} any Recrements? (As Iron-stone affords store of a dark Glass or Slagg) And, if it do, what those Recrements are? How they are separated from the Metal; and to what Uses they are employed?

90. Whether, after the Metal has been once melted, the remaining part of the Ore being exposed to the Air, will in tract of time be impregnated, or ripen'd, so as to afford more Metal? (For, this is affirm'd to me of the Cornish Tin-Ore; and what remained after the fusion of Iron-ore in the Forest of Dean, is so rich in Metal, that a Tenant of mine in Ireland, though he had on the Land, he held from me, an Iron-Mine, found it less profit to work it, than to send cross the Sea to the Forest of Dean for this already us'd Ore, which having lain for some ages, since it was thrown aside in great heaps expos'd to the Air, he affirm'd to yield as well great great store of Iron, as very good: though I somewhat doubt, whether this be totally to be ascribed to the Aire, and length of time; or to the leaving of Metal in the Slaggs in old times, before great Furnaces were in use.)

* * * * *

Promiscuous Inquiries about Mines, from the same Author.

1. Whether the Territorie, that bears the Mine, abounds with no other Kind of Mineral in some distinct part of it? (As in Kent near Tunbridge, one part of the Country which is Hilly, abounds all along with Iron-Mines; the other, which is also Hilly, and divided from it but by a small Valley, abounds exceedingly (as the Diggers and Inhabitants told me upon the place) in Quarry's, which the Metallin-Country wants, but is quite destitute of Iron-stone. And so at Mendip, in one part of the Hill, I saw store of Lead-Mines, containing several Kinds of Ore of that Metal; another part of the Hill I found to be full of Cole-pits, which had some Marchasites, but no Metal; and in another place, Iron-ore, and mixt Ores, which yet they did not think fit to work.)