The Negritos are tireless in the chase. They will hunt all day without eating, unless they happen to run across some wild fruit. Women frequently take part, especially if dogs are scarce, and they run through the brush yelping to imitate the dogs. But they never carry or use the bows and arrows. This seems to be the especial privilege of the men. Boys from an early age are accustomed to their use and always take part in the hunt, sometimes performing active service with their little bows, but girls never touch them. Not infrequently the runners in the brush emerge carrying wild pigs which they have seared up and killed, and if, by chance, a big snake is encountered, that ends the hunt, for the capture of a python is an event. The snake is killed and carried in triumph to the village, where it furnishes a feast to all the inhabitants.

This sketch of hunting would not be complete without mention of a necessary feature of every successful hunt—the division of the spoils. When the hunt is ended the game is carried back to the village before the division is made, provided the hunters are all from the same place. If two or more villages have hunted together the game is divided in the field. A bed of green rushes or cane is made on which the animal is placed and skinned. This done, the bead man of the party, or the most important man present, takes a small part of the entrails or heart, cuts it into fine bits and scatters the pieces in all directions, at the same time chanting in a monotone a few words which mean "Spirits, we thank you for this successful hunt. Here is your share of the spoils." This is done to feed and appease the spirits which the Negritos believe inhabit all places, and the ceremony is never neglected. Then the cutting up and division of the body of the animal takes place. The head and breast go to the man who first wounded the deer, and, if the shot was fatal, he also receives the backbone—this always goes to the man who fired the fatal shot. One hind quarter goes to the owner of the dog which seared up the deer, and the rest is divided as evenly as possible among the other hunters. Every part is utilized. The Negritos waste nothing that could possibly serve as food. The two hunts I accompanied were conducted in the manner I have related, and I was assured that this was the invariable procedure.

The mountain streams of the Negrito's habitat do not furnish many fish, but the Negrito labors assiduously to catch what he can. In the larger streams he principally employs, after the manner of the Christianized natives, the bamboo weir through which the water can pass but the fish can not. In the small streams he builds dams of stones which he covers with banana leaves. Then with bow and arrow he shoots the fish in the clear pool thus formed. Not infrequently the entire course of a creek will be changed. A dam is first made below in order to stop the passage of the fish, and after a time the stream is dammed at some point above in such a way as to change the current. Then, as the water slowly runs out of the part thus cut off, any fish remaining are easily caught.



CHAPTER V

AMUSEMENTS



Games

A gambling game was the only thing observed among the Negritos of Zambales which had the slightest resemblance to a game. Even the children, who are playful enough at times, find other means of amusing themselves than by playing a systematic game recognized as such and having a distinct name. However, they take up the business of life, the quest for food, at too early an age to allow time, to hang heavy, and hence never feel the need of games. Probably the fascination of bow and arrow and the desire to kill something furnish diversion enough for the boys, and the girls, so far as I could see, never play at all.

The game of dice, called "sa'-ro," is universal. Instead of the familiar dots the marks on the small wooden cubes are incised lines made with a knife. These lines follow no set pattern. One pair of dice which I observed were marked as shown in fig. 2. The player has five chances, and if he can pair the dice one time out of five he wins, otherwise he loses. Only small objects, such as camotes, rough-made cigars, or tobacco leaves, are so wagered. A peculiar feature of the game is the manner in which the dice are thrown. The movement of the arm is an inward sweep, which is continued after the dice leave the hand, until the hand strikes the breast a resounding whack; at the same time the player utters a sharp cry much after the manner of the familiar negro "crap shooter." The Negritos do not know where they got the game, but say that it has been handed down by their ancestors. It might be thought that the presence of a negro regiment in the province has had something to do with it, but I was assured by a number of Filipinos who have long been familiar with the customs of the Negritos that they have had this game from the first acquaintance of the Filipinos with them.



Music

In their love for music and their skill in dancing Negritos betray other striking Negroid characteristics. Their music is still of the most primitive type, and their instruments are crude. But if their notes are few no fault can be found with the rhythm, the chief requisite for an accompaniment to a dance. Their instruments are various. The simple jew's-harp cut from a piece of bamboo and the four-holed flutes (called "ban'-sic") made of mountain cane (figs. 6, 7, Pl. XLVI) are very common but do not rise to the dignity of dance instruments. Rarely a bronze gong (fig. 1, Pl. XLVI), probably of Chinese make, has made its way into Negrito hands and is highly prized, but these are not numerous—in fact, none was seen in the northern region, but in southern Zambales and Bataan they are occasionally used in dances. The most common instrument is the bamboo violin. (Fig. 2, Pl. XLVI.) It is easy to make, for the materials are ready at hand. A section of bamboo with a joint at each end and a couple of holes cut in one side furnishes the body. A rude neck with pegs is fastened to one end and three abaca strings of different sizes are attached. Then with a small bow of abaca fiber the instrument is ready for use. No attempt was made to write down the music which was evolved from this instrument. It consisted merely in the constant repetition of four notes, the only variation being an occasional change of key, but it was performed in excellent time.

Rude guitars are occasionally found among the Negritos. They are made of two pieces of wood; one is hollowed out and has a neck carved at one end, and a flat piece is glued to this with gum. These instruments have six strings. If a string breaks or becomes useless it is only a question of cutting down a banana stalk and stripping it for a new one. These guitars and violins are by no means common, though nearly every village possesses one. The ability to play is regarded as an accomplishment. A stringed instrument still more primitive is made from a single section of bamboo, from which two or three fine strips of outer bark are split away in the center but are still attached at the ends. These strips are of different lengths and are held apart from the body and made tight with little wedges. (Figs. 4, 5, Pl. XLVI.) Another instrument is made by stretching fiber strings over bamboo tubes, different tensions producing different tones. (Figs. 8, 9, Pl. XLVI.) These simpler instruments are the product of the Negrito's own brain, but they have probably borrowed the idea of stringed violins and guitars from the Christianized natives.

The Negritos of the entire territory have but two songs, at least so they affirmed, and two were all I heard. Strange as it may seem, at least one of these is found at both the extreme ends of the region. An extended acquaintance with them might, and probably would, reveal more songs, but they are reluctant to sing before white men. One of these songs, called "du-nu-ra," is a kind of love song. Owing to the extreme embarrassment of the performer I was able to hear it only by going into my tent where I could not see the singer. It consisted of a great many verses—was interminable, in fact.

The second of the two songs was called "tal-bun'." This is sung on festive occasions, especially when visitors come. The words are improvised to suit the occasion, but the tune and the manner of rendering never vary.

Five or six men, each holding with one hand the flowing end of the breechcloth of the one in front or with the hand on his shoulder and the other hand shading the mouth, walk slowly about a circle in a crouching posture, their eyes always cast on the ground. Presently the leader strikes a note, which he holds as long as possible and which the others take up as soon as he has sounded it. This is kept up a few minutes, different tones being so sounded and drawn out as long as the performers have breath. The movement becomes more rapid until it is nearly a run, when the performers stop abruptly, back a few steps, and proceed as before. After they have about exhausted the gamut of long-drawn "O's" they sing the words, usually a plea for some favor or gift, being first sung by the leader and repeated after him by the chorus. I did not get the native words of the song I heard, but it was translated to me as follows:

We are singing to the American to show him what we can do; perhaps if we sing well he will give us some rice or some cloth.

The words are repeated over and over, with only the variation of raising or lowering the tone. At intervals all the performers stop and yell at the top of their voices. Sometimes a person on the outside of the circle will take up the strain on a long-held note of the singers. This song also serves for festive occasions, such as weddings. (See Pl. XLVII.)



Dancing

Dancing forms the chief amusement of the Negritos and allows an outlet for their naturally exuberant spirits. I had no more than set, up camp near the first rancheria I visited than I was entertained by dancing. Among the Negritos helping me was one with an old violin, and as soon as a place was cleared of brush and the tent was up he struck up a tune. Whereupon two or three youngsters jumped out and performed a good imitation of a buck-and-wing dance. However, dancing is not generally indulged in by everybody, but two or three in every rancheria are especially adept at it. Aside from the general dances, called "ta-li'-pi," which consist of a series of heel-and-toe movements in excellent time to the music of violin or guitar, and which are performed on any occasion such as the setting up of my tent, there are several mimetic dances having a special character or meaning. Such are the potato dance, the bee dance, the torture dance, the lover's dance, and the duel dance. (See Pls. XLVIII, XLIX.)



The Potato Dance, or Pina Camote

Only one person takes part in the potato dance. At first the performer leaps into the open space and dances around in a circle, clapping his hands as if warming up, the usual preliminary to all the dances. Presently in pantomime he finds a potato patch, and goes through the various motions of digging the potatoes, putting them in a sack, and throwing the sack over his shoulder, all the time keeping close watch to prevent his being caught in the act of stealing. He comes to the brush fence which surrounds every "caingin," draws his bolo, cuts his way through, and proceeds until he comes to a river. This is significant as showing that the potato patch he is robbing does not belong to anyone in his own village but is across a river which he must pass on his way home. He sounds for deep water with a stick. It is too deep, and he tries another place. Here he loses his footing, drops his sack, and the swift current carries it beyond his reach. While going through the various motions necessary to depict these actions the movement of the dance is kept up, the body bent forward in a crouching position, the feet leaving the ground alternately in rapid motion but never out of time with the music. Such agility and tirelessness one could scarcely find anywhere else.



The Bee Dance, or Pina Pa-ni-lan

This dance is also performed by one person and in a similar manner as the potato dance. A piece of cloth tied to a pole serves as a nest of bees. The performer dances around the circle several times; presently he spies the nest and approaches slowly, shading his eyes for a better view. Having satisfied himself that he has really made a find, he lights a smudge, goes through the motion of climbing the tree, and in holding the smudge under the nest he is stung several times and has to retreat. This is repeated until all the bees are smoked out and the honey is gathered. Then comes a feast in which, drunk with honey, he becomes hilarious.



The Torture Dance

This dance, which commemorates the capture of an enemy, is performed in much the same manner as the "talbun" except that there is no song connected with it. The captive is bound to a stake in the center and a dozen men circle slowly around him, in the same manner as already described, one hand over the mouth and uttering long-drawn notes. The movement becomes faster and faster until it consists wholly of frenzied leaps, and the performers, worked up to the proper pitch draw their bolos, close in on their victim, and slash him to pieces.

When executed at night in the light of a bonfire this dance is most grotesque and terrible. The naked black bodies, gleaming in the fire, the blood-curdling yells, and the demoniacal figures of the howling, leaping dancers, remind one of the Indian war dances.

The dance seems to be a relic of more barbarous days when the Negritos were, in truth, savages. They say that they never kill a prisoner in this manner now, but that when they find it necessary to put a man to death they do it in the quickest manner possible with a single blow of the knife. (See Pl. L.)



The Lovers' Dance

As might be expected, a man and a woman take part in the lovers' dance. The women are not such energetic and tireless dancers as the men, and in the lovers' dance the woman, although keeping her feet moving in time to the music, performs in an indolent, passive manner, and does not move from the spot where she begins. But the man circles about her, casting amorous glances, now coming up quite close, and then backing away again, and at times clapping his hands and going through all sorts of evolutions as if to attract the woman. This sort of thing is kept up until one or both are tired.



The Duel Dance

The duel dance is by far the most realistic and interesting of any of the Negrito dances. Is the name suggests, the dance, is performed by two men, warriors, armed with bows and arrows and bolos. An oblong space about 8 feet in width and 15 feet long serves as an arena for the imaginary conflict. After the musician has got well into his tune the performers jump into either end of the space with a whoop and a flourish of weapons, and go through the characteristic Negrito heel-and-toe movement, all the time casting looks of malignant hate at each, other but each keeping well to his end of the ring. Then they advance slowly toward each other, swinging the drawn bow and arrow into play as if to shoot, then, apparently changing their minds or the opportunity not being good for a death shot, they withdraw again to the far ends of the ring. Advancing once more each one throws the drawn bow and arrow upward, then toward the ground, calling heaven and earth to witness his vow to kill the other. Presently one gets a favorable opportunity, his bowstring twangs, and his opponent falls to the ground. The victor utters a cry of triumph, dances up to the body of his fallen foe, and cuts off the head with his bolo. He beckons and cries out to the relatives of the dead man to come and avenge the deed. Nobody appearing, he bears aloft the head of the enemy, shouting exultingly and triumphantly as if to taunt them to respond. Still no one comes. Then after waiting and listening for a time he replaces the head with the trunk and covers the body over with leaves and dirt. This ends the dance. Ordinarily it requires fifteen minutes for the full performance. During this time the one who by previous arrangement was to be the victor never for a single instant pauses or loses step.



CHAPTER VI

GENERAL SOCIAL LIFE



The Child

I was unable to learn anything in support of Montano's statement that immediately after the birth of a child the mother rushes to a river with it and plunges into the cold water. [20] On the contrary, the child is not washed at all until it is several days old, and the mother does not go to the stream until at least two days have elapsed. It is customary to bury the placenta. The birth of a child is not made the occasion of any special festivity. The naming is usually done on the day of birth, but it may be done any time within a few days. It is not common for the parents of the child to do the naming, though they may do so, but some of the old people of the tribe generally gather and select the name. Names of trees, objects, animals, places near which the child was born, or of certain qualities and acts or deeds all furnish material from which to select. For instance, if a child is born under a guijo tree he may be called "Guijo;" a monkey may be playing in the tree and the child will be named "Barac" (monkey); or if the birth was during a heavy rain the child may be called "Layos" (flood). Usually the most striking object near at hand is selected. Like most primitive peoples, the Negritos use only one name. If the child is sickly or cries very much, the name is changed, because the Negritos believe that the spirit inhabiting the place where the child was born is displeased at the choice of the name and takes this means of showing its displeasure, and that if the name is not changed the child will soon die.

Apparently no distinction is made between the names for the two sexes. The child may be given the name of the father, to whose name the word "pan," meaning elder, is prefixed for the sake of distinction. For instance, if a man named Manya should have either a son or a daughter the child might be called Manya, and the father would henceforth be known as Pan-Manya. This practice is very common, and when names like Pan-Benandoc, Pan-Turico, and Pan-Palaquan' are encountered it may be regarded as a certainty that the owners of these names have children of the same name without the prefix. Although one may change his name at any time of life, if the years of infancy are safely passed, no change is likely to be made.

It is regarded as a sign of disrespect to address elders or superiors by name. The word "pan" alone is frequently used. Relatives are addressed by the term which shows the relationship, as "anac" (son), and names are used only when speaking of persons and seldom if ever when speaking to them.

Parents seem to have great affection for their children, but exact obedience from them. Punishment is inflicted for small offenses, striking with the hand being the usual method. I have never seen a switch used. Sometimes, as in cases of continual crying, the child is severely pinched in the face or neck. Children also exhibit great affection for their parents; this continues through life, as is shown in the care which the aged receive at the hands of their juniors. (See Pls. LI et seq.)



Marriage

Whatever differences there may be in the manner of conducting the preliminaries to a wedding and of performing the ceremony, there is one feature that never varies, the gift of some articles of value from the prospective bridegroom to the parents of the girl he wishes to marry.

With the Negritos a daughter is regarded as an asset of so much value, not to be parted with until that price is paid, and, while she is allowed some freedom in the choice of a husband, parental pressure usually forces her to the highest bidder.

The following is the customary procedure: The young man who wishes to marry and has found a girl to suit him informs his parents of the fact. He has probably already talked the matter over with the girl, though not necessarily so. The affair is discussed in the family of the suitor, the main topic being how much the girl is worth and how much they can afford to pay. Then either the suitor or some relative acting for him goes to the parents of the girl to ask if the suit will be favorably considered. If it will, they return and a few days later go again bearing presents of tobacco, maize, bejuco, knives, cloth, forest products, or anything else they may happen to have. If these gifts are of sufficient value to compensate the father for the loss of his girl, he gives his consent. Value is determined by the attractiveness of a girl and hence the probability of her making a good match, also by her health and strength, as women are good workers on the little farms. If the first gifts do not come up to the demands of the girl's parents the wedding can not take place until the amount lacking is made up. As to the money value of these gifts I have been told different things by Negritos in different villages, the values given ranging from 25 pesos to 500 pesos. As a matter of fact this means nothing, for the Negrito's idea of value as measured by pesos is extremely vague; but there is no doubt that the gifts made represent almost all the wealth of which a young man and his family can boast.

This system of selling girls, for that is what it amounts to, is carried to an extreme by parents who contract their daughters at an early age to the parents of some boy, and the children are regarded as man and wife, though of course each remains with the parents until the age of puberty is reached. Whether or not the whole payment is made in the beginning or only enough is paid to bind the bargain, I do not know, but I do know that cases of this kind may be met with frequently among the Negritos of Pinatubo, who give as an excuse that the girl is thus protected from being kidnapped by some neighboring tribe, the relatives of the boy making common cause with those of the girl in case anything like this should happen. It seems more likely, however, that the contract is simply a desire on the part of the parents of the girl to come into early possession of the things which are paid for her, and of the parents of the boy to get her cheaper than they could by waiting until she was of marriageable age. This practice is not met with in southern Zambales and Bataan, where marriage does not seem to partake so much of the nature of a sale but where presents are nevertheless made to a girl's parents.

If it happens that there is a young man in the girl's family who is seeking a wife in that of the boy, an even exchange may be made and neither family has to part with any of its possessions. I was told also that in lieu of other articles a young man might give a relative to the bride's family, who was to remain as a sort of slave and work for his master until he was ransomed by payment of the necessary amount; or he might buy a person condemned to death and turn him over at an increased price, or sell children stolen from another barrio. As a bride may be worth as much as 500 pesos and a slave never more than 40 pesos, it would seem necessary to secure several individuals as payment. This was told me more than once and in different villages, but I was unable to find any examples, and am forced to conclude that if it ever was the practice, it is no longer so, at least among the "conquistas." As to the true savages, still lurking in the inmost recesses of the Zambales mountains, I am unable to say. The question of slavery among Negritos is reserved to another chapter.



Rice Ceremony

All the preliminaries having been satisfactorily attended to, it remains only to perform the ceremony. This proceeding varies in different sections from practically no ceremony at all in the Pinatubo region to a rather complicated performance around Subig and Olongapo. In some of the northern villages, when the matter of payment has been arranged, a feast and dancing usually follow, in which all the relatives of both families participate, and after this the couple go to their own house. There may be two feasts on succeeding days, one given by the parents of the boy to the relatives of the girl, and vice versa. If only one feast is given both families contribute equally in the matter of food. No single act can be pointed out as constituting a ceremony. In other places, especially at Cabayan and Aglao, near Santa Fe, an exchange of food between the pair is a necessary part of the performance.

A mat is placed on the ground, and in the center is set a dish of cooked rice or some other food. The pair seat themselves on either side of the dish, facing each other, while all the relatives and spectators crowd around. The man takes a small piece of the food and places it in the mouth of the girl, and she does the same for the man. At this happy conclusion of the affair all the people around give a great shout. Sometimes the girl leaps to her feet and runs away pursued by her husband, who calls after her to stop. This she does after a little, and the two return together; or they may take a bamboo tube used for carrying water and set off to the river to bring water for the others to drink, thus performing in unison the first act of labor of their married life.

I was fortunate enough to witness a ceremony where the exchange of food was the important feature. In this instance a piece of brown bread which I was about to throw away served as the wedding cake. It seems that the girl had been contracted by her parents when very young to a man old enough to be her father, and when the time for the wedding arrived she refused to have anything to do with it. For two years she had resisted entreaties and threats, displaying more force of will than one would expect from a Negrito girl of 15. The man had paid a large price for her—200 pesos, he said—and the girl's parents did not have it to return to him. It was suggested that if we made her some presents it might induce her to yield. She was presented with enough cloth for two or three camisas and sayas, a mirror, and a string of beads, and she finally gave an unwilling assent to the entreaties of her relatives, and the ceremony was performed in the manner already described. At the conclusion a yell went up from the assembly, and I, at the request of the capitan, fired three pistol shots into the air. Everybody seemed satisfied except the poor girl, who still wept furtively over her new treasures. Some days later, however, when I saw her she appeared to be reconciled to her fate, and was happy in the possession of more valuables than any other woman in the rancheria.



Head Ceremony

In the southern rancherias a bamboo platform is erected 20 or 30 feet high, with a ladder leading up to it from the ground. On the day fixed for the marriage the groom, accompanied by his parents, goes to the house of the bride and asks for her. They are usually told that she has gone away, but some small gifts are sufficient to have her produced, and the whole party proceeds to the place of marriage. Here bride and groom mount the ladder—some accounts say the bride is carried up by her prospective father-in-law.

An old man of the tribe, and, if the platform be large enough, also the parents of the pair, go up and squat down in the rear. The bride and bridegroom also squat down facing each other, and the old man comes forward and knocks their heads together. I was told at Subig that only the bride and groom mount the platform and seat themselves for a talk, the relatives remaining below facing each other with drawn weapons. If by any chance the pair can not agree, it means a fight. But if they do agree, they descend from the platform and the head bumping completes the ceremony. This is an extremely unlikely story, probably the product of Malayan imagination.



"Leput," or Home Coming

After the ceremony has been performed the newly wedded pair return to the home of the girl's parents where they remain a few days. When the husband possesses enough gifts for his bride to fulfill the requirements of the leput that important event takes place.

Although the writer heard repeated accounts of this ceremony in southern Zambales he never had an opportunity to witness it. However, the leput is described as follows by Mr. C. J. Cooke, who saw it in Bataan: [21]

The bride had already left the home of her mother and formed the center of a group passing through a grove of heavy timber with very little underbrush. The evening sun cast strange shadows on the weird procession as it moved snakelike along the narrow path.

Occasionally there would be short stops, when the bride would squat to receive some bribes or tokens from her husband, his relatives, or friends. Nor would she move until she received something each time she elected to stop.

Clad in a bright-red breechcloth and extra-high silk hat was the capitan who headed the procession. He carried a silver-headed cane. Next in order came some of the elders of both sexes. Then came the bride attended by four women and closely followed by her husband, who also had a like number of attendants. Last came the main body, all walking in single file. Two musicians were continually executing a running dance from one end of the procession to the other and always keeping time with their crude drums or copper gongs, the noise of which could be heard for miles around. Whenever they passed the bride they would hold the instruments high in the air, leaping and gyrating at their best. When the bride would squat the dancers would even increase their efforts, running a little way to the front and returning to the bride as if endeavoring to induce her to proceed. It did not avail, for she would hot move till she received some trinket.

In crossing streams or other obstacles the bride was carried by her father-in-law; the bridegroom was carried by one of his attendants. Presently they arrived at a critical spot. This is the place where many a man has to let his wife return to her mother; for here it is the bride wants to see how many presents are coming to her. If satisfied, she goes on. In this case there was a shortage, and everybody became excited. The husband huddled to the side of his bride and looked into her face with a very pitiful expression, as if pleading with her to continue. But she was firm. In a few minutes several people formed a circle and commenced dancing in the same way as at their religious ceremony, and chanting low and solemnly an admonition to the husband's parents and friends to give presents to the bride. This was repeated several times, when there came a lull. The bride was still firm in her opinion that the amount offered was insufficient. I had supplied myself with some cheap jewelry, and a few trinkets satisfied her desires; so the "music" again started. Louder it became—wilder—resounding with a thousand echoes, and as the nude bodies of the Negritos glided at lightning speed from the glare of one torchlight to the other, with no word uttered but a continual clangor of the metal gongs, one thought that here was a dance of devils.

In due time we came to a place in the path that was bordered on either side by small strips of bamboo about 3 feet long with both points sticking in the ground, resembling croquet arches, six on either side. When the bride arrived there she squatted and her maids commenced to robe her in a new gown (a la Filipina) over the one she already had on. She then continued to another similar place and donned a new robe over those already on. This was repeated twice, when she arrived at a triumphal arch. There she donned a very gaudy dress consisting of red waist and blue skirt, with a large red handkerchief as a wedding veil.

Rejoicing in her five complete dresses, one over the other, she passed through the arch and again squatted. Meanwhile a fire was built midway between the arch and a structure specially prepared for the couple. All present except those waiting on the groom and bride joined in a dance around the fire, chanting gleefully and keeping time with hands and feet.

All at once the circle divided just in front of the arch; two persons on opposite sides joined bands overhead. The bride now stood up, immediately her father-in-law caught her in his arms, ran under the human arch, and deposited her gently in the house of his son. When the husband, from where he was squatting under the arch, saw his bride safely laid in his house his joy knew no bounds. With a yell he leaped up, swinging his unsheathed bolo over his head, and in a frenzy jumped over the fire, passed through the human arch, and with a final yell threw his arms around his wife in a long embrace.

The ceremony as above described contains many details which I did not meet with in Zambales, but the main feature, the sitting down of the bride to receive her gifts, is the same.



Polygamy and Divorce

As might be expected among the Negritos, a man may marry as many wives as he can buy. His inability to provide the necessary things for her purchase argues against his ability to provide food for her. Hence it is only the well-to-do that can afford the luxury of more than one wife. Visually this practice is confined to the capitan or head man of the tribe, and even he seldom has more than two wives, but one case was noticed in the village of Tagiltil, where one man had seven. At Cabayan the capitan had two wives, a curly-haired one, and a straight-haired one, the latter the daughter of Filipinos who had taken up their abode with the Negritos. (See Pl. LV.) Polygamy is allowed throughout the Negrito territory. It is not uncommon for a man to marry sisters or a widow and her daughter. Marriage between blood relatives is prohibited.

Divorce is not very common with the Negritos in Zambales. There seems to be a sentiment against it. If a man is powerful enough he may divorce his wife, but if he does so for any other reason than desertion or unfaithfulness her relatives are likely to make a personal matter of it and cause trouble. A man and his wife may separate by mutual agreement and that of their families. In such a case whatever property they may have is divided equally, but the mother takes the children.

A more frequent occurrence than that, however, is the desertion of her husband by a woman who has found some one of greater attractions elsewhere, probably in another rancheria, but even these cases are rare. If it is possible to reach the offender the new husband will have to pay up, otherwise it is necessary for the woman's parents to pay back to the injured husband all that he has paid for her. But if the offender is caught and is found to be unable to pay the necessary price the penalty is death. In any event the husband's interests are guarded. Ile can either recover on his investment or get revenge.



Burial

Notwithstanding the repeated statements of travelers that Negritos bury their dead under their houses, which are then abandoned, nothing of this kind was met in Zambales, and Mr. Cooke did not see it in Bataan. He says that in the latter province the body is placed in a coffin made by hollowing out a tree, and is buried in some high spot, but there is no regular burying ground. A rude shed and a fence are built to protect the grave.

In Zambales any spot may be selected. The body is wrapped up in a mat and buried at a depth of 3 or 4 feet to protect it from dogs and wild boars. With their few tools such interment constitutes an arduous labor.

I was unable to learn of any special ceremony performed at a burial. Montano says they have one, and Mr. Cooke states that all the relatives of the deceased kneel in a circle around the coffin and sing a mournful monotone. The Negritos of Zambales repeatedly affirmed that they had no burial ceremony.



Morals

I believe that many of the vices of the Negrito are due to contact with the Malayan to whom he is, at least in point of truthfulness, honesty, and temperance, far superior. It is rare that he will tell a lie unless he thinks he will be greatly benefited by it, and he seems not to indulge in purposeless lying, as so often do his more civilized neighbors. So far as my acquaintance with him goes, I never detected an untruth except one arising from errors of judgment.

In their dealings with each other there seldom occur disputes among the Negritos, which in itself is an evidence of their natural honesty. With Filipinos, they are inclined to accept and respect the opinions of their more knowing, if less honest, patrons, and take what is offered for their produce with little protest. It is to be feared, however, that as they realize the duplicity of the Filipinos they themselves may begin to practice it.

Alcoholism is unknown among them, but they drink willingly of the native drinks, "tuba" and "anisado," whenever it is offered them. They do not make these beverages. Nowhere does it seem to have gotten a hold on them, and there are no drunkards.

The practice of smoking is followed by Negritos of both sexes, old and young, although they are not such inveterate smokers as are the Filipinos. The custom prevails of smoking roughly made cigars of tobacco leaves tied up with a grass string, always with the lighted end in the mouth. After smoking a few whiffs, the cigar is allowed to go out, and the stump is tucked away in the breechcloth or behind the ear for future use. One of these stumps may be seen somewhere about a Negrito at almost any time. Pipes are never used.

Very few Negritos chew betel nut, and their teeth, although sharpened as they are, offer a pleasing contrast to the betel-stained teeth of the average Filipino.

While one can not speak authoritatively in regard to relation of the sexes without a long and close study of their customs, yet all the evidence at band goes to show that the Negritos as a race are virtuous, especially when compared with the Christianized natives. Their statement that death is their penalty for adultery is generally accepted as true, and probably is, with some modifications. Montano mentions it twice, [22] and he asserts further in regard to the Negritos of Bataan that "sexual relations outside of marriage are exceedingly rare. A young girl suspected of it must forever renounce the hope of finding a husband."

In Zambales the Negritos continually assert that adultery is punishable by death, but closer questioning usually brought out the fact that the offenders could buy off if they possessed the means. Montano makes the statement that in case of adultery it is the injured husband who executes the death sentence. However, the injured husband is satisfied if he recovers what he paid for his wife in the beginning. In case of a daughter, the father exacts the payment, and only in case he is destitute is it likely to go hard with the offender.

It has been asserted also that theft is punishable by death. The Negritos say that if a man is caught stealing and can not pay the injured person whatever he considers the value of the stolen article and the fine that is assessed against him, he will be put to death. But, as a matter of fact, it is never done. He is given his time in which to pay his fine or someone else may pay it; and in the latter case the offender becomes a sort of slave and works for his benefactor.

Murder is punishable by death. The victim is executed in the manner already described in the torture dance. But murder is so rare as to be almost unknown. The disposition of the Negrito is peaceable and seldom leads him into trouble.

Cooke [23] states that as a punishment for lighter offenses the Negritos of Bataan use an instrument, called "con-de-man," which is simply a split stick sprung on the neck from six to twenty hours, according to the degree of the crime, and which is said to be very painful. Nothing like this was seen in Zambales.



Slavery

Notwithstanding the statements of Montano that the Negritos have no slaves and know nothing of slavery, the reverse is true, in Zambales at least; so say the Negritos and also the Filipinos who have spent several years among them. The word "a-li'-pun" is used among them to express such social condition. As has been stated, a man caught stealing may become a slave, as also may a person captured from another rancheria, a child left without support, a person under death sentence, or a debtor. It was also stated that if a man committed a crime and escaped a relative could be seized as a slave. It will take a long acquaintance with the Negritos and an intimate knowledge of their customs to get at the truth of these statements.



Intellectual Life

The countenance of the average Negrito is not dull and passive, as might reasonably be expected, but is fairly bright and keen, more so than the average Malayan countenance. The Negrito also has a look of good nature—a look usually lacking in the Malayan. His knowledge of things other than those pertaining to his environment is, of course, extremely limited, but he is possessed of an intellect that is capable of growth under proper conditions. He always manifests the most lively interest in things which he does not understand, and he tries to assign causes for them.

Natural phenomena he is unable to explain. When the sun sets it goes down behind a precipice so far off that he could not walk to it, but he does not know how it gets back to the east. Rain comes from the clouds, but he does not know how it got there except that thunder and lightning bring it. These things are incomprehensible to him and he has apparently invented no stories concerning them. While thunder and lightning are good because they bring rain, yet if they are exceedingly violent he becomes afraid and tries to stop them by burning deer's bones, which, he says, are always efficacious.

The mathematical knowledge of the Negritos is naturally small. They count on their fingers and toes, beginning always with the thumb and great toe. If the things they are counting are more than twenty they go through the process again, but never repeat the fingers without first counting the toes. To add they use rice or small stones. They have no weights or measures except those of the civilized natives, but usually compare things to be measured with some known object. Distance is estimated by the time taken to walk it, but they have no conception of hours. It may take from sunrise until the sun is directly overhead to go from a certain rancheria to another, but if asked the number of hours the Negrito is as likely to say three or eight as six. They have no division of time by weeks or months, but have periods corresponding to the phase of the moon, to which they give names. The new moon is called "bay'-un bu'-an," the full moon "da-a'-na bu'-an," and the waning moon "may-a'-mo-a bu'-an." They determine years by the planting or harvesting season. Yet no record of years is kept, and memory seldom goes back beyond the last season. Hence the Negritos have no idea of age. They know that they are old enough to have children or grandchildren, and that is as far as their knowledge of age goes. To count days ahead they tie knots in a string of bejuco and each day cut off one knot.

In regard to units of value they are familiar with the peso and other coins of the Philippines and have vague ideas as to their value. But one meets persistently the word "tael" in their estimate of the value of things. A tael is 5 pesos. If asked how much he paid for his wife a mail may say "luampo fact." Where they got this Chinese term I do not attempt to say, unless it points to very remote commercial relations with the Chinese, a thine, which seems incredible. [24]

The Negritos have developed to a high degree a sense of the dramatic, and they can relate a tale graphically, becoming so interested in their account as to seem to for get their surroundings. For instance, a head man was giving me one night an account of their marriage ceremony. He went through all the motions necessary to depict various actions, talking faster and louder as if warming up to his theme, his eyes sparkling and his face and manner eager.

They are much like children in their curiosity to see the white man's belongings, and are as greatly pleased with the gift of a trinket. Their expressions and actions on beholding themselves in a mirror for the first time are extremely ludicrous. One man who had a goatee gazed at it and stroked it with feelings of pride and admiration not unmixed with awe.



Superstitions

It will also take a close acquaintance to learn much of the superstitious beliefs of the Negritos. Some hints have already been given in regard to feeding the spirits after a hunt and reasons for changing names of children. Other superstitious were mentioned, as the wearing of bracelets and leglets of wild boar's skin and the burning of deer's bones to scare away thunder.

The basis of all the superstitious beliefs of the Negritos, what might else be termed their religion, is the constant presence of the spirits of the dead near where they lived when alive. All places are inhabited by the spirits. All adverse circumstances, sickness, failure of crops, unsuccessful hunts, are attributed to them. So long as things go well the spirits are not so much considered. There seems to be no particular worship or offerings to gain the good will of the spirits, other than the feeding already noted, except in one particular. On the Tarlac trail between O'Donnell (Tarlac Province) and Botolan (Zambales Province) there is a huge black bowlder which the Negritos believe to be the home of one powerful spirit. So far as I could learn, the belief is that the spirits of all who die enter this one spirit or "anito" who has its abiding place in this rock. However that may be, no Negrito, and in fact no Christianized native of Zambales or Tarlac, ever passes this rock without leaving a banana, camote, or some other article of food. If they do, bad luck or accident is sure to attend the trip.

Senor Potenciano Lesaca, the present governor of Zambales, when quite young, once passed the rock and for amusement—and greatly to the horror of the Negritos with him-spurned it by kicking it with his foot and eating part of a banana and throwing the rest in the opposite direction. The Negritos were much concerned and said that something would happen to him. Sure enough, before he had gone far he got an arrow through both legs from savage Negritos along the trail who could have known nothing of the occurrence. Of course this only strengthened the belief. There is nothing unusual about the shape of the stone. It is merely a large, round bowlder.

Disease is usually considered a punishment for wrongdoing, the more serious diseases coming from the supreme anito, the lesser ones from the lesser anitos. If smallpox visits a rancheria it is because someone has cut down a tree or killed an animal belonging to a spirit which has invoked the aid of the supreme spirit in inflicting a more severe punishment than it can do alone.

For the lesser diseases there are mediquillos or medicine men or women, called "manga-anito," who are called to exorcise the spirit creating the disturbance. Anyone who has cured patients or belongs to a family of mediquillos can follow the profession. There is an aversion to being a mediquillo, although it pays, because if a patient dies the medicine man who treated him is held accountable. As a rule they are treated with respect, and people stand more or less in awe of them, but they have sometimes been killed when they failed to effect a cure.

Senor Benito Guido, a native of Botolan, who accompanied me to the barrio of Tagiltil as interpreter, became slightly ill while in a camp. The Negritos were much worked up over it. They said it was caused by cutting the bamboo for our camp, the spirits that owned the bamboo being offended.

In order that we might witness their customs in such cases, an old woman who practiced as "manga-anito" was called and offered to relieve the patient for a little money. A peso was given her and she began. Upon being asked how he was affected Senor Guido said that he felt as if something was weighing him down. Of course this was the spirit, which had to be removed before a cure could be effected. The Manga-anito danced around the patient and bad him dance and turn somersaults. This was to make the spirit sorry he had chosen such an unstable abiding place. Finally she took hold of his hands, gave a mighty tug and then dropped back stiff. The spirit had passed from the body of the patient into her body.

During all these gymnastics the other Negritos had preserved a most solemn mien, but at this juncture they set to work to restore the stricken woman, rubbing and working her arms and legs until the spirit was gone. All disease is caused by spirits, which must be expelled from the body before a cure can be effected.

Use is also made of other remedies to supplement the ministrations of the manga-anito. Attention has been called to the string of dried berries, called "a-gata," which the Negritos of Pinatubo wear around their necks for convenience in case of pains in the stomach. In southern Zambales what seem to be these same berries are used as a charm against snake bite. Here for pains in the stomach they boil a piece of iron in water and drink the water hot. Pieces of certain woods are believed efficacious for rheumatism, and old men especially may often be seen with them tied around the limbs. This superstition is not far removed from the belief entertained in certain rural districts of the United States that rheumatism may be prevented by carrying a horse chestnut in the pocket. The Negritos also wear such pieces of wood around the neck for colds and sore throat.

In cases of fever a bed is made from the leaves of a plant called "sam'-bon," which much resembles mint, and leaves are bound to the affected parts. The action of these leaves is cooling. For fractures they use bamboo splints and leaves of a plant called "ta-cum'-ba-o."

A bad cut is also bound up in these leaves or with the sap of a tree called "pan-da-ko'-kis."

The Negritos do nothing for skin disease, a form of herpes, with which a great many are afflicted. They probably do not regard it as a disease. (See Pls. LVI et seq.) In case of centipede bites, if on a finger, the affected member is thrust in the anus of a chicken, where, the Negrito affirms, the poison is absorbed, resulting in the death of the chicken.

Goiter is quite common. It is said to be caused by strain from carrying a heavy load of camotes or other objects on the head.

Smallpox, as has been said, is believed to be a visitation of the wrath of the supreme spirit, and if it breaks out in a rancheria the victim is left with a supply of food and water and the place is abandoned. After several days have elapsed the people return cautiously, and if they find the patient is dead they go away again never to return, but if he has recovered they take up their abode in the rancheria. A great many of the Negritos seen in Zambales have scars of smallpox.

The practice of blistering the body in case of sickness is very common in the Pinatubo region. The belief prevails with some individuals that in the healing up of the sore thus produced the sickness with which the body is afflicted will go away. Others affirmed that blistering was done only in case of fevers, and that the pain inflicted caused the patient to break out in a profuse perspiration which relieved the fever. This seems a more rational belief. Individuals were seen with as many as twenty scars produced in this manner.

Aside from the anito belief, the Negritos have other superstitions. Cries of birds at night are especially unlucky. If a person is starting out on a journey and someone sneezes just as he is leaving he will not go then. It is regarded as a sign of disaster, and delay of an hour or so is necessary in order to allow the spell to work off.

A certain parasitic plant that much resembles Yellow moss and grows high up in trees is regarded as a very powerful charm. It is called "gay-u-ma" and a man who possesses it is called "nanara gayuma." If his eyes rest on a person during the new moon he will become sick at the stomach, but he can cure the sickness by laying hands on the afflicted part.

Senor Benito Guido says that when a young man he was told by Negritos that this charm would float upstream. And when he offered to give a carabao for it if that were so, its power was not shown. In spite of this, however, the Negritos are firm believers in it, and, for that matter, so also are the Christianized Zambal and Tagalog. It is likewise thought to be of value in attracting women. If it is rubbed on a woman or is smoked and the smoke blows on her the conquest is complete.



CHAPTER VII

SPANISH ATTEMPTS TO ORGANIZE NEGRITOS

The attention of the Spanish Government was early attracted to the Negritos and other savages in the Philippines, and their subjection and conversion was the subject of many royal orders, though unfortunately little was accomplished. One of the first decrees of the Gobierno Superior relating especially to the Negritos was that of June 12, 1846. It runs substantially as follows:

In my visits to the provinces of these Islands, having noticed, with the sympathy that they must inspire in all sensitive souls, the kind of life and the privations that many of the infidel tribes, and especially the Negritos who inhabit the mountains, are forced to endure; and persuaded that it is a duty of all civilized Governments and of humanity itself to better the condition of men, who, hidden thus from society, will in time become extinct, victims of their customs, of the unhealthfulness of the rugged places where they live, and of our negligence in helping them; and desirous of making them useful, that some day, influenced by the benefits of social life, they may enter the consoling pale of our Holy Mother, the Catholic Church, I hereby decree the following:

ARTICLE 1. The alcaldes and military and political governors of provinces in whose district there may be tribes or rancherias of the aforesaid Negritos or of other infidels shall proceed with the consent of the devoted curas parrocos, whose charity I implore for them, through their head men or capitanes, to induce them to take the necessary steps to assemble in villages, lands being given for that purpose, in places not very near to Christian pueblos, and seeds of grains and vegetables being furnished that they may cultivate the land.

* * * * * * *

ART. 3. Two years after the pueblo shall have been formed the inhabitants thereof shall pay a moderate tribute, which shall not for the present exceed one real per head, the youths and children being excepted, obtaining in compensation the usufruct of the lands which they may hold as their own property so long as they do not abandon the cultivation, being able to sell to others under the same conditions with the knowledge of the authority of the district.

ART. 4. Said authorities and also the priests shall maintain the greatest zeal and vigilance that the Christian pueblos do not intrude on those of the infidels or Negritos, neither that individuals live among them nor that they harass or molest them on any pretext whatsoever under penalty of being punished. * * *

ART. 5. As I have understood that if the Negritos refuse social life it is on account of their being warned by the Christians who employ them in cutting wood, bamboo, and bejuco, and in the collection of other products of the woods which they inhabit, the chiefs of the provinces and the justices of the peace shall take care that no one enters into such contracts with the Negritos without competent authorization, leaving his name in a register in order that if he fail to pay the true value of the articles satisfactory to the Negritos or mistreats them it will be possible to fix the blame on him and to impose the proper penalty.

Article 6 states that—

It shall not be necessary for the Negritos to embrace the Catholic faith, but the priests shall go among them to examine their condition and learn their needs and teach them the advantages of civil life and the importance of religion.

Article 7 provides for a report every three months from those officers in charge of such districts.

This all sounds very well, and if carried out might have succeeded in improving the condition of the unfortunate Negritos, but we can not find that the provincial officials showed great zeal in complying with the executive request.

On January 14, 1881, a decree very similar to this was issued. The first part of this decree related to the newly converted or "sometidos." But article 7 authorized the provincial authorities to offer in the name of the State to Aetas and other pagans the following advantages in exchange for voluntary submission: Life in pueblos; unity of families; concession of good lands and direction in cultivating them in the manner which they wished and which would be most productive; maintenance and clothing during one year; respect for their usages and customs so far as they did not oppose the natural law; to leave to their own wishes whether or not they should become Christians; to buy or facilitate the sale of their crops; exemption from contributions and tributes for ten years and lastly, government by local officials elected by themselves under the direct dependency of the head of the province or district.

These provisions were certainly liberal enough, but they bore little fruit so far as the Negritos were concerned. Being sent out as circulars to the chiefs of all provinces, such decrees received scant attention, each provincial head probably preferring to believe that they were meant for someone else. Although it sounded well on paper, the difficulties in the way of successful compliance with such an order were many. But in one way and another the authorities sought to reach the hill tribes, though it must be confessed they were actuated rather by a desire to preserve peace in their provinces and to protect the plainsmen from the plundering raids of the savages than by motives of philanthropy in improving the condition of the latter.

The Negritos of Zambales were classed as conquistados and non-conquistados, according to whether they lived in amicable relations with the Filipinos or stole carabaos and killed the people whenever they had the opportunity. The Guardia Civil made many raids into the mountains for the purpose of punishing the predatory Negritos, and many are the stories related by old members of that military organization now living in the province concerning conflicts which they had with the little black bow-and-arrow men, who always got the worst of it. Gradually they came to see the futility of resistance. As a matter of fact these raids were only for the purpose of securing food and not because of enmity toward the Filipinos. When a group expressed their desire to live peaceably in their hills they were dubbed "conquistados" and left alone so long as they behaved. The number of conquistados grew and the "unconquered" retreated farther into the mountains. Carabao raids are very infrequent now, for the people disposed to make them are too remote from the plains and would have to pass through territory of the settled and peaceable Negritos, who would inform the party sent in pursuit. But the Constabulary has had two or three raids of this kind to deal with during the past two years.

Those Negritos still living in a wild state have very simple government. They simply gather around the most powerful man, whom they recognize as a sort of chief and whom they follow into raids on the plains or neighboring tribes of Negritos. But when living peaceably scattered through their mountains each head of a family is a small autocrat and rules his family and those of his sons who elect to remain with him. When he dies the oldest son becomes the head of the family. Usually, however, a group of families living in one locality recognizes one man as a capitan. He may be chosen by the president of the nearest pueblo or by the Negritos themselves, who are quick to recognize in this way superior ability or greater wealth. The capitan settles disputes between families.

The next step in the civilizing process is the gathering together to form villages. This was the end to which the Spaniards worked, but the process was retarded by the Christianized natives who profited by trade with the Negritos in forest products and who advised them to avoid coming under Spanish rule where they would have to pay tribute. If a community became sufficiently large and bade fair to be permanent it was made a barrio of the nearest pueblo and given a teniente and concejales like other barrios. This was the case with Aglao and Santa Fe, in the jurisdiction of San Marcelino, but Ilokano immigrants settled in these places and the Negritos gradually withdrew to the hills and settled in other places, until now there are very few Negritos actually living in these towns. One old man in Aglao, who once went to Spain as a servant to an officer, speaks very good Spanish.

In spite of the reprisals made by the Guardia Civil and other means employed by the Spaniards, Negrito raids went on without much cessation until 1894. In that year the authorities induced a head man named Layos to come down to the town of San Marcelino for an interview. Layos came down about as nature had provided him and was received with much ceremony by the town authorities. They dressed him up from head to foot, made him presents, and feasted him for several days. Then with the customary Spanish pomp, parade of soldiery, and flare of trumpets, they presented him with a gaudy sash and named him Capitan General del Monte. He was given charge of all the Negritos in the district and charged to keep them under control. The sash was a cheap print affair, but it answered the purpose. The effect of all this on an untamed savage can be imagined. Layos was impressed. He went back to the hills with his new treasures and an experience worth relating. It is said that the robbing and killing of Christian natives lessened materially after that.

When I was at Cabayan in that district I saw Layos. He was a heavy-set man of about 38, harelipped, an old ragged shirt and breechcloth his only apparel, and with nothing of his former grandeur but the memory. The sash, his badge of office, he said had long since gone in breechcloths.

In the same year (1894) all Negritos in the Botolan district who would come down from the mountains were fed for five or six months in hope that they would settle down and remain. But they were given nothing to do and were not shown how to work, and when the feeding stopped they all went back to the hills, the only place where they knew how to secure sustenance. Although this experiment did not result as desired, it probably had good effects, for the people of this region are the farthest advanced to-day and are most inclined to live in villages. I am informed that since my visit some of the Negritos have moved down to the Filipino village of Pombato and there are several Negrito children in the native school. The people of Tagiltil have even expressed a desire for a school. The presence of several Zambal and halfbreeds in this village and its nearness to the Filipinos probably account for its being ahead of other villages in this as in other respects.



APPENDIX A

ANTHROPOMETRIC MEASUREMENTS

The paucity of measurements has already been explained, but those that were taken are given here for what they are worth. I do not attempt to draw any conclusions from them or undertake any discussion other than that already given in the chapter on physical features.

In the following tables it should be noted that where the age is given the number indicates only an estimate, as no Negrito knows his age. It has been thought better to give these approximate ages than to leave them out entirely, in order to distinguish the very young from the middle aged and old:

Measurements of Negritos

No. Sex Age Standing height Span of arms Length of nose Breadth of nose Nasal index Length of ear 1 Female 18 1,408 1,456 35 38 108 57 2 do 35 1,487 1,487 38 38 100 64 3 do 14 1,325 1,325 36 30 83 55 4 do 30 1,440 1,462 36 38 105 55 5 do 40 1,388 1,400 40 43 107 58 6 Male 27 1,520 1,580 41 43 104 60 7 do 20 1,491 1,503 39 47 130 57 8 do 1,440 1,464 40 43 107 57 9 do 1,500 1,538 43 40 93 60 10 do 15 1,357 1,347 34 40 117 54 11 do 1,426 1,483 40 47 117 57 12 Female 20 1,390 1,380 30 37 123 13 do 19 1,265 1,170 35 35 100 14 do 20 1,400 1,410 35 40 114 15 do 1,410 1,375 35 42 120 16 do 1,430 1,435 35 40 114 17 Male 22 1,465 1,485 37 46 124 60 18 do 1,472 1,470 44 40 90 60 19 do 24 1,363 1,404 38 36 94 57 20 do 18 1,473 1,493 40 43 107 57 21 do 19 1,390 1,412 40 42 105 56 22 do 25 1,490 1,490 37 43 116 57 23 do 14 1,282 1,315 35 35 100 52 24 do 1,404 1,438 42 38 90 65 25 Female 19 1,302 1,313 27 38 140 55 26 do 20 1,472 1,538 40 38 95 58 27 Male 1,434 1,497 37 42 113 56 28 do 50 1,421 1,519 40 40 100 60 29 Female 28 1,358 1,418 35 37 105 58 30 do 55 1,333 1,350 40 40 100 60 31 do 1,383 1,435 41 38 92 62 32 do 30 1,285 1,285 34 38 111 55 33 do 50 1,318 1,302 35 40 114 69 34 Male 40 1,342 1,448 38 46 121 62 35 do 20 1,458 1,582 40 42 105 58 36 do 18 1,480 1,536 44 44 100 60 37 do 15 1,500 1,547 41 45 109 60 38 do 28 1,365 1,390 41 49 119 58 39 do 30 1,535 1,570 43 47 109 63 40 Female 15 1,308 1,354 41 35 85 54 41 do 35 1,373 1,368 36 38 105 59 42 do 35 1,355 1,370 40 40 100 60 43 do 16 1,407 1,430 36 36 100 56 44 do 22 1,420 1,466 40 43 107 64 45 Male 1,535 1,581 43 39 90 57 46 do 1,448 1,532 41 40 97 55 47 do 1,476 1,540 40 40 100 59 48 Female 1,396 1,415 40 35 107 60 49 do 20 1,368 1,400 35 40 117 53 50 Male 1,570 1,625 46 43 93 58 51 do 22 1,480 1,545 42 49 116 60 52 do 30 1,600 1,634 49 42 85 62 53 do 35 1,521 1,566 42 47 111 60 54 Female 1,502 1,520 41 39 95 58 55 do 1,410 1,410 32 38 118 60 56 do 16 1,316 1,336 34 38 111 56 57 Male 18 1,425 1,445 42 42 100 56 58 do 23 1,380 1,430 36 45 125 62

No. Sex Age Standing height Height of shoulders Span of arms Width of Shoulders Length of hand Length of arm Height sitting Length of foot Length of head Breadth of head Cephalic index Length of nose Breadth of nose Nasal index Length of ear 59 Male 28 1,480 1,227 1,530 375 163 600 1,200 215 189 150 79.3 38 39 102.6 58 60 do 16 1,470 1,227 1,510 370 165 623 1,180 230 175 144 82.2 35 35 100 55 61 do 40 1,520 1,295 1,530 356 170 640 1,224 225 176 145 82.3 39 37 94.8 61 62 do 17 1,490 1,247 1,500 425 145 600 1,203 230 190 153 80.5 33 40 121.2 51 63 do 25 1,510 1,245 1,545 386 175 635 1,215 226 190 150 78.9 40 42 165 54 64 do 18 1,445 1,218 1,500 350 160 600 1,235 220 175 150 85.7 35 37 105.7 50 65 do 28 1,444 1,210 1,540 350 170 605 223 176 141 80 47 40 85.1 64 66 do 30 1,524 1,275 1,620 390 180 675 245 171 158 92.3 40 49 122.5 54 67 do 35 1,550 1,324 1,410 384 180 655 1,255 240 182 145 79.7 40 41 102.5 60 68 do 40 1,500 1,248 1,465 364 180 640 1,290 245 174 145 83.5 46 46 100 66 69 do 35 1,480 1,227 1,550 383 175 650 1,272 225 180 152 84.4 37 37 100 53 70 do 60 1,586 1,370 1,635 373 177 625 246 191 83.2 43 44 102.3 54 71 do 25 1,395 1,169 1,469 342 149 586 207 180 142 78.8 43 36 83.7 58 72 Female 35 1,420 1,165 1,460 334 159 528 211 171 148 86.5 44 35 79.5 52 73 do 33 1,337 1,140 1,380 293 155 539 208 166 141 84.9 41 41 100 55 74 do 27 1,362 1,137 1,407 330 150 558 199 168 147 87.5 42 36 85.9 55 75 Male 30 1,526 1,281 1,524 370 163 616 230 174 140 80.4 42 38 90.4 52 76 do 17 1,435 1,197 1,447 350 160 586 210 170 135 79.3 42 35 83.3 56 77 do 45 1,450 1,270 1,480 322 162 571 213 175 148 84.5 39 38 97.4 64



APPENDIX B

VOCABULARIES

As has been pointed out already, the Negritos of Zambales seem to have lost entirely their own language and to have adopted that of the Christianized Zambal. A study of the vocabularies here given will show that in various sections of the province Zambal is to-day the language of the Negritos. Differences will be found, of course, in the dialects of regions which do not come much into contact with each other, and contact with other dialects creates different changes in different localities.

The chief difference between the Bolinao dialect and that of the region south is the substitution of the letter "r" in the former for "l"; as "arong" for "along," nose; "dira" for "dila," tongue. Yet not a few words are entirely different. These differences may arise from the use of synonyms or from misinformation, as I was able to take the Bolinao vocabulary from only two individuals. This dialect is spoken in the towns of Bolinao, Anda, Bani, and Zaragoza, although I am informed that there are even slight differences in the speech of the people of some of these towns. The towns from Infanta to Iba have the second dialect.

When the Aeta element enters the differences become more apparent, although the relationship between the differing words may often be seen; for instance, "sabot," hair, becomes "habot;" "along," nose, becomes "balongo." But the number of words which bear no relationship is greater than in the case of the first two dialects. It is possible that here we find traces of an original Negrito language, but I believe that all these words can be traced to Malay roots. It will be noticed also that the two following vocabularies taken from Negritos at Santa Fe and Subig do not differ materially from the Zambal-Aeta—in fact, they may be regarded as identical.

The writer can not vouch for the vocabularies from Bataan and Bulacan, but gives them for the sake of comparison. The words collected by Montano are mostly Tagalog and differ somewhat from Cooke's. The latter states that he verified his seven times. The two sets are probably from different parts of the province. The Dumagat vocabulary from Bulacan Province, while offering greater differences, is plainly of Malay origin like all the others.

English Man Zambal of Bolinao la-la'-ki Zambal of Iba la-la'-ki Zambal—Aeta la-la'-ki Aeta of Santa Fe la-la'-ki Aeta of Subig ya'-ki Aeta, Bataan Province la-la-ke'* Dumagat, Bulacan Province ta'-nun-gu'-bat

English Woman Zambal of Bolinao ba-bay'-e Zambal of Iba ba-bay'-e Zambal—Aeta ba-bay'-e Aeta of Santa Fe ba-bay'-e Aeta of Subig ba-bay'-e Aeta, Bataan Province ba-bay'-e* Dumagat, Bulacan Province mow'-na

English Father Zambal of Bolinao a'-ma Zambal of Iba a'-ma Zambal—Aeta a'-ma Aeta of Santa Fe ba'-pa Aeta of Subig ba'-pa Aeta, Bataan Province ba'-pa, ama* Dumagat, Bulacan Province

English Mother Zambal of Bolinao i'-na Zambal of Iba i'-na Zambal—Aeta na'-na Aeta of Santa Fe in'-do Aeta of Subig in'-do Aeta, Bataan Province in'do, inang* Dumagat, Bulacan Province

English Brother Zambal of Bolinao bu'-sat Zambal of Iba ta-la-sa'-ka Zambal—Aeta pa'-tel Aeta of Santa Fe ka-pa-tel Aeta of Subig Aeta, Bataan Province ka'-ka, kapatid* Dumagat, Bulacan Province

English Sister Zambal of Bolinao bu'-sat Zambal of Iba ta-la-sa'-ka Zambal—Aeta pa'-tel Aeta of Santa Fe ka-pa-tel Aeta of Subig Aeta, Bataan Province o-pa-tel', kapatid* Dumagat, Bulacan Province

English Uncle Zambal of Bolinao ba'-pa Zambal of Iba ba'-pa Zambal—Aeta ba'-pa Aeta of Santa Fe da'-ra Aeta of Subig Aeta, Bataan Province ale'* Dumagat, Bulacan Province

English Aunt Zambal of Bolinao da'-da Zambal of Iba da'-ra Zambal—Aeta in'-do Aeta of Santa Fe da'-ra Aeta of Subig Aeta, Bataan Province mama* Dumagat, Bulacan Province

English Son Zambal of Bolinao a'-nak Zambal of Iba a'-nak Zambal—Aeta a'-nak Aeta of Santa Fe a'-nak Aeta of Subig a'-nak Aeta, Bataan Province a'-nak* Dumagat, Bulacan Province anak

English Daughter Zambal of Bolinao a'-nak Zambal of Iba a'-nak Zambal—Aeta a'-nak Aeta of Santa Fe a'-nak Aeta of Subig a'-nak Aeta, Bataan Province a'-nak* Dumagat, Bulacan Province anak na mowna

English Head Zambal of Bolinao o'-ro Zambal of Iba o'-lo Zambal—Aeta o'-lo Aeta of Santa Fe o'-lo Aeta of Subig la'-bo Aeta, Bataan Province o'-o, ulo* Dumagat, Bulacan Province pun'-tuk

English Hair Zambal of Bolinao sa-bot' Zambal of Iba sa-bot' Zambal—Aeta ha-bot' Aeta of Santa Fe ha-bot' Aeta of Subig ha-bot' Aeta, Bataan Province la-buk', bohoc* Dumagat, Bulacan Province

English Mouth Zambal of Bolinao bo-bo'-y Zambal of Iba bo-bo'-y Zambal—Aeta bo-bo'-y Aeta of Santa Fe bo-bo'-y Aeta of Subig bo-bo'-y Aeta, Bataan Province ba-lu'-go, bebec* Dumagat, Bulacan Province un'-suk

English Eye Zambal of Bolinao ma'-ta Zambal of Iba ma'-ta Zambal—Aeta ma'-ta Aeta of Santa Fe ma'-ta Aeta of Subig ma'-ta Aeta, Bataan Province ma'-ta* Dumagat, Bulacan Province

English Nose Zambal of Bolinao a'-rong Zambal of Iba a'-long Zambal—Aeta ba-long'-o Aeta of Santa Fe ba-long'-o Aeta of Subig ba-long'-o Aeta, Bataan Province ba-tong', ilong* Dumagat, Bulacan Province an-gut

English Teeth Zambal of Bolinao ni'-pen Zambal of Iba ni'-pen Zambal—Aeta ni'-pin Aeta of Santa Fe n-i'-pen Aeta of Subig ni'-pen Aeta, Bataan Province nil-pul Dumagat, Bulacan Province ni'-pon

English Tongue Zambal of Bolinao di'-ra Zambal of Iba di'-la Zambal—Aeta di'-la Aeta of Santa Fe di'-la Aeta of Subig di'-la Aeta, Bataan Province gi'-lo Dumagat, Bulacan Province

English Ear Zambal of Bolinao to-tor'-yan Zambal of Iba to-tol'-yan Zambal—Aeta tu'-li Aeta of Santa Fe tu'-li Aeta of Subig to'-ok Aeta, Bataan Province tu'-uk, taenga* Dumagat, Bulacan Province ta-ling'-a

English Arm Zambal of Bolinao ta-ki-ay' Zambal of Iba ta-ki-ay' Zambal—Aeta ta-ki-ay' Aeta of Santa Fe ta-ki-ay' Aeta of Subig ta-ki-ay' Aeta, Bataan Province tu-ki-ay', camay* Dumagat, Bulacan Province co-mot'

English Leg Zambal of Bolinao pa'-a Zambal of Iba pa'-a Zambal—Aeta pa'-a Aeta of Santa Fe pa'-a Aeta of Subig pa'-a Aeta, Bataan Province pam'-pa, paa' Dumagat, Bulacan Province pa'-a

English Chest Zambal of Bolinao ke-rep' Zambal of Iba ke-lep' Zambal—Aeta nib'-nib Aeta of Santa Fe nib'-nib Aeta of Subig dub'-dub Aeta, Bataan Province dub'-dub, debdeb* Dumagat, Bulacan Province dib'-dib

English Back Zambal of Bolinao gu-rot' Zambal of Iba bo-kot' Zambal—Aeta bo-kot' Aeta of Santa Fe bo-kot' Aeta of Subig Aeta, Bataan Province li'-kul Dumagat, Bulacan Province

English Foot Zambal of Bolinao ay'-e Zambal of Iba ay'-e Zambal—Aeta bi'-ti Aeta of Santa Fe bi'-ti Aeta of Subig ta-lim-pa-pa'-kan Aeta, Bataan Province ta-lan-pa'-kin Dumagat, Bulacan Province

English Hand Zambal of Bolinao ga'-met Zambal of Iba ga'-met Zambal—Aeta ga'-met Aeta of Santa Fe ga'-met Aeta of Subig ga'-met Aeta, Bataan Province a'-ma-kam'-a-ha Dumagat, Bulacan Province

English Finger Zambal of Bolinao ga-ra-may'-e Zambal of Iba ga-la-may'-e Zambal—Aeta ga-la-may'-e Aeta of Santa Fe ga-la-may'-e Aeta of Subig da-le'-di Aeta, Bataan Province da-li-ri, dalin* Dumagat, Bulacan Province

English Earth Zambal of Bolinao lu'-ta Zambal of Iba lu'-ta Zambal—Aeta lu'-ta Aeta of Santa Fe lu-ta Aeta of Subig lu'-ta Aeta, Bataan Province lul-ta Dumagat, Bulacan Province pu'-tok

English Sky Zambal of Bolinao rang'-it Zambal of Iba lang-it Zambal—Aeta lang'-it Aeta of Santa Fe lang'-it Aeta of Subig lang'-it Aeta, Bataan Province Dumagat, Bulacan Province lang'-ot

English Sun Zambal of Bolinao au'-ro Zambal of Iba au'-lo Zambal—Aeta al'-lo Aeta of Santa Fe al'-lo Aeta of Subig al'-lo Aeta, Bataan Province u'-lo Dumagat, Bulacan Province a-da'-o

English Moon Zambal of Bolinao bu'-ran Zambal of Iba bu'-lan Zambal—Aeta bu'-an Aeta of Santa Fe bu'-an Aeta of Subig bu'-yan Aeta, Bataan Province Dumagat, Bulacan Province ina-tal'-lung

English Star Zambal of Bolinao bi-tu'-un Zambal of Iba bi-tu'-un Zambal—Aeta bi-tu'-in Aeta of Santa Fe bi'-tu-in Aeta of Subig bi'-tu-in Aeta, Bataan Province ba'-tu-in Dumagat, Bulacan Province bu'-ta-tul'-ya

English Cloud Zambal of Bolinao re'-rem Zambal of Iba a-la-pa'-ap Zambal—Aeta da'-yim Aeta of Santa Fe lo'-om Aeta of Subig ta'-la Aeta, Bataan Province u'-wip Dumagat, Bulacan Province

English Rain Zambal of Bolinao ra'-peg Zambal of Iba a-ba-gat' Zambal—Aeta u'-ran Aeta of Santa Fe u'-ran Aeta of Subig a-ba'-gat Aeta, Bataan Province ulan* Dumagat, Bulacan Province

English Thunder Zambal of Bolinao ko'-dor Zambal of Iba Zambal—Aeta cu'-rol Aeta of Santa Fe ku'-rol Aeta of Subig ki'-lot Aeta, Bataan Province da-ug-dug' Dumagat, Bulacan Province

English Lightning Zambal of Bolinao ki'-mat Zambal of Iba Zambal—Aeta ki'-mat Aeta of Santa Fe ki'-mat Aeta of Subig ki'-mat Aeta, Bataan Province ma-la'-wut Dumagat, Bulacan Province

English Water Zambal of Bolinao ra'-nom Zambal of Iba la'-nom Zambal—Aeta la'-nom Aeta of Santa Fe la'-nom Aeta of Subig la'-num Aeta, Bataan Province la'-num, tubig* Dumagat, Bulacan Province o'-rat

English Fire Zambal of Bolinao a-po'-y Zambal of Iba a-po'-y Zambal—Aeta a-po'-y Aeta of Santa Fe a'-po-y Aeta of Subig a'-po-y Aeta, Bataan Province a'-po-y* Dumagat, Bulacan Province a'-po-y

English White Zambal of Bolinao ma-pu'-ti Zambal of Iba ma-pu'-ti Zambal—Aeta ma-pu'-ti Aeta of Santa Fe ma-pu'-ti Aeta of Subig ma-pu'-ti Aeta, Bataan Province maputi* Dumagat, Bulacan Province ma-lup'-say

English Black Zambal of Bolinao mang-i'-sit Zambal of Iba mang-i'-tit Zambal—Aeta mang-i'-tit Aeta of Santa Fe mang-i'-tit Aeta of Subig ma'-o-lin Aeta, Bataan Province maltim* Dumagat, Bulacan Province mal-a-ton'

English Red Zambal of Bolinao ma-o-dit' Zambal of Iba ma-ti-bi'-a Zambal—Aeta ma-o-rit' Aeta of Santa Fe ma-o-rit' Aeta of Subig Aeta, Bataan Province mapula* Dumagat, Bulacan Province mat-la

English Yellow Zambal of Bolinao ma-sil-ya'-o Zambal of Iba ma-hol-ya'-o Zambal—Aeta ma-hol-ya'-o Aeta of Santa Fe ma-hol-ya'-o Aeta of Subig Aeta, Bataan Province Dumagat, Bulacan Province sa-la-kut'

English Cooked rice Zambal of Bolinao ka'-nen Zambal of Iba ka'-nen Zambal—Aeta ka'-nin Aeta of Santa Fe ka'-un Aeta of Subig ka'-nen Aeta, Bataan Province Dumagat, Bulacan Province

English Uncooked rice Zambal of Bolinao bu'-yas Zambal of Iba bu'-yas Zambal—Aeta bu'-ya Aeta of Santa Fe bu'-ya Aeta of Subig bu'-ya Aeta, Bataan Province bigas* Dumagat, Bulacan Province a'-moy

English Day Zambal of Bolinao au'-ro Zambal of Iba au'-lo Zambal—Aeta al'-lo Aeta of Santa Fe al'-lo Aeta of Subig al'-lo Aeta, Bataan Province u'-lo Dumagat, Bulacan Province adio

English Night Zambal of Bolinao ya'-bi Zambal of Iba ya'-bi Zambal—Aeta ya'-bi Aeta of Santa Fe ya'-bi Aeta of Subig ya'-bi Aeta, Bataan Province Dumagat, Bulacan Province du'-mong

English Cold Zambal of Bolinao ma-ra-yep' Zambal of Iba ma-la-yep' Zambal—Aeta ma-la-yip' Aeta of Santa Fe mal-a-yep' Aeta of Subig mal-a-yep' Aeta, Bataan Province ma-lam'-ig, maginao* Dumagat, Bulacan Province mag'-id-non

English Hot Zambal of Bolinao ma-mot' Zambal of Iba ma-mot' Zambal—Aeta ma-mot' Aeta of Santa Fe ma-o-mot' Aeta of Subig ma-o-mot' Aeta, Bataan Province Dumagat, Bulacan Province may-a-nit'

English Large Zambal of Bolinao a-la-ki' Zambal of Iba ma-hi-ban' Zambal—Aeta mal-hay' Aeta of Santa Fe mal-hay' Aeta of Subig mal-hay' Aeta, Bataan Province Dumagat, Bulacan Province hun'-ga

English Small Zambal of Bolinao da-i-te' Zambal of Iba ma-ca-lug' Zambal—Aeta may-a'-mo Aeta of Santa Fe may-a-mo' Aeta of Subig may-a-mo' Aeta, Bataan Province Dumagat, Bulacan Province ma-sa-ninp'

English Good Zambal of Bolinao ma-ong' Zambal of Iba la'-bas Zambal—Aeta ma'-ham-pat' Aeta of Santa Fe ma-ham'-pat Aeta of Subig ma-ham'-pat Aeta, Bataan Province Dumagat, Bulacan Province ma-sam'-pat

English Bad Zambal of Bolinao ma-ra-yet' Zambal of Iba ma-la-yet' Zambal—Aeta ma-la-yit' Aeta of Santa Fe ma-la-yit' Aeta of Subig ma-la-yit' Aeta, Bataan Province Dumagat, Bulacan Province ma-lot'

English Rich Zambal of Bolinao may-a-man' Zambal of Iba may-a-man' Zambal—Aeta may-a-man' Aeta of Santa Fe may-a-man' Aeta of Subig may-a-man' Aeta, Bataan Province Dumagat, Bulacan Province may-a-man'

English Poor Zambal of Bolinao ma-i-dap' Zambal of Iba ma-i-rap' Zambal—Aeta ma-i-rap' Aeta of Santa Fe ma-i-rap' Aeta of Subig ma'-i-rap' Aeta, Bataan Province Dumagat, Bulacan Province

English Sick Zambal of Bolinao ma-sa-kit' Zambal of Iba ma-sa-kit' Zambal—Aeta ma-ha-kit' Aeta of Santa Fe ma-ha-kit' Aeta of Subig ma-in-ha'-kit Aeta, Bataan Province Dumagat, Bulacan Province teoram

English Dead Zambal of Bolinao na'-ti Zambal of Iba na'-ti Zambal—Aeta na'-ti Aeta of Santa Fe na'-ti Aeta of Subig na'-ti Aeta, Bataan Province Dumagat, Bulacan Province nalebon

English Here Zambal of Bolinao i'-ti Zambal of Iba i'-ti Zambal—Aeta a-ka-lung'-un Aeta of Santa Fe bi-er'-i Aeta of Subig a-ri'-di Aeta, Bataan Province Dumagat, Bulacan Province dian

English There Zambal of Bolinao i'-sen Zambal of Iba i'-sen Zambal—Aeta ba'-hen Aeta of Santa Fe bay'-hen Aeta of Subig a-ri'-do Aeta, Bataan Province Dumagat, Bulacan Province dedeyaya

English No Zambal of Bolinao ka'-i Zambal of Iba ka'-i Zambal—Aeta a'-he Aeta of Santa Fe a'-he Aeta of Subig a'-he Aeta, Bataan Province ayaw* Dumagat, Bulacan Province ayenok

English Yes Zambal of Bolinao o Zambal of Iba ya Zambal—Aeta a'-o Aeta of Santa Fe a'-o Aeta of Subig a-o Aeta, Bataan Province o-o'* Dumagat, Bulacan Province abu-kogid

English To sleep Zambal of Bolinao ma'-rek Zambal of Iba ma'-lek Zambal—Aeta ma-to-lo'-i Aeta of Santa Fe ma-to-lo'-i Aeta of Subig ma-to-lo'-i Aeta, Bataan Province matulog* Dumagat, Bulacan Province napediak

English To jump Zambal of Bolinao ru-mok'-zo Zambal of Iba lu-mok'-zo Zambal—Aeta mi-tok-tok-pa'-o Aeta of Santa Fe mag-tok-pa'-o Aeta of Subig lu-mo'-ko Aeta, Bataan Province lemokso Dumagat, Bulacan Province lumowat

English To run Zambal of Bolinao mo-ray'-o Zambal of Iba mo-lay'-o Zambal—Aeta may'-o Aeta of Santa Fe may'-o Aeta of Subig may'-o Aeta, Bataan Province takumbao* Dumagat, Bulacan Province gumekan

English To fight Zambal of Bolinao mi-a-wa'-y, raban Zambal of Iba la'-ban Zambal—Aeta mi-a-wa'-y Aeta of Santa Fe mi-awa'-y Aeta of Subig ina-ki'-a-wa'-y Aeta, Bataan Province Dumagat, Bulacan Province sullo-sum-to-yan

English To eat Zambal of Bolinao mang'-an Zambal of Iba mang'-an Zambal—Aeta mang'-an Aeta of Santa Fe mang'-an Aeta of Subig mang-an Aeta, Bataan Province cain* Dumagat, Bulacan Province mumungan

English To drink Zambal of Bolinao mi'-nom Zambal of Iba mi'-nom Zambal—Aeta mi'-nom Aeta of Santa Fe mi'-nom Aeta of Subig mi'-nom Aeta, Bataan Province minum* Dumagat, Bulacan Province neniomok

English Tree Zambal of Bolinao ka'-yo Zambal of Iba kay'-yo Zambal—Aeta kay'-yo Aeta of Santa Fe kay'-yo Aeta of Subig kay'-yo Aeta, Bataan Province ka-hoy* kayo Dumagat, Bulacan Province

English Mountain Zambal of Bolinao ba'-ker Zambal of Iba ba'-kil Zambal—Aeta ba'-kil Aeta of Santa Fe ba'-kil Aeta of Subig ba'-kil Aeta, Bataan Province bu'-kil Dumagat, Bulacan Province

English River Zambal of Bolinao i'-log Zambal of Iba i'-lug Zambal—Aeta ka-bu-la-san' Aeta of Santa Fe ba'-la Aeta of Subig Aeta, Bataan Province sa'-num Dumagat, Bulacan Province

English Stone Zambal of Bolinao ba'-to Zambal of Iba ba'-to Zambal—Aeta ba'-to Aeta of Santa Fe ba'-to Aeta of Subig ba'-to Aeta, Bataan Province ba-to* Dumagat, Bulacan Province

English Grass Zambal of Bolinao di'-kot Zambal of Iba di'-kot Zambal—Aeta di'-kot Aeta of Santa Fe di'-kot Aeta of Subig di'-kot Aeta, Bataan Province Dumagat, Bulacan Province