By this treaty the Chippewas ceded an immense tract of land east of the Mississippi. In return the United States agreed to pay annually for twenty years $9500 in money, $19,000 in goods, $3000 for blacksmiths, $1000 for farmers, $2000 in provisions, and $500 in tobacco. One hundred thousand dollars was to be paid to the half-breeds, and $70,000 was set aside to pay the claims of the fur traders. The privilege of hunting, fishing, and gathering wild rice along the lakes and rivers of the ceded territory was reserved for the Indians.[495]

This cession of land by the Chippewas had its counterpart in a treaty concluded by Sioux chiefs on September 29, 1837, in Washington, whither they had been taken by Major Taliaferro. All their lands east of the Mississippi—the land between the Black River and the Mississippi River as far north as the Sioux-Chippewa boundary line was given up for various considerations amounting in total to almost one million dollars.[496]

By these two treaties all the lands east of Fort Snelling were opened to settlement and commercial exploitation. As soon as the news of their ratification came, developments immediately began—developments which had an important bearing upon the future history of Old Fort Snelling. The days when the Chippewa treaty was being drawn up are important, not only because they present an interesting sight of the picturesque features of an Indian council, but also because they show how Fort Snelling was assisting in the opening up of the rich timber lands and fertile prairies that border the Mississippi River.

For many years the payment of annuities that had been promised the Sioux was an annual reminder of these treaties. It was necessary that each Indian receive his portion of the goods and money in person in order to prevent fraud. In the late summer of each year all the warriors of Red Wing's and Wabasha's villages would leave their homes for the fort. In the agency building the United States officers, with the roll of the Sioux nation before them, called the names of the individuals, who one by one stepped up, touched the pen of the secretary, received the money, and deposited it in the box of his band. Outside was the typical Indian group—squaws, children, dogs, and braves smoking their pipes and talking of past achievements. And in order that the Indians might always be conscious of the presence of the soldiers of the "Great Father", the band of the fort played patriotic and thrilling airs.[497]

With the transfer of the Indians to reservations higher up on the Minnesota River the payment of these annuities became a task which could no longer be performed at the fort. But the guarding of the funds was a necessity. Captain James Monroe spent the latter half of the month of November, 1852, at Traverse des Sioux with one subaltern and forty-seven men of the dragoons and infantry, protecting the money from bandits and Indians. William T. Magruder was ordered on October 23, 1853, to proceed in command of a detachment of troops to escort the money being sent to Fort Ridgely; and exactly a year later, an officer and thirteen men were detailed to perform a similar task.[498]



XIII

CITIZENS AND SOLDIERS

"The frontier army post," writes Professor F. J. Turner, "serving to protect the settlers from the Indians, has also acted as a wedge to open the Indian country, and has been a nucleus for settlement."[499] When the Fifth Infantry built its cantonment on the Minnesota River there were no other habitations in the neighborhood. Traders yearly frequented the region and wintered on the banks of the Mississippi and Minnesota rivers, but their headquarters were located at Prairie du Chien. Immediately after the beginning of the military establishment, however, the movement mentioned by Professor Turner was initiated.

In the spring of 1820 J. B. Faribault came up with cattle for the garrison and decided to locate in the vicinity as a fur trader. On August 9th the Indians granted Pike's Island to his wife, Pelagi Faribault, who was the daughter of a Frenchman and a Sioux woman. Faribault immediately built houses upon the island, but high water washed them away. Thereupon he removed to the east side of the Mississippi. It is probably to this establishment that Beltrami referred in 1823 when he wrote that "there are no buildings round the fort, except three or four log-houses on the banks of the river, in which some subaltern agents of the Southwest Company live among the frogs."[500] This position was also upon low land, and on April 21, 1826, when the ice began to move, Faribault's houses were carried away, while he and his family escaped in canoes.[501] After this second disaster Faribault's establishment was erected at Mendota, where Alexis Bailly had already located.[502] The growth of this village was very slow. But gradually old fur traders settled about it with their families; voyageurs, when not employed on the rivers, lounged about the trading house; and the agents and clerks of the American Fur Company had their permanent homes in the rude log cabins which were clustered about.

In the meantime a new element had been added to the surroundings of the fort. It was already three-quarters of a century since the traders had erected the first trading post upon the Red River of the North. The early French voyageurs had left a race of half-breeds, popularly called bois-brules, who were the vassals of the two great companies. When their strength had been spent in the labors of hunting and trapping, they retired to the vicinity of some post—the largest of these settlements being Fort Garry, the germ of the modern city of Winnipeg, which as early as 1823 boasted of a population of about six hundred.[503]

But not all of these half-breeds were traders. Thomas Douglas, the fifth Lord Selkirk had secured from the Hudson's Bay Company the grant of an immense tract of land on the Red River, and in 1811 he began the colonization of the region with poor immigrants from Scotland and Ireland. But the knowledge of the internal troubles of the company put an end to the immigration from these two countries, and Lord Selkirk turned to Switzerland for new recruits. In 1821 a ship full of Swiss sailed for Fort York on Hudson's Bay, and late in the fall the party reached the Red River after a toilsome journey up the Nelson River and across Lake Winnipeg. Being artisans and city-dwellers they were unable to endure the rough agricultural labors in the bleak north. Cold, floods, grasshoppers, and uncongenial neighbors rendered the location unpleasant.[504]

Travellers from the south brought news of a better locality, and towards this place there soon began a movement which, while not great in any one year, was long continued. In 1821 five families made the journey to Fort Snelling, and their success inspired others. In 1823 thirteen families made the perilous journey of four hundred miles. From year to year, as families became discouraged they left the colony. Four hundred and eighty-nine persons had arrived at Fort Snelling up to 1835.[505]

The many hardships endured by these travellers, and their pitiful condition, appealed to the sympathy of the Americans,[506] and they were welcomed and aided by the officers at Fort Snelling. During their stay one party was granted the use of the old barracks at Camp Cold Water. Employment was given the men upon the reservation, and those who preferred to remain were allowed to settle upon the military grounds. Comparatively few, however, made their homes here, the greater number proceeding to Galena, Illinois, and Vevay, Indiana. On one occasion provisions for the down-river journey in government keel-boats were issued by Colonel Snelling.[507]

A third class of settlers around the fort was composed of discharged soldiers. Men stationed at Fort Snelling saw the agricultural value of the surrounding lands, or the possibility of riches in the fur trade. Joseph R. Brown, who came as a drummer boy with Colonel Leavenworth in 1819, entered the employ of the post sutler when he ceased his connection with the army, and later he became an Indian trader.[508] Edward Phelan, John Hays, and William Evans, whose terms of service at Fort Snelling expired about this time were among the first settlers on the land ceded in the treaty of 1837.[509]

In the fall of 1837 it was revealed by a survey that there were one hundred and fifty-seven white persons, not connected with the fort, living on the reservation. Of these, eighty-two had their homes in the vicinity of Camp Cold Water and seventy-five at the fur trading establishments. Approximately two hundred horses and cattle were owned by these persons.[510]

For many years pleasant relations existed between the officers at the post and the civilians. The physician of the garrison willingly responded to calls for his aid made by the people living outside the fort.

"I am compelled", wrote Joseph Renville to H. H. Sibley, "to ask you for some assistance in regard to a disease which is very bad here—the whooping cough. I pray you to ask the doctor for some medicine, particularly for some camphor."[511] Many a time Lawrence Taliaferro presided at a frontier wedding, when in one of the rude huts on the reservation the picturesque figure of the fur trader mingled with the glittering uniform of the officer, and dusky faces peered in at the windows awaiting the end of the ceremony when they also could partake of such a feast as only the prairies, lakes, and sutler's store could provide.[512]

In the troubles which naturally arose between the settlers and the Indians, the agent was the mediator. Thirty of Peter Musick's cattle were killed by Indians who, wanting only powder horns, left the carcasses to the wolves.[513] On July 13, 1834, Jacob Falstrom came to the agency bringing the feet and hams of an ox which he claimed had been shot by a Sioux Indian at Mud Lake. He claimed thirty-five dollars from the Indian Department for the loss which he had sustained. As he was a poor man and had a large family to support Major Taliaferro was moved to make an effort to aid him. "I proposed", he wrote in his diary the same evening, "to contribute $5 for the benefit of J. Faustram to Several of the Gentlemen of the Post—but not meeting with a corresponding Sentiment—the poor fellow must be informed of my bad success in his behalf".[514]

Only a week later Joseph R. Brown asked to be paid for a hog which the Indians had killed.[515] During the summer of 1837 Louis Massy claimed $150; Abraham Perry $50; and Benjamin F. Baker $750 for similar damages.[516] Many years later the agent wrote of these unpleasant duties: "The traders would make a detective of the agent if practicable. All thefts on each other were reported to the agent for justice. Deserting boatmen (fed on corn and tallow) must be forced to proceed up the St. Peter's with their outfits for the trade, right or wrong. Every ox, cow, calf or hog lost by persons on the Indian lands, the agents were expected to find the culprits or pay for these often fictitious losses."[517]

A new era in the history of these settlers began when the treaties of 1837 opened the lands east of the Mississippi to settlement. Some time before they had heard rumors of the coming negotiations at Washington, and those living west of the Mississippi sent a memorial to the President stating that they had settled upon the land thinking it was part of the public domain and believing that they would have the right of preemption upon their claims. But now, if a new treaty was made and the land west of the Mississippi purchased for a military reservation, they asked that they be allowed reasonable compensation for the improvements they had made. However, in the treaty no mention was made of a military reservation, the title to the land around the fort being allowed to rest upon Pike's treaty of 1805.[518]

But to Major J. Plympton, who became the commanding officer at Fort Snelling during the summer of 1837, the presence of these people was undesirable, and so in a letter written to the Adjutant-General he called attention to the settlement and complained of the difficulty of obtaining fuel for the garrison when the squatters were also engaged in the same task. In his reply on November 17, 1837, the Adjutant-General directed that a reservation be marked off—the extent of Pike's purchase being indefinite.[519]

On March 26, 1838, Major Plympton sent a map of the territory which he chose to have considered as a military reservation. This reservation, contrary to the expectations of many, included land on the east side of the Mississippi. Thus there were many who thought that they had been using their legal rights of preemption when in reality they were only squatters. Order No. 65 issued at the post on July 26, 1838, forbade the erection of any buildings or fences upon the reservation, and prohibited the cutting of timber except for public use.[520] During this same time there seems to have been, on the part of those living on the west bank of the Mississippi, a movement to the east side. Mrs. Abraham Perry came to Agent Taliaferro on October 18, 1838, and complained that the Indians had killed three of her cattle "just below the stone cave"—that is, Fountain Cave which was on the east bank of the river.[521] Yet her husband was among those who had signed the petition of August 16, 1837, as residents on the west side.

Within these lands were also a number of shacks along the river bank a few miles below Fort Snelling. Here whiskey was clandestinely transferred from the boats before they proceeded upstream. During the winter of 1839 the presence of these resorts had a deteriorating effect upon the garrison. Surgeon Emerson wrote to the Surgeon General of the United States on April 23, 1839: "Since the middle of winter we have been completely inundated with ardent spirits, and consequently the most beastly scenes of intoxication among the soldiers of this garrison and the Indians in its vicinity, which no doubt will add many cases to our sick-list.... I feel grieved to witness such scenes of drunkenness and dissipation where I have spent many days of happiness, when we had no ardent spirits among us, and consequently sobriety and good conduct among the command."[522]

Brigadier General John E. Wool inspected Fort Snelling on June 2nd, and in a letter on June 28th he urged that the settlers be driven off the reservation. "Such is the character of the white inhabitants of that country", he wrote, "that if they cannot be permitted to carry on their nefarious traffic with the Indians, it will sooner or later involve them in a war with the United States."[523]

Influenced by these letters and reports Secretary of War J. R. Poinsett determined to compel all the settlers to leave. It is, however, wrong to suppose that all were guilty of whiskey-peddling. In a letter in which he commented on the number of persons present at the Sunday services in the fort the chaplain wrote that "Some of the inhabitants also in the vicinity who were regular in their attendance have removed."[524]

The instructions for the removal were made out on October 21, 1839, and sent to Edward James, Marshal of the Territory of Wisconsin. They stated that if force should prove necessary to compel the people to leave, the Marshal should call upon the commanding officer at Fort Snelling for such aid. In that case he was instructed to act "with as much forbearance, consideration, and delicacy as may be consistent with the prompt and faithful performance of the duties hereby assigned to you".[525]

The orders were not received by Marshal James until February 18, 1840, and he immediately forwarded them to his deputy, Ira B. Brunson of Prairie du Chien. As soon as navigation opened in the spring he left for Fort Snelling. Notice was at once given to the settlers to move, and when they refused a detachment of soldiers was called out on May 6th and under the direction of a lieutenant and Marshal Brunson the household goods of the settlers were carried out and their cabins destroyed.[526]

These ejected settlers found new homes a few miles down the river. In the midst of their rude homes a log chapel was dedicated in November, 1841, to the Apostle St. Paul by the Reverend Lucian Galtier.[527] As the ceded lands were more and more occupied, the little village enjoyed a corresponding growth. Gradually the name of the chapel was adopted as the name of the settlement. In 1849 the Territory of Minnesota was organized with the seat of the legislature at St. Paul. The new community prospered, and the town swarmed with settlers, Indians, travellers, and adventurers who lived in tents or slept in barns in lieu of better accommodations. There were also capitalists, tradesmen, and officials who here made their homes.[528]

It was inevitable that between this new community and Fort Snelling close relations should exist. The Territorial government was weak; to enforce order it was necessary for the Governor to make requisition on the fort for troops.[529] The jail at Fort Snelling was also utilized for the punishment of many undesirable characters always drawn to a new region. James Higby who sold a promissory note which had already been paid, and Jacob Shipler who was arrested on a charge of assault and battery were both given terms in the jail at the fort. John R. McGregor, who became angry and threw his wife against a cooking stove, was separated from his help-meet for a period of three months while he languished in the fort.[530]

The soldiers, in return, visited the frontier town, conducting themselves in the eyes of one observer "with much dignity and sobriety".[531] Not always, however, could their actions be thus described. Two soldiers who had just returned from an expedition to the Indian country, started for St. Paul on the evening of their return, carrying with them their blankets which they meant to sell for "refreshment". But their birch canoe upset and before aid could reach them they were drowned.[532]

But relations of a more innocent and more desirable sort also existed. In the officials of the Territory the officers at the fort found congenial spirits. One of the popular pastimes of the little city was to ride out upon the frozen Mississippi in sleighs to Fort Snelling. "This command", narrates an official report, "had the honor of receiving His Excellency W. A. Gorman Gov. of Minnesota and the Hon. James Shields late of the U. S. Senate, on the 9th inst. by whom the Command was reviewed &c. in presence of a large concourse of Citizens."[533] The band of the Sixth Regiment which had paraded through the streets of Mexico City playing "Yankee Doodle" now found occupation in playing for the balls and parties of the frontier town. Even the inhabitants of Stillwater, twenty-five miles distant, called on the fort to furnish the music for the Valentine Ball on February 14, 1850.[534] During the same month a concert was given, the proceeds going to the Washington Monument Association. A year later the ladies who had arranged to give a tea party to raise money for the benefit of the poor children of the community changed their plans and accepted the offer of the band who volunteered to give a concert for the purpose.[535] The value of this association of citizens with the soldiers led to the remark of an editor that "We consider this band as well as the whole garrison, with its high intelligence—but especially the band, of infinite value to St. Paul—in fact, it is the most powerful element of influence amongst us, for our good, next to the pulpit and the press."[536]

The tourists who for many years had been frequenting the upper Mississippi now increased in numbers. In the "Drive of All Visitors" were included the Falls of St. Anthony, Lake Harriet, Minnehaha Falls, and Fort Snelling.[537] From the lookout tower of the fort on the edge of the cliff, could be viewed the same scenery which had charmed Carver a hundred years before. Undoubtedly many thought as did the newspaper man who wrote: "In the contemplation of this scene from Ft. Snelling, one is ravished with a desire to get upon it; and to appropriate a little domain for his home. It has the look of home. How can the Sioux ever consent to part with these lands?"[538]

But two years later they did part with them. The two treaties in which the cession was acknowledged were brought about without military aid.[539] This was in itself prophetic of the new status of the fort. With the growth of the Territorial organization, one by one the duties connected with Indian affairs, liquor troubles, and the protection of life and property were taken over by the civil officers, with the military men as the executors of their laws only when the regular forces of administration were unable to handle the difficulties.

And now the fort which had so long looked down upon the canoes of the Indians and traders saw on its two rivers a new procession. Flatboats, steamboats, and canoes bore upstream the hardy pioneers and their families, and returned loaded with the products of the farm and the forest. The post which could have successfully resisted the attack of Indian warriors, or even the siege of a civilized enemy was to fall before the invasion of the pioneers. The frontier had suddenly leaped far to the westward. In 1858, when the troops were withdrawn, there was no need of an establishment such as had existed during the first forty years. It was the passing of Old Fort Snelling which for so many years had been the remotest outpost of American law.

The development of the Northwest was not brought about by the spectacular and romantic incidents which the chroniclers loved to record. So gradual was its progress that the factors contributing to it can be seen only in the perspective of fifty years. It was the result of the monotonous details of the life of the fur trader who was the unwitting explorer of the Northwest, and the forerunner of the permanent resident. The routine duties of garrison life and expeditions to the Indian country, often barren of any visible result, added to its progress, as also did the weary marches of the explorer and the minute notations of the scientist who accompanied him. The patient sacrifices of the missionary who toiled at unaccustomed labors in the half-cleared cornfield and taught his primitive pupils in the log mission-house, introduced a new civilization. The daily contact of the Indian and the white man at the fort and agency were prophetic of a new relationship between the two races.

But because these events were so commonplace the contemporary chroniclers have bequeathed only a brief though eloquent epitome of this old Mississippi River post. It was the exception and not the rule to note that a company of soldiers was up the river watching the movements of the Indians, that a missionary had been presented with a ham, or that an explorer took with him so many vegetables from the gardens of the fort that the gunwale of his boat was brought within four inches of the water. But such are the stray references which indicate the almost complete dependence upon the fort of all the factors in the development of the Northwest.

In the preceding pages an attempt has been made to gather together from all sources the references which bear upon each particular phase of the process. In most cases they are few, not because the military men were not concerned with them, but because at every post in the Mississippi Valley conditions were practically the same and the public, being acquainted with these routine duties, was more interested in the picturesque Indian legends or in the duels between the officers. Of these latter incidents the pages of the history of Fort Snelling are full and in this respect it was typical of the American army post. But it is also an example of that which is of more importance—the contribution of the army to the transformation of the Mississippi Valley.

In many ways Fort Snelling is unique in the list of American forts. The British flag was borne in triumph to wave from the flagstaff of Fort Ticonderoga after it had been evacuated by the colonial patriots during the dark days of 1777; but never was a foreign flag borne into Fort Snelling except to be burned in the sight of awestruck Indians. The guns of Fort Sumter announced the opening of the Civil War; never were the cannon at Fort Snelling fired at a foe. Mackinac was successively garrisoned by French, English, and American soldiers; whenever occupied by troops Fort Snelling flew the stars and stripes. The stockades at Boonesborough and Harrodstown were besieged by hundreds of savages who fought to gain entrance and obtain the scalps of the pioneer men and women there gathered for safety; no hostile demonstration was ever staged near Fort Snelling. Its history was not made by the rifles and sabers of the soldiers; the axe and the plow of the pioneer who worked in safety beneath its potential protection have left their history upon the landscape of the great Northwest.



NOTES AND REFERENCES

CHAPTER I

[1] Carver's Travels through the Interior Parts of North-America, pp. vii, viii.

[2] To the region lying on the upper waters of three great river systems—the Mississippi, the St. Lawrence, and the Red River of the North—the writer has applied the name "Upper Northwest" to distinguish it from the "Old Northwest" and the "Pacific Northwest".

[3] For a summary of the French explorations see Folwell's Minnesota, pp. 1-29. Thwaites's France in America, p. 74, contains an excellent map of the French operations in the West.

[4] The report of Louis Antoine Bougainville, written in 1757 and based on the reports of Canadian officials, shows the extent of French commerce at the close of the period of French control. At Green Bay (La Baye) trade was carried on with the Folles-Avoines, Sacs, Foxes, Sioux, and other tribes, the annual output being from five to six hundred packages of furs. In the North, extending westward along what is now the international boundary to the Lake of the Woods and then along the lakes and rivers of the Lake Winnipeg system, was the territory of the post known as "The Sea of the West". This included seven forts and produced a yearly supply of from three to four hundred packages. "These regions are everywhere vast prairies; this is the route to take for the upper Missouri."—Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XVIII, pp. 167-195. A picturesque account of the life of the French traders is given in Neill's The History of Minnesota (Fourth Edition), pp. 115-119.

[5] Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XVIII, p. 251; Turner's The Character and Influence of the Indian Trade in Wisconsin in the Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science, Vol. IX, pp. 584, 585.

[6] Thwaites's Original Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, Vol. VII, p. 373. In 1792, Peter Grant built a trading house on the site of St. Vincent, Minnesota, on the east bank of the Red River, and in 1800-1801 the fort of Pembina was erected by the great traveller, Alexander Henry, the younger.—South Dakota Historical Collections, Vol. I, p. 138.

[7] American State Papers, Indian Affairs, Vol. I, p. 684.

[8] Thwaites's Original Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, Vol. I, pp. 227, 228. Traders of the Hudson's Bay Company also frequented the spot. Sergeant John Ordway records in his journal for December 1, 1804, that "a Scotsman who is tradeing at the Mandens came to visit us. he belonged to the hudson bay company.... he brought over Tobacco Beeds & other kinds of Goods. & traded with the Mandens for their furs & buffalow Robes. they bring Some Guns to trade for horses &. C. this hudsons bay comp^y lay Garrisoned near the N. W. Comp^y.... Eight or 10 days travel by land a North course from this."—Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XXII, p. 169.

[9] Chittenden's The History of the American Fur Trade of the Far West, Vol. II, p. 556.

[10] Coues's The Expeditions of Zebulon M. Pike, Vol. I, pp. 279, 280.

[11] Coues's The Expeditions of Zebulon M. Pike, Vol. I, p. 286.

[12] Coues's The Expeditions of Zebulon M. Pike, Vol. I, p. 280.

[13] Coues's The Expeditions of Zebulon M. Pike, Vol. I, p. 156.

[14] Coues's The Expeditions of Zebulon M. Pike, Vol. I, p. 171.

[15] Coues's The Expeditions of Zebulon M. Pike, Vol. I, p. 252.

[16] Wilkinson's instructions to Pike are printed in Coues's The Expeditions of Zebulon M. Pike, Vol. II, pp. 842-844. Before the founding of Fort Snelling the Minnesota River was called by the French voyageurs the "St. Pierre". When the Americans were established on its banks they anglicized this name into "St. Peter's". The fort, the agency, and the fur traders' establishment are commonly referred to in early literature as "St. Peter's". By a joint resolution of Congress on June 19, 1852, the name Minnesota was ordered to be used in all public documents in which the river was mentioned. This was the Indian name for the river.—United States Statutes at Large, Vol. X, p. 147. In mentioning this river use is made in this volume of the modern name, except when quoting.

[17] The account of the treaty is given in Coues's The Expeditions of Zebulon M. Pike, Vol. I, pp. 83, 84. The treaty itself is printed on page 231 and Pike's speech on pages 226-230. Article I contains the land cession: "That the Sioux nation grant unto the United States, for the purpose of establishment of military posts, nine miles square at the mouth of the St. Croix, also from below the confluence of the Mississippi and St. Peters up the Mississippi to include the falls of St. Anthony, extending nine miles on each side of the river, that the Sioux nation grants to the United States the full sovereignty and power over said district forever." The meaning of all this is extremely vague.

[18] American State Papers, Indian Affairs, Vol. I, p. 798.

[19] Publications of the Canadian Archives, No. 7, Documents Relating to the Invasion of Canada and the Surrender of Detroit, 1812, pp. 11, 13.

[20] A petition of the London merchants to the English government stated that before the war the annual export of furs from Canada amounted to L250,000. Updyke's The Diplomacy of the War of 1812, p. 204.

[21] Publications of the Canadian Archives, No. 7, Documents Relating to the Invasion of Canada and the Surrender of Detroit, 1812, pp. 72, 73.

[22] Publications of the Canadian Archives, No. 7, Documents Relating to the Invasion of Canada and the Surrender of Detroit, 1812, pp. 66-69. The figures are given on page 69.

[23] Publications of the Canadian Archives, No. 7, Documents Relating to the Invasion of Canada and the Surrender of Detroit, 1812, p. 184.

[24] The best account of the massacre at Fort Dearborn is given in Quaife's Chicago and the Old Northwest, 1673-1835, pp. 211-231.

[25] Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XIX, p. 323.

[26] Coues's The Expeditions of Zebulon M. Pike, Vol. I, pp. 120, 194.

[27] Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, Vol. XV, p. 219. It must be stated that the British in no way sought intentionally to use the Indians for the purpose of massacreing the whites. The instructions to Dickson declared that he "should restrain them by all the means in your power from acts of Cruelty and inhumanity". On March 16, 1813, Dickson reported to the military secretary at Quebec that he had taken steps to redeem the soldiers, women, and children of the ill-fated Fort Dearborn garrison, who were still captives.—Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, Vol. XV, pp. 258, 259.

[28] Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, Vol. XV, pp. 321, 322.

[29] There is a summary of Dickson's activities in the Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XII, pp. 133-153.

[30] Niles' Register, Vol. VI, p. 176.

[31] Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XIII, p. 10; Niles' Register, Vol. VI, p. 242.

[32] Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XI, pp. 254-270.

[33] Treaties and Conventions concluded between the United States of America and other powers since July 4, 1776, pp. 404, 405.

[34] American State Papers, Indian Affairs, Vol. II, pp. 10, 11; Chittenden's The History of the American Fur Trade of the Far West, Vol. II, p. 561.

[35] These treaties were concluded: on July 18th with the Pottawattomies and Piankashaws; on July 19th with the Tetons and Sioux of the Lakes, Sioux of St. Peter's River, and Yankton Sioux; September 2nd with the Kickapoos; September 8th with the Wyandots; September 12th with the Osages; September 13th with the Sacs of the Missouri; September 14th with the Foxes; September 16th with the Iowas. The treaties are published in Kappler's Indian Affairs, Laws and Treaties, Vol. II, pp. 110-123. The reports of the commissioners and also the treaties are printed in the American State Papers, Indian Affairs, Vol. II, pp. 1-11.

[36] American State Papers, Indian Affairs, Vol. II, p. 9.

[37] For these migrations see the Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, Vol. XXIII, pp. 97, 443; Kingsford's The History of Canada, Vol. IX, p. 69; Report on Canadian Archives, 1896, p. 157. During the negotiations at Ghent the British commissioners had sought to have established a permanent Indian territory to be a barrier state between the two powers.—Updyke's The Diplomacy of the War of 1812, p. 204.

The Indians felt they had been abandoned by the English. Hence the liberality in gift distribution was an attempt to appease them.

[38] See the reports of W. H. Puthuff in the Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XIX, pp. 430-433, 472-474.

[39] Schoolcraft's Personal Memoirs of a Residence of Thirty Years with the Indian Tribes, p. 19.

[40] Irving's The Sketch-Book (Hudson Edition), p. 489.

[41] Carr's Missouri, p. 121.

[42] Niles' Register, Vol. VIII, p. 436, August 19, 1815.

[43] American State Papers, Indian Affairs, Vol. II, p. 86.

[44] United States Statutes at Large, Vol. III, p. 332. John Jacob Astor of the American Fur Company has received the credit for the passage of this law.—Folwell's Minnesota, p. 54; Coman's Economic Beginnings of the Far West, Vol. I, pp. 344, 345. This is neglecting the fact that there was a unanimous outcry against foreign traders—one of the signs that the War of 1812 marks the rise of American nationality. The legislation of April 29, 1816, was not wholly satisfactory to Astor. "I have seen a letter", wrote William H. Puthuff, Indian agent at Mackinac, "addressed by J. J. Astor to a Mr. Franks a British trader now at this place in which Mr. Astor expresses surprise and regret at the passage of a law forbidding British subjects from trading with Indians, within the American limits etc."—Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XIX, p. 423. What Mr. Astor wanted was the prohibition of trade by American private citizens as well as by British private citizens. If his American Fur Company were given a monopoly as he desired, he also wanted to be free to employ such persons—American or British—as he needed.

[45] Or, more correctly from the point where a north and south line drawn through the most northwestern point of the Lake of the Woods would intersect this parallel.—Treaties and Conventions concluded between the United States of America and other powers since July 4, 1776, p. 416.

[46] Treaties and Conventions concluded between the United States of America and other powers since July 4, 1776, p. 377.

[47] Coues's The Expeditions of Zebulon M. Pike, Vol. I, p. 279.

[48] Niles' Register, Vol. XIV, pp. 387-389.

[49] There is an excellent account of the United States trading house system in Quaife's Chicago and the Old Northwest, 1673-1835, pp. 289-309.

[50] Coues's The Expeditions of Zebulon M. Pike, Vol. I, p. 228.

[51] American State Papers, Indian Affairs, Vol. II, p. 6.

[52] Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XX, p. 39.

CHAPTER II

[53] For the erection of these posts see Quaife's Chicago and the Old Northwest, 1673-1835, p. 265; Thwaites's Wisconsin, pp. 180-182; Gue's History of Iowa, Vol. I, pp. 137, 138.

[54] American State Papers, Military Affairs, Vol. I, p. 669.

[55] Major Long's journal is printed in the Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. II, pp. 9-88.

[56] Niles' Register, Vol. XIV, p. 192.

[57] American State Papers, Military Affairs, Vol. I, p. 779.

[58] Neill's The History of Minnesota (Fourth Edition), p. 319.

[59] American State Papers, Military Affairs, Vol. II, p. 32.

[60] The story of the Yellowstone Expedition is narrated in detail in Chittenden's The History of the American Fur Trade of the Far West, Vol. II, pp. 562-587. See also the preface to James's Account of an Expedition from Pittsburgh to the Rocky Mountains in Thwaites's Early Western Travels, Vol. XIV, pp. 9-26. For the site of this fort see Thwaites's Early Western Travels, Vol. XXII, p. 275, note 231.

[61] Executive Documents, 1st Session, 34th Congress, Vol. I, Pt. 2, Document No. 1, p. 21.

[62] Leavenworth's A Genealogy of the Leavenworth Family in the United States, p. 152.

[63] Van Cleve's "Three Score Years and Ten," Life-Long Memories of Fort Snelling, Minnesota, p. 7.

[64] In the Detroit Gazette, February 18, 1820, Vol. III, No. 135, there is reprinted from the National Intelligencer an "Extract of a letter from a gentleman of the expedition to the Falls of St. Anthony, to his friend in Washington, dated Cantonment of the 5th regt. U. S. Infantry, St. Peter's River, Nov. 10, 1819." It is from this letter that the dates of arriving at and leaving the various places are taken. The Adjutant General in an order praised the garrison at Fort Howard "for the economy and expedition with which the command constructed transport boats for the accommodation of the 5th regiment in its passage to the Mississippi."—Detroit Gazette, September 10, 1819.

[65] Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. V, p. 96, note. Mrs. Van Cleve gives another version of this affair: "When all was in order, Colonel Leavenworth stepped forth, and, through an interpreter, formally requested of the Chief permission to pass peaceably through their country. The Chief, a very handsome young brave, advanced, and, with his right arm uncovered, said, with most expressive gestures: 'My brother, do you see the calm, blue sky above us? Do you see the lake that lies so peacefully at our feet? So calm, so peaceful are our hearts towards you. Pass on!'"—Van Cleve's "Three Score Years and Ten," Life-Long Memories of Fort Snelling, Minnesota, p. 11.

That these Indians were not so friendly as this account would indicate is apparent from the statement in Major Forsyth's narrative that Captain Whistler of Fort Howard had been fired at, at different times during the summer of 1819 by these Winnebagoes.—Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. III, p. 167.

[66] Major Forsyth's narrative, covering the time from his departure from St. Louis on June 7th until his arrival there again on September 17th, is published in the Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. III, pp. 139-167; also in the Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. VI, pp. 188-219. It is from this narrative that the facts regarding the progress of the expedition were obtained.

[67] Major Forsyth's narrative in the Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. III, pp. 147, 148, 149.

[68] Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. III, p. 149; Van Cleve's "Three Score Years and Ten," Life-Long Memories of Fort Snelling, Minnesota, p. 15.

[69] Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. III, pp. 149-153, 159. Mrs. Van Cleve says that a few days were spent on the shores of Lake Pepin.—Van Cleve's "Three Score Years and Ten," Life-Long Memories of Fort Snelling, Minnesota, p. 16. Mrs. Ellet in her sketch of Mrs. Clark says a week was spent at this place.—Ellet's Pioneer Women of the West, p. 350.

[70] Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. III, pp. 153, 154. Neill records that the troops did not reach the Minnesota River "until September".—Neill's The History of Minnesota (Fourth Edition), p. 320. But in Appendix L., p. 891, he gives the same dates as Forsyth. In Folwell's Minnesota, p. 55, the statement is made that "the command arrived at Mendota August 23". As the main body of soldiers did not arrive until August 24th, this latter date should be taken as the birthday of Fort Snelling.

[71] Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. III, pp. 154-157; Detroit Gazette, October 22, 1819, February 18, 1820.

[72] Detroit Gazette, February 18, 1820.

[73] Van Cleve's "Three Score Years and Ten," Life-Long Memories of Fort Snelling, Minnesota, pp. 18, 19. The baby was Charlotte Ouisconsin Clark who married General Horatio P. Van Cleve. In 1888 she published a book of reminiscences. It possesses all the merits and defects of a book of reminiscences—vividness of pictures—inaccuracy in regard to specific facts.

[74] Ellet's Pioneer Women of the West, p. 351; Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, p. 48.

[75] Mrs. Van Cleve, who received her information from her father, gives the number as forty.—Van Cleve's "Three Score Years and Ten," Life-Long Memories of Fort Snelling, Minnesota, p. 19. James Doty, who kept the official journal of the Cass Expedition of 1820, and who received his information from the officers at Camp Cold Water, gives the number as forty.—Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XIII, p. 214. Philander Prescott in his reminiscences states that "Some fifty or sixty had died, and some ten men died after I arrived".—Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, p. 478. L. Grignon wrote on April 3, 1820, that "They tell me that fifty Soldiers of the river St. Pierre have died of Scurvy".—Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XX, p. 161.

In writing of the attack of scurvy Mr. H. H. Sibley remarks: "It was doubtless caused by the bad quality of the provisions, especially of the pork, which was spoiled by the villany of the contractors, or their agents, in drawing the brine from the barrels that contained it, after leaving St. Louis, in order to lighten the load, and causing the barrels to be refilled with river water, before their delivery at the post, to avoid detection. The troops were compelled to live on this unwholesome fare for two successive seasons, before the fraud was discovered."—Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. I, pp. 473, 474. Nowhere else is this explanation given. Sickness could easily come at a frontier post without such villainy. During the same winter at Camp Missouri over half of the garrison of seven hundred men were sick, and nearly one hundred of them died. At Council Bluff there was also a great deal of sickness.—Detroit Gazette, July 21, September 1, 1820.

[76] Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. I, p. 473.

[77] Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. II, p. 103.

[78] Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, pp. 478, 479.

[79] Reports of Committees, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Report No. 351, p. 136.

[80] These facts are from the reminiscences of Philander Prescott in the Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, pp. 478, 479.

[81] Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. II, p. 105.

[82] Snelling to Taliaferro, November 7, 1821.—Taliaferro Letters, Vol. I, No. 30.

[83] Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. II, p. 107. Mrs. Van Cleve states that the fort was occupied in the fall of 1821.—Van Cleve's "Three Score Years and Ten," Life-Long Memories of Fort Snelling, Minnesota, p. 32.

[84] Indian Office Files, 1830, No. 153.

[85] Schoolcraft's Narrative Journal of Travels from Detroit Northwest through the Great Chain of American Lakes to the sources of the Mississippi River, pp. 292-315. The official journal was kept by James Doty. The time spent with Leavenworth's troops is described in the Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XIII, pp. 212-216.

[86] Captain Kearny's journal is printed in the Missouri Historical Society Collections, Vol. III, pp. 8-29, 99-131. Pages 104-110 are devoted to the time spent at Camp Cold Water.

[87] These facts regarding the change of the name are taken from Upham's The Women and Children of Fort St. Anthony, Later named Fort Snelling in the Magazine of History, Vol. XXI, pp. 38, 39. Dr. Upham received his information from a letter from the Adjutant General of the United States.

CHAPTER III

[88] See Miss Gallaher's article on The Military-Indian Frontier 1830-1835 in The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. XV, pp. 393-428.

[89] Langham to Taliaferro, August 19, 1820.—Taliaferro Letters, Vol. I, No. 62.

[90] Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. II, p. 117.

[91] Neill's The History of Minnesota (Fourth Edition), p. 901.

[92] Marsh to Taliaferro, June 26, 1827.—Taliaferro Letters, Vol. I, No. 76.

[93] This was the opening of the Winnebago War, often called the "Red Bird War". Accounts of it are given in William Joseph Snelling's Early Days at Prairie du Chien in the Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. V, pp. 144-153; and State Papers, 1st Session, 20th Congress, Vol. I, Document No. 1, pp. 150-163.

[94] Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. II, p. 118.

[95] For the movement of troops see State Papers, 1st Session, 20th Congress, Vol. I, Document No. 1, pp. 150-163.

[96] Taliaferro to Cass, October 4, 1832.—Indian Office Files, 1832, No. 226.

[97] Executive Documents, 2nd Session, 30th Congress, Vol. I, Document No. 1, pp. 439, 440, 459; Neill's The History of Minnesota (Fourth Edition), pp. 483-487.

[98] For an account of the Winnebagoes and their many migrations see Jackson's A Century of Dishonor, pp. 218-256.

[99] Executive Documents, 1st Session, 31st Congress, Vol. III, Pt. 2, Document No. 5, pp. 1028, 1029; The Minnesota Pioneer, September 13, 1849.

[100] The Minnesota Pioneer, November 28, December 12, 1849.

[101] Executive Documents, 1st Session, 32nd Congress, Vol. II, Pt. 3, Document No. 2, p. 421. "The recent arrival at Fort Snelling of a company of dragoons, so long wanted, will greatly assist in intercepting the migration southward of this discontented people."—Report of Alexander Ramsey, October 21, 1850, in Senate Documents, 2nd Session, 31st Congress, Vol. I, Document No. 1, p. 81.

[102] This reservation was agreed upon by the treaty concluded at Washington, D. C., on February 27, 1855; Kappler's Indian Affairs, Laws and Treaties, Vol. II, pp. 690-693.

[103] Senate Documents, 2nd Session, 28th Congress, Vol. I, Document No. 1, pp. 316, 423.

[104] Bryce's The Remarkable History of the Hudson's Bay Company, pp. 365-372. A description of a hunt, written in French by Rev. M. Belcourt, is given in Executive Documents, 1st Session, 31st Congress, Vol. VIII, Document No. 51, pp. 44-52.

[105] Executive Documents, 1st Session, 31st Congress, Vol. VIII, Document No. 51, p. 4.

[106] This was during the period that Professor William A. Dunning describes as "The Roaring Forties". "And the far flung interests of the British Empire need no more striking illustration than the fact that in whatever direction the Americans sought to expand their bounds, whether on the Atlantic or on the Pacific, in the Gulf of the tropics or under the Arctic circle, they found subjects of the Queen, with vested rights, opposing the movement."—Dunning's The British Empire and the United States, pp. 96, 97.

[107] Captain Sumner's report is printed in the Executive Documents, 1st Session, 29th Congress, Vol. I, Document No. 2, pp. 217-220. It is reprinted with explanatory notes in The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. XI, pp. 258-267.

[108] The report of Major Woods is printed in Executive Documents, 1st Session, 31st Congress, Vol. VIII, Document No. 51. It contains fifty-five pages. Accompanying the expedition was John Pope, Brevet Captain of the Topographical Engineers. His report is published in Senate Documents, 1st Session, 31st Congress, Vol. X, Document No. 42. There is an excellent map attached to the report.

[109] Colonel Smith's report is printed in the Executive Documents, 2nd Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. II, Document No. 1, pp. 426-454.

[110] Ansel Briggs to the Secretary of War.—Indian Office Files, 1849, No. 206. The petition was dated Washington, Iowa, July 31, 1849.—Indian Office Files, 1849, No. 208.

[111] Major Woods's report is found in the Indian Office Files, 1849, No. 174.

[112] The Minnesota Pioneer, April 3, 1850.

[113] The Minnesota Pioneer, May 16, 1850.

[114] See the letter of William Hutchinson, who was one of the party. It is published in The Minnesota Pioneer, June 13, 1850. "Iowa City looks as it did five years ago", he wrote. "A few houses were built since that time; but evidently were not the capitol located at this place, it would be no great shakes, though in time it is bound to come out. Some years since, Uncle Sam erected expensive bridges for the good citizens of Iowa, betwixt Dubuque and Iowa City; and strange to say the people are suffering them to rot down without covering them. Iowa City has grown in ten years as large as Saint Paul, which is not 2 years old. Steamboats often get up to this place, but all will not suffice."

[115] Report of Major Woods.—Indian Office Files, 1850, No. 363.

[116] The Iowa Star (Fort Des Moines), July 18, 1850.

[117] The Annals of Iowa (First Series), Vol. VII, pp. 284, 285.

"Part of Company D. 1st regiment of U. S. Dragoons under command of Lieut. Gardner passed through here on their way to the Missouri river. We understand they intend to pay a visit to the Indian tribes on the upper Missouri and from thence across Minnesota Territory to their quarters at Ft. Snelling."—Quoted from the Fort Des Moines Gazette in the Miners' Express (Dubuque), September 4, 1850. The return of the troops to Fort Snelling is noted in The Minnesota Pioneer, October 3, 1850.

[118] Executive Documents, 1st Session, 32nd Congress, Vol. II, Pt. 3, Document No. 2, p. 284. An account of the journey is printed in The Minnesota Pioneer, February 12, 1852.

[119] Asa Whitney, a New York merchant, petitioned Congress in January, 1845, for a franchise and a grant of land to make this dream a reality.—Congressional Globe, 2nd Session, 28th Congress, pp. 218, 219.

[120] Act of March 3, 1853.—United States Statutes at Large, Vol. X, p. 219.

[121] Executive Documents, 2nd Session, 33rd Congress, Document No. 91, pp. 1, 13, 74.

[122] Executive Documents, 1st Session, 36th Congress, Document No. 56, p. 36; Post Returns, May, 1853, in the archives of the War Department, Washington, D. C.

[123] A brief account of the expedition is given in Paxson's The Last American Frontier, pp. 197-203. The reports of all the surveys were published by the government. That of Governor Stevens consists of 651 pages, added to the report of the Secretary of War, published in Executive Documents, 2nd Session, 33rd Congress, Document No. 91. In 1859 Governor Stevens submitted a Narrative and Final Report, published in two parts in the Executive Documents, 1st Session, 36th Congress, Document No. 56. The various reports of all the explorers are bound in a set of twelve volumes, in which Governor Stevens's first account may be found in Vol. I, and the later narrative in Vol. XII, Pts. I and II.

[124] Order No. 7 stated: "It is considered of great consequence that the several trains should not be intermingled; and the dragoons attached to the several parties will continue with them, camping and working with them, receiving their orders only from their particular chiefs, even when the whole force is brought together."—Executive Documents, 2nd Session, 33rd Congress, Document No. 91, p. 46.

[125] Executive Documents, 2nd Session, 28th Congress, Vol. I, Document No. 2, p. 112.

[126] Kappler's Indian Affairs, Laws and Treaties, Vol. II, p. 566.

[127] Kappler's Indian Affairs, Laws and Treaties, Vol. II, pp. 567-570.

[128] Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. X, Pt. I, p. 181.

[129] Executive Documents, 2nd Session, 30th Congress, Vol. I, Document No. 1, p. 161.

[130] Senate Documents, 1st Session, 31st Congress, Vol. I, Document No. 1, pp. 180-183.

[131] The Minnesota Pioneer, July 19, 1849.

[132] The Minnesota Pioneer, September 6, 1849, July 11, November 21, 1850.

[133] Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. X, Pt. I, pp. 193, 199.

[134] Kappler's Indian Affairs, Laws and Treaties, Vol. II, pp. 588-593.

[135] Holcombe's Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. II, pp. 327, 328; Annals of Iowa (First Series), Vol. VII, p. 290; Post Returns, March, April, 1853, in the archives of the War Department, Washington, D. C.

[136] For Colonel Smith's expedition see above, Note 109. For the building of Fort Abercrombie see the Collections of the State Historical Society of North Dakota, Vol. II, Pt. II, p. 7.

[137] Reports of Committees, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Report No. 351, pp. 10-12.

[138] Congressional Globe, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Pt. III, p. 2595.

[139] For the sale of Fort Snelling see Dr. Folwell's paper on The Sale of Fort Snelling, 1857, in the Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. XV, pp. 393-410.

[140] The report of the committee may be found in Reports of Committees, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Report No. 351.

[141] Congressional Globe, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Pt. III, p. 2614.

[142] Congressional Globe, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Pt. III, p. 2618.

[143] Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VIII, p. 431.

[144] For papers relating to the readjustment see Executive Documents, 3rd Session, 40th Congress, Vol. VII, Document No. 9.

CHAPTER IV

[145] Quoted in Williams's A History of the City of Saint Paul, pp. 58, 59.

[146] In the Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VIII, pp. 430, 431, there is a list of the commanding officers from September, 1819 to May, 1858.

[147] For the life of Henry Leavenworth see the Kansas Historical Collections, Vol. VII, pp. 577, 578, Vol. IX, p. 569, Vol. XI, p. xxi; Powell's List of Officers of the Army of the United States, from 1779 to 1900, p. 428; Chittenden's The History of the American Fur Trade of the Far West, Vol. II, pp. 630-632; Leavenworth's A Genealogy of the Leavenworth Family in the United States, pp. 150-154.

[148] American State Papers, Indian Affairs, Vol. I, p. 777.

[149] Ellet's Pioneer Women of the West, pp. 310-323, contains a sketch of the activities of Captain Snelling during the war.

[150] Ellet's Pioneer Women of the West, pp. 313, 314.

[151] Ellet's Pioneer Women of the West, p. 316.

[152] From the reminiscences of Mrs. Ann Adams in the Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, pp. 96, 97. Mrs. Adams, as a child, lived several years in the Snelling household.

[153] Powell's List of Officers of the Army of the United States, from 1779 to 1900, p. 599; Ellet's Pioneer Women of the West, p. 334.

[154] From a manuscript entitled "Remarks on General Wm. Hull's Memoirs of the Campaign of the Northwestern Army, 1812", by Josiah Snelling.—Draper Collection, 8 U. 114, pp. 42, 43.

[155] The Works of Daniel Webster, Vol. V, p. 410.

[156] Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VIII, pp. 440, 441.

[157] See the sketch of Captain Scott in Van Cleve's "Three Score Years and Ten," Life-Long Memories of Fort Snelling, Minnesota, pp. 28, 29.

[158] Senate Documents, 1st Session, 30th Congress, Vol. I, Document No. 1, p. 367.

[159] There is a sketch of Martin Scott in the Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. III, pp. 180-187, from which this story is taken.

[160] Powell's List of Officers of the Army of the United States, from 1779 to 1900, p. 577.

[161] Niles' Register, Vol. 73, p. 130.

[162] The frontispiece of Mrs. Eastman's Dahcotah; or, Life and Legends of the Sioux around Fort Snelling was painted by Captain Eastman.

[163] Appletons' Cyclopaedia of American Biography, Vol. II, p. 292.

[164] In his notes to Hiawatha Longfellow quotes from the introduction of Mrs. Eastman's book, p. ii.—Longfellow's Complete Poetical Works (Cambridge Edition), p. 666.

[165] Appletons' Cyclopaedia of American Biography, Vol. II, p. 292.

[166] Powell's List of Officers of the Army of the United States, from 1779 to 1900, p. 449; Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VIII, p. 441.

[167] The National Cyclopaedia of American Biography, Vol. VIII, pp. 89, 90.

[168] Rhodes's History of the United States, Vol. IV, p. 328.

[169] The American Annual Cyclopaedia, 1863, p. 816.

[170] Bancroft's History of Oregon, Vol. II, pp. 611, 612. For the career of General Canby see Appletons' Cyclopaedia of American Biography, Vol. I, pp. 517, 518.

[171] This incident is taken from Folsom's Fifty Years in the Northwest, pp. 755, 756. Mr. Folsom says he took it "from a St. Paul paper of 1887".

[172] For the Dred Scott case see McMaster's A History of the People of the United States, Vol. VIII, pp. 278, 279.

[173] United States Statutes at Large, Vol. I, p. 50.

[174] United States Statutes at Large, Vol. IV, p. 564.

[175] United States Statutes at Large, Vol. IV, pp. 729-739.

[176] United States Statutes at Large, Vol. IX, p. 395.

[177] Quoted from the complaint of the agent, Nathaniel McLean, September 25, 1850, in Senate Documents, 2nd Session, 31st Congress, Vol. I, Document No. 1, p. 106.

[178] Auto-biography of Maj. Lawrence Taliaferro in the Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, p. 249.

[179] Auto-biography of Maj. Lawrence Taliaferro in the Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, pp. 253, 254.

[180] Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, p. 353.

[181] Taliaferro to Crawford, July 15, 1839.—Indian Office Files, 1839, No. 512.

[182] These papers are in the possession of the Minnesota Historical Society. The dates covered in these diaries are from December, 1830, to June, 1831; May 25 to September 21, 1833; May 23 to August 28, 1834.

[183] These letters are in the possession of the Minnesota Historical Society. In Volume I of these letters is the following notice: "These 326 letters, are part of the great mass of correspondence received by Maj. Lawrence Taliaferro, Indian Agent at Fort Snelling, 1819-1840. They constitute but a small part of his accumulations in twenty years. The rest were burned in his house at Bedford, Pa., in 18_. It was a great loss to us, as, had they been spared, we would have received all of them. But even these 326 contain a large amount of valuable material for Minnesota history. Even as autographs they are valuable, [see autobiography of Taliaferro, Vol. 6, Coll.] These letters were given by Maj. T. in March, 1868. Arranged, bound and indexed (by J. F. W.) 1891."

[184] Photostatic copies of many of these letters were taken and are to be found in the library of the Wisconsin Historical Society, where they were consulted.

[185] These letter books are now in the possession of the Kansas State Historical Society at Topeka, where they were consulted. The only volume containing letters from Major Taliaferro is referred to as the William Clark Papers, Correspondence, 1830-1832.

[186] Auto-biography of Maj. Lawrence Taliaferro in the Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, p. 253.

[187] Powell's List of Officers of the Army of the United States, from 1779 to 1900, p. 620. In the Taliaferro Letters are many letters from William Clark and Elbert Herring in which they address Mr. Taliaferro as "major".

[188] Taliaferro Letters, Vol. I, No. 11. A note on this letter gives these dates.

[189] Nowhere is the date of his arrival at Fort Snelling given. In his autobiography he writes of his journey: "Jean Baptiste Faribault and family, had gone through by land, in charge of Colonel Leavenworth's horses and cows".—Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, p. 198. It was in the spring of 1820 that Faribault performed this service.—Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. II, p. 103.

[190] Clark to the Secretary of War, August 20, 1832.—Indian Office Files, 1832, No. 285. For his resignation see Indian Office Files, 1824, No. 39.

[191] Taliaferro's Diary, March 24, 1831.

[192] Taliaferro to Crawford, December 12, 1839.—Indian Office Files, 1839, No. 516.

[193] Neill's The History of Minnesota (Fourth Edition), pp. 337-339.

[194] In the report for 1850 the agency at St. Peter's is designated a "Sub-Agency".—Senate Documents, 2nd Session, 31st Congress, Vol. I, Document No. 1, p. 103.

[195] Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. XII, pp. 339, 340.

[196] Indian Office Files, 1834, No. 213, 1827, No. 54, 1843, No. 222.

[197] Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. XII, p. 341.

CHAPTER V

[198] See Notes on Canada and the North-West States of America in Blackwood's Magazine, Vol. LXXVIII, p. 323, September, 1855. These articles by Laurence Oliphant were later published in book form under the title of Minnesota and the Far West.

[199] This is the height given in Nicollet's Report intended to illustrate a Map of the Hydrographical Basin of the Upper Mississippi River, p. 69.

[200] Seymour's Sketches of Minnesota, the New England of the West, p. 103.

[201] This sketch of the fort is obtained from the map of Fort Snelling in the Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VIII, p. 431; and from a Report of the capacity and condition of the barracks, quarters, hospital, storehouses, &c., at Fort Snelling, Minnesota Territory, made to the Quartermaster General. This report was made on August 23, 1856. It is printed in Reports of Committees, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Report No. 351, pp. 407-409.

[202] American State Papers, Military Affairs, Vol. IV, p. 122.

[203] Latrobe's The Rambler in North America, Vol. II, p. 295.

[204] A statement of the equipment at the various posts during the fourth quarter of 1834 is printed in the American State Papers, Military Affairs, Vol. V, p. 853-900.

[205] Taliaferro to Lucas, September 30, 1839.—Indian Office Files, 1839, No. 492.

[206] Indian Office Files, 1830, No. 153.

[207] Taliaferro to William Clark, August 17, 1830.—Indian Office Files, 1830, No. 139.

[208] Taliaferro's Diary, April 7, 1831.

[209] Taliaferro's Diary, March 8, 1831.

[210] Taliaferro to Lucas, September 30, 1839.—Indian Office Files, 1839, No. 492; Executive Documents, 3rd Session, 40th Congress, Vol. VII, Document No. 9, p. 19.

[211] Indian Office Files, 1830, No. 153.

[212] Indian Office Files, 1834, No. 207.

[213] Indian Office Files, 1830, No. 153. In the Sibley House at Mendota is hung an oil painting of Fort Snelling made by Sergeant Thomas who was stationed at Fort Snelling sometime between 1836 and 1842. This painting, which was made from the hill behind Sibley House, shows the location of these various buildings.

[214] For Baker's house see Executive Documents, 3rd Session, 40th Congress, Vol. VII, Document No. 9, pp. 19, 33, 34; also Reports of Committees, 1st session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Report No. 351, p. 400.

[215] Latrobe's The Rambler in North America, Vol. II, pp. 295, 296. Charles Joseph Latrobe visited the post in the fall of 1833.

[216] These buildings are shown in the picture mentioned in note 213, above.

[217] There is a description of Mendota given in Seymour's Sketches of Minnesota, the New England of the West, pp. 101, 102.

[218] Seymour's Sketches of Minnesota, the New England of the West, p. 117; Bishop's Floral Home; or, First Years of Minnesota, pp. 156, 157.

[219] These figures are taken from Keating's Narrative of an Expedition to the Source of St. Peter's River, Vol. I, p. 309.

[220] Latrobe's The Rambler in North America, Vol. II, p. 302.

[221] Executive Documents, 3rd Session, 40th Congress, Vol. VII, Document No. 9, pp. 37, 38; Reports of Committees, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Report No. 351, p. 148.

[222] Upham's The Women and Children of Fort St. Anthony, later named Fort Snelling in The Magazine of History, Vol. XXI, p. 37.

[223] See below, the chapter entitled Soldiers of the Cross.

[224] This enumeration of the Indian villages is from Pond's The Dakotas or Sioux in Minnesota as they were in 1834 in the Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. XII, pp. 320-330. The spelling of the names follows that used by Pond, although they were all written in many ways. The population figures are from Taliaferro's report in 1834, found in Indian Office Files, 1834, No. 203.

[225] See the description of an Indian village in Latrobe's The Rambler in North America, Vol. II, pp. 288, 289; also, Keating's Narrative of an Expedition to the Source of St. Peter's River, Vol. I, pp. 342, 343.

CHAPTER VI

[226] On December 22, 1819, the House of Representatives passed a resolution directing the Secretary of War, J. C. Calhoun, to prepare a system of martial law and field service. His report was communicated to the House on December 26, 1820, and was entitled Systems of Martial Law, and Field Service, and Police. It is composed of two parts, namely, General Regulations for the Army, and A System of Martial Law. It is from these regulations that the following sketch of the routine life at a military post is built up. The report is published in the American State Papers, Military Affairs, Vol. II, pp. 201-274.

[227] Ingersoll's A History of the War Department of the United States, pp. 205, 206.

[228] Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. II, p. 119.

[229] American State Papers, Military Affairs, Vol. II, p. 210.

[230] Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, p. 95.

[231] American State Papers, Military Affairs, Vol. II, p. 210.

[232] American State Papers, Military Affairs, Vol. II, pp. 217, 218.

[233] These account books are in the possession of the Minnesota Historical Society.

[234] Bishop's Floral Home; or, First Years of Minnesota, p. 161.

[235] Taliaferro's Diary, March 22, 1831; Post Returns, March, 1840, in the archives of the War Department, Washington, D. C.

[236] Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, p. 97.

[237] Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, p. 345.

[238] Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, pp. 336, 344.

[239] American State Papers, Military Affairs, Vol. III, pp. 341, 342; Post Returns, September, 1828, in the archives of the War Department, Washington, D. C.

[240] Taliaferro's Diary, February 3, 1831.

[241] This report is published in the American State Papers, Military Affairs, Vol. III, pp. 273-277.

[242] American State Papers, Military Affairs, Vol. II, pp. 558, 706, Vol. III, p. 115.

[243] Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, p. 345.

[244] Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. I, p. 476.

[245] American State Papers, Military Affairs, Vol. III, pp. 341, 342.

[246] American State Papers, Military Affairs, Vol. III, p. 277.

[247] American State Papers, Military Affairs, Vol. II, p. 205; Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, p. 101.

[248] Eastman's Dahcotah; or, Life and Legends of the Sioux around Fort Snelling, pp. 144, 145.

[249] American State Papers, Military Affairs, Vol. II, p. 265.

[250] Detroit Gazette, February 18, 1820.

[251] Keating's Narrative of an Expedition to the Source of St. Peter's River, Vol. I, p. 305.

[252] The Minnesota Pioneer, July 15, 1852.

[253] Executive Documents, 3rd Session, 40th Congress, Vol. VII, Document No. 9, p. 26; Post Returns, July, 1827, in the archives of the War Department, Washington, D. C.

[254] Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, p. 340.

[255] Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VIII, p. 432.

[256] Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. II, p. 115.

[257] Joseph M. Street to Postmaster General Barry, April 27, 1831.—Street Papers, No. 15, Historical Department, Des Moines, Iowa.

[258] Williams's A History of the City of Saint Paul, p. 44.

[259] Proceedings of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 1913, pp. 116, 117.

[260] Taliaferro's Diary, April 2, 5, 10, February 27, 1831.

[261] Street to Clark, March 10, 1831.—William Clark Papers, Correspondence, 1830-1832, p. 132; Post Returns, March, 1830. See also Post Returns, December, 1829, December, 1830, in the archives of the War Department, Washington, D. C.

[262] Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, p. 342.

[263] Reports of Committees, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Report No. 351, p. 131.

[264] Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, p. 342.

[265] Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. II, p. 130. "Monsieur Tonson" was a very popular farce written by W. T. Moncrief in 1821. The French barber, Morbleu, is greatly troubled by a steady stream of visitors who come to make inquiries regarding a certain fictitious Mr. Thompson, hoping thereby to gain information regarding Adolphine de Courcy who has been traced to his door.—Walsh's Heroes and Heroines of Fiction, p. 360.

[266] Taliaferro's Diary, January 20, February 22, 1831.

[267] Snelling to Taliaferro, October 19, July 25, 1824.—Taliaferro Letters, Vol. I, Nos. 50, 56.

[268] The Minnesota Pioneer, November 28, 1849.

[269] Taliaferro's Diary, February 10, 11, 24, 1831.

[270] George F. Turner to H. H. Sibley, February 11, 1842.—Sibley Papers, 1840-1850.

[271] Taliaferro to Street, March 30, 1831.—Street Papers, No. 12.

[272] Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, p. 100.

[273] Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. II, p. 112.

[274] Neill's The History of Minnesota (Fourth Edition), p. 920. General Edmund P. Gaines inspected the post shortly afterwards and reported: "From a conversation with the colonel, I can have no doubt that he has erred in the course pursued by him in reference to some of those controversies, inasmuch as he has intimated to his officers his willingness to sanction, in certain cases, and even to participate in personal conflicts, contrary to the twenty-fifth article of war."—American State Papers, Military Affairs, Vol. IV, p. 123.

[275] Taliaferro's Diary, March 27, 1831.

CHAPTER VII

[276] Morse's A Report to the Secretary of War of the United States on Indian Affairs, pp. 78, 79.

[277] Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. XII, pp. 321, 322.

[278] Indian Office Files, 1834, No. 203.

[279] Taliaferro to Clark, August 5, 1830.—William Clark Papers, Correspondence, 1830-1832, p. 2.

[280] This description of Indian life is based on Pond's The Dakotas or Sioux in Minnesota as they were in 1834 in the Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. XII, pp. 319-501.

[281] The quotations are taken from Beltrami's description of an Indian council which he attended at Fort Snelling in 1823.—Beltrami's A Pilgrimage in Europe and America, Vol. II, pp. 217-219.

[282] These are taken from a list which is typical of the character of the presents, among the papers of Thomas Forsyth.—Draper Manuscripts, 2T2.

[283] Annals of Congress, 1st session, 17th Congress, Vol. I, pp. 319, 320.

[284] Taliaferro's Diary, February 19, 1831. The speech of the chief closes thus: "We know you have nothing on hand for your children, but we hope you will give us some Pork & Bread & a little Tobacco—as our pipes are out & have been for some time our old men will be pleased." The village of the Red Head was St. Louis, the Red Head being General William Clark, the superintendent of Indian affairs.

[285] "The Crane and the Hole in the Day—and other Chippeways at the Agency this day—Several Sissiton Sioux also at the Agency. Issued 24 Rats Bread 20 pounds of Pork—15 lbs. of tobacco."—Taliaferro's Diary, January 23, 1831. See also the diary under the dates of December 24, 1830, January 13, 17, 1831.

[286] Cass to Taliaferro, July 28, 1825.—Taliaferro Letters, Vol. I, No. 57.

[287] Taliaferro's Diary, July 19, 1834.

[288] United States Statutes at Large, Vol. IV, p. 738.

[289] Taliaferro's Diary, March 4, 1831.

[290] Taliaferro to Harris, February 21, 1838.—Indian Office Files, 1838, No. 631.

[291] For the suffering during the winter of 1842-1843 and the steps taken to relieve it see the letter from Dr. Williamson in the Missionary Herald, Vol. 39, p. 355, September, 1843; and Bruce to Chambers, April 3, 1843, in Indian Office Files, 1843, No. 222.

[292] Taliaferro to Dodge, June 30, 1838.—Indian Office Files, 1838, No. 690.

[293] Taliaferro to Clark, March 3, 1831.—William Clark Papers, Correspondence, 1830-1832, p. 129.

[294] Taliaferro to Clark, September 14, 1834.—Indian Office Files, 1834, No. 206.

[295] Taliaferro's Diary, July 7, 1834.

[296] Taliaferro's Diary, December 25, 1830.

[297] Taliaferro's Diary, June 28, 30, 1834. On January 17, 1831, he gave a blanket in which to bury a woman.

[298] Indian Office Files, 1832, Nos. 287, 294, 295, 296.

[299] Auto-biography of Maj. Lawrence Taliaferro in the Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, p. 236.

[300] Snelling to Taliaferro, November 13, 1820.—Taliaferro Letters, Vol. I, No. 21.

[301] Found among the Sibley Papers, 1830-1840.

[302] Taliaferro to Cass, March 3, 1832.—Indian Office Files, 1832, No. 289.

[303] Taliaferro to Clark, July 15, 1831.—William Clark Papers, Correspondence, 1830-1832, p. 235.

[304] Post Returns, April, May, 1834, July, 1835, in the archives of the War Department, Washington, D. C.

[305] "These warriors of Mr. Rainville's were constantly with me, for they knew that I was an English warrior, as they called me, and they are very partial to the English."—Marryat's A Diary in America, Vol. II, p. 91. Captain Marryat, the English novelist, visited the upper Mississippi region in 1837.

"Many and strong are the recollections of the Sioux and other tribes, of their alliance with the British in the last and revolutionary wars, of which I have met many curious instances".—Catlin's Letters and Notes on the Manners, Customs, and Condition of the North American Indians, Vol. II, p. 657, footnote.

[306] Niles' Register, Vol. XXVI, p. 363, July 31, 1824; Vol. LIII, p. 33, September 16, 1837.

[307] Marryat'a A Diary in America, Vol. III, pp. 221, 222.

[308] Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. XII, p. 320.

[309] Niles' Register, Vol. LIII, p. 82, October 7, 1837.

[310] Snelling to Taliaferro, October 19, 1824.—Taliaferro Letters, Vol. I, No. 50.

[311] Taliaferro's Diary, March 18, 1831.

[312] Taliaferro's Diary, March 11, 1831.

[313] Taliaferro to Clark, April 3, 1831.—William Clark Papers, Correspondence, 1830-1832, p. 161.

[314] Renville to Sibley, August 21, 1840.—Sibley Papers, 1830-1840.

[315] Quoted in Neill's The History of Minnesota, pp. 338, 339. The two men murdered on the Missouri River in 1820 were Isadore Poupon, a French half-breed, and Joseph F. Andrews, a Canadian.

[316] Quaife's Chicago and the Old Northwest, 1673-1835, p. 283.

[317] Snelling to Taliaferro, March 19, 1822.—Taliaferro Letters, Vol. I, No. 32. The quotation is taken from this letter. See also Calhoun to Snelling, September 18, 1822.—Taliaferro Letters, Vol. I, No. 40.

[318] Letter of George Johnson, November 2, 1825.—Indian Office Files, 1825-1826, No. 4.

[319] Taliaferro to Harris, September 10, 1838.—Indian Office Files, 1838, No. 663.

CHAPTER VIII

[320] Morse's A Report to the Secretary of War of the United States on Indian Affairs, p. 28.

[321] Kellogg's Early Narratives of the Northwest, 1634-1699, p. 50.

[322] Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, p. 209.

[323] Baker to Taliaferro, May 19, 1829.—Indian Office Files, 1829, No. 64.

[324] Speech of Flat Mouth, May 27, 1827.—Indian Office Files, 1827, No. 14.

[325] Indian Office Files, 1827, No. 9.

[326] From Mrs. Van Cleve's reminiscences in the Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. III, p. 80.

[327] The information upon which the entire incident is built is contained in the letter of Snelling to Atkinson, May 31, 1827, in Indian Office Files, 1827, No. 10; the letter of Taliaferro to Clark, May 31, 1827, in Indian Office Files, 1827, No. 12; Neill's The History of Minnesota, pp. 391-394; Reminiscences of Mrs. Ann Adams in the Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, pp. 107-110; A Reminiscence of Ft. Snelling, by Mrs. Charlotte O. Van Cleve, in the Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. III, pp. 76-81; Running the Gantlet by William J. Snelling (the son of Colonel Snelling) in the Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. I, pp. 439-456.

The last mentioned account was originally published as a magazine article, and much of it is undoubtedly the product of the author's imagination. It is from this that the writer drew the story of Toopunkah Zeze. The article by Mrs. Van Cleve is full of errors and there are some mistakes in Mrs. Adams's reminiscences. For the facts of the attack the writer depended upon the two reports in the Indian Office Files. In a letter written from Prairie du Chien the next winter Joseph Street says that a hostage, an innocent man, was among the Sioux who were executed.—Street to Dr. Alexander Posey, December 11, 1827, in the Street Papers, No. 7.

Of those who were shot, says Sibley in his reminiscences, all recovered.—Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. I, p. 475. On the other hand Flat Mouth complained to Schoolcraft in 1832 that four of the number died.—Schoolcraft's Narrative of an Expedition through the Upper Mississippi to Itasca Lake, p. 85.

[328] Indian Office Files, 1829, No. 63.

[329] Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. II, p. 135. As here given the mother's speech is partly direct, and partly indirect discourse. The writer has changed it all to the direct discourse.

[330] The attack on Hole-in-the-Day's band is narrated in the letter of Plympton to General Jones, August 13, 1838.—Indian Office Files, 1838, No. 618. See also Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. II, pp. 134-136; Pond's Two Volunteer Missionaries among the Dakotas, pp. 136, 137.

[331] The particulars of the encounter in 1839 are given in a letter written by the Right Reverend Mathias Loras in July 1839, and published in Acta et Dicta: A Collection of historical data regarding the origin and growth of the Catholic Church in the Northwest, Vol. I, No. 1, pp. 18-21; and Pond's Two Volunteer Missionaries among the Dakotas, pp. 139-147.

[332] "Instead of lessening the disasters of Indian warfare, the building of Fort Snelling in the heart of the Indian country and upon the line dividing the ranges of the Dakotas and the Chippewas, had the direct effect of vastly increasing the horrors of that warfare. Depending upon the protection of the military, both tribes brought their women and children into the disputed territory, where before the coming of the soldiers they would never have dared to expose them, and it soon developed that the fort afforded no protection to the children of the forest against the savagery of their hereditary enemies, who made treaties of peace only to thereby gain better opportunity for butchery."—Robinson's A History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians, p. 154. This is Part II of the South Dakota Historical Collections, Vol. II.

[333] At the forks of the Chippewa River in 1838, eleven Sioux were killed while asleep, by Chippewas whom they were entertaining. The mission at Lake Pokegama was attacked in 1840. In 1842, a battle was fought at Pine Coulie near the Indian village of Kaposia. In 1850, on Apple River in Wisconsin, fourteen Chippewas were scalped. See the article by Rev. S. W. Pond on Indian Warfare in Minnesota in the Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. III, pp. 129-138. As late as 1854, D. B. Herriman, the Chippewa agent, reported that during the preceding year nearly one hundred Chippewas had been killed and scalped by the Sioux. But none of these massacres took place at the fort.—Executive Documents, 2nd Session, 33rd Congress, Vol. I, Pt. 1, Document No. 1, p. 260.

[334] Executive Documents, 1st Session, 31st Congress, Vol. VIII, Document No. 51, p. 31.

[335] Taliaferro's Diary, January 23, 1831.

[336] Taliaferro's Diary, June 4, 1831. For other occasions during the winter and spring of 1831 when the agent records the presence of both Sioux and Chippewas see the diary under date of January 31, March 5, May 2, June 15.

[337] Taliaferro to Clark, July 6, 1831.—William Clark Papers, Correspondence, 1830-1832, p. 231.

[338] Speech of Taliaferro to the Sioux.—Taliaferro's Diary, February 19, 1831.

[339] Report of J. N. Nicollet in Executive Documents, 2nd Session, 28th Congress, Vol. II, Document No. 52, p. 66.

[340] Taliaferro's Diary, January 10, 18, 26, 1831.

[341] Taliaferro to Clark, February 8, 1831.—William Clark Papers, Correspondence, 1830-1832, p. 121.

[342] The text of the treaty is printed in Kappler's Indian Affairs, Laws and Treaties, Vol. II, pp. 250-255. The treaty was signed on August 19, 1825.

[343] Missionary Herald, Vol. XXX, p. 223, June, 1834. Reverend W. T. Boutwell accompanied Mr. Schoolcraft on this journey, and his account of it is published in the religious paper.

[344] Schoolcraft's Narrative of an Expedition through the Upper Mississippi to Itasca Lake, p. 265.

[345] United States Statutes at Large, Vol. IV, p. 684.

[346] Taliaferro to William Clark, May 31, 1835.—Taliaferro Letters, Vol. III, No. 234.

[347] Taliaferro to Herring, July 16, 1835.—Taliaferro Letters, Vol. III, No. 238.

[348] Taliaferro to William Clark, September 2, 1835; Taliaferro to E. Herring, September 20, 1835.—Taliaferro Letters, Vol. III, Nos. 251, 252.