The songs are addressed to each of the cardinal points, because in the Navaho system different groups of deities are assigned to each of these points. The Navaho also makes a distinction between heavy rain and light rain. The heavy rain, such as accompanies thunderstorms, is regarded as the "male rain," while the gentle showers or "young rains," coming directly from the house of Estsanatlehi, are regarded as especially beneficent; but both are deemed necessary to fertilize. A distinction is also made between "hard possessions," such as turquois and coral beads, shell ornaments, and all articles made from hard substances, and "soft possessions," which comprise blankets and all textile substances, skins, etc. The Navaho prays that his house may cover many of both hard and soft possessions.

The songs given above are known as the twelve house-songs, although there are only two songs, each repeated twelve times. These are sung with many variations by the different qacal'i, and while the builders are preparing for this ceremony they discuss which qacal'i has the best and most beautiful words before they decide which one to engage. But the songs are invariably addressed to the deities named, Qastceyalci, the God of Dawn, and Qastceqoġan, the God of Twilight; and they always have the same general significance.

After the "twelve songs" are finished many others are sung: to Estsanatlehi, a benignant Goddess of the West, and to Yol'kai Estsan, the complementary Goddess of the East; to the sun, the dawn, and the twilight; to the light and to the darkness; to the six sacred mountains, and to many other members of a very numerous theogony. Other song-prayers are chanted directly to malign influences, beseeching them to remain far off: to ĭntco[ng]gi, evil in general; to dakus, coughs and lung evils, and to the bĭcakuji, sorcerers, praying them not to come near the dwelling. The singing of the songs is so timed that the last one is delivered just as the first gray streaks of dawn appear, when the visitors round up their horses and ride home.

THE HOGAN OF THE YEBĬTCAI DANCE

Despite the ceremonies which have been performed, it frequently happens that malign influences affect the new dwelling. The inmates suffer from toothache, or sore eyes, or have bad dreams, or ghosts are heard in the night. Then the house ceremony is repeated. If after this the conditions still prevail and threatening omens are noted, an effort is made to ascertain the cause. Perhaps the husband recalls an occasion when he was remiss in some religious duty, or the wife may remember having seen accidentally an unmasked dancer, or they may be convinced that a sorcerer, a cĭlkuji, is practicing his evil art. Such malign influences must be due to some definite cause, and it must be found. Then, if the cause be grave, resort must be had to a very elaborate ceremony, the dance of the Yebĭtcai.

For the observance of this ceremony it is usual to construct a flat-roof hut called iyacaskuni, meaning, literally, "under the flat." The roof is nearly square as well as flat, and the edifice, with its spreading base, suggests a truncated pyramid; but as it is roughly covered with earth heaped over the entire structure it is externally little more than a shapeless mound. Plate LXXXIX is an exterior view of one of these special hogans, which is also shown in plan in figure 241.

tcai house]

When it has been decided to build an iyacaskuni all the young men of the neighborhood join in the labor while some of the older men direct them in the prescribed methods. The procedure is much the same as that employed in building the regular hogan, but larger timbers are required. Any kind of timber growing in the vicinity is used; but as groves of pinon and juniper are most abundant in the Navaho country, these are the kinds usually employed. The stunted, twisted trunks of these trees make it a matter of some difficulty to find the necessary timbers of sufficient size, for they must be at least a foot in diameter. When found, the trees are cut down and carried to the site selected, which must have fairly level surroundings, free from dense wood and underbrush, so as to afford a clear space for the ceremonial processions and dances. Four heavy posts are necessary—"legs," the Navaho call them—and these must be trimmed so as to leave a strong fork at the top of each at least 6 feet from the ground when set upright. Four others, for the horizontal roof-beams, must be 10 feet long, but without forks; and two more, the straightest and longest, are necessary for the doorway passage. These ten timbers are called tsaci, the same term that is applied to the five main timbers of the ordinary hogan.

The four posts are set firmly in the ground in shallow holes at distances apart corresponding to the length of the main roof-beams, and so arranged as to describe a square, the sides of which face the cardinal points. The prescribed position of the doorway is the center of the eastern side, and it must face the east exactly. The post at the southeastern corner is the first to be set, then the one at the southwestern corner, with the forks arranged on the same line. The northwestern post is then set, and finally the one at the northeastern corner, and the forks of the last two are also placed on the same line. In the ground plan (figure 241) the posts are numbered in the order in which they are set up. This sequence is not always strictly followed, but the old men say that this is the proper way.

The beam for the southern side of the roof is next lifted into place and laid so as to rest in the forks of the two posts on that side, with the ends projecting a little beyond them. The beam on the northern side is similarly placed, and the western and the eastern beams are next laid so that their ends rest upon the ends of the beams already in place. Another timber is then placed parallel with the eastern beam, as shown on the plan. This forms the western side of the smoke-hole and also a support for the smaller roof-timbers to rest upon. Sometimes an additional timber is laid across for this purpose between the one last named and the next beam. The two timbers for the sides of the doorway passage are then placed in position about 3 feet apart and leaning against the eastern roof-beam. The butt ends rest upon the ground, and the space between them should be in the center of the eastern side. All the main posts and beams are stripped of bark, the rough knobs and protuberances are hewn off, and they are finished according to the skill of the builders or the exactions of the old men who superintend the construction.

While this work is in progress a great number of smaller and less shapely timbers are procured for the sides and roof. To determine a pitch for the sloping sides all the workers arrange themselves so as to encompass the square frame, and a few of the longest of the irregular timbers are placed here and there around it, leaning against the beams. They are roughly aligned, and some attempt is made to have the sides of the same slope. The floor area thus determined, the outer edge of which would fall 4 to 6 feet outside the posts, is then lightly dug over to remove all irregularities, and is made as level as possible.

As in the ordinary hogan, the upright posts of the door-frame are set near the lower ends of the doorway timbers, and the roof and sides of the doorway are covered in when the sides of the hut are inclosed, which is the next step in the construction. Small tree trunks and timbers are placed closely around the excavated floor area, with their upper ends leaning against the roof beams. They are not set very regularly and boughs are often used to fill the larger crevices, while the corners are turned in a clumsy manner, with the tops of the timbers overlapping each other, while the butts diverge in a haphazard curve.

The roof is laid with smaller timbers, the longest resting on the smoke-hole timber and the western beam, while the shorter pieces span the smaller interval from the former timber to the eastern beam. The arrangement of the smoke exit differs from that of the ordinary hogan. In the latter an open space is left between the doorway timbers at their upper ends; in the iyacaskuni the doorway roof is continued up to the eastern beam, which forms the eastern side of the smoke hole. This hole is in the main roof, in line with the doorway but just beyond the ends of its timbers, and it is usually about 3 feet square. Figure 242 is an interior view of the frame, looking outward. The structure is finished like the hogans; the frame is covered by heavy layers of cedar or juniper bark over the sides and roof, and finally with a deep covering of earth packed firmly over the whole exterior. The door frame is usually about 4 feet high and 2-1/2 feet wide; the roof is about 7 feet high in the interior, and the floor area measures roughly 20 feet square, with the four posts standing about 5 feet from the base of the sides. Figure 243 shows some actual measurements.

tcai house]

While the Yebĭtcai ceremony is in progress the hut is occupied by the qacal'i and his assistants and by the young men who assume the sacred masks and personate the various deities in the nightly dances. In the mornings the qacal'i sits under the western side of the hut and directs the young men in the process of sand painting, the making of curious sand mosaics delineating mythologic subjects. The materials used are dry sand, charcoal, and powdered ochers of different colors, which are poured from the hand between the thumb and fingers. Without the use of a brush or other implement the trickling stream is guided to form intricate designs. These designs are made directly on the earthen floor in a zone about 3 feet wide and extending nearly the entire length of the hut from north to south. This zone, called the ika', is made in front of the qacal'i, and between him and the fire, which is reduced to small dimensions to enable him to work close under the opening in the roof. During the process the door is closed with the usual hanging blanket, and to increase the light from above a buckskin or white cloth is sometimes suspended as a reflector on a light frame of boughs erected on the roof on the western side of the smoke hole.

tcai house]

The mask recess, which is found in all the larger hogans, is always made in the middle of the western side of the iyacaskuni. It is usually somewhat wider and deeper than in the ordinary dwelling. The bundles containing the masks and other paraphernalia to be used in the ceremony are placed in the recess by the qacal'i, who then fastens a skin or cloth across it. The upper edge at a height of about 3 feet from the floor is fastened with strings to the sloping timbers. The lower edge is held by small pegs driven into the edge of the bench-like ledge of earth which marks the limits of the floor. When he needs them the qacal'i reaches behind the curtain for the paraphernalia he has previously prepared and deposited there. The masks must never be seen except when worn by the dancers, nor are the fetiches exposed except when certain rites demand their display.

This recess is called by the Navaho djĭc bĭnaskla, literally "mask recess." Besides its practical use it has a mythic significance, as it indicates the position occupied by First-man, who sat there with Qastceyalci (Dawn) and Qastceqoġan (Twilight) on either hand, in the house where the Corn people were made. They also occupied similar positions in the house in which they made the celestial bodies, and also in the first iyacaskuni, which was made by them to celebrate the occurrence of the first menstruation of Estsanatlehi.

No special veneration attaches to the iyacaskuni except when a ceremony is in progress. At that time it is devoted exclusively to the qacal'i and the other actors in the rites, and it is then known as qacal' biqoġan, the song house. Perhaps the family for whose benefit it was first used may have contributed the larger share of the food for the workers who constructed it, but it is not held to be the exclusive property of any one person; it is for the use of the neighborhood. In the summer time, during which season no important rites are celebrated, the women often erect their vertical looms there and use it as a workroom. Some of the neighbors may find it convenient to occupy it temporarily, or when some occasion brings an influx of visitors they adjourn to the flat-roof house, if there be one near, to smoke and gamble and sleep there. But it is rarely used as a dwelling in winter, as it would have to be vacated whenever one of the neighbors wished to have a ceremony performed. Moreover, owing to its large size, it would be more difficult to keep warm than the more compact hogan.

HOGAN NOMENCLATURE

qoġan ĭl'tcĭ'n ceza'—conical hut; probably from sinil, a plural article pronoun; tsĭn, a timber; and ceza', a point.

qoġan cĭtcoli—round, inclosed hut. Both this term and the preceding are used to designate the ordinary dwelling hut, but the former is more commonly used.

qaa'a—east.

cacaa—south.

i[ng]i[ng]a—west.

naqokos—north.

nani—flat, bevel.

iiai—vertical.

hĭ'nia'—slanting.

nanaai—a long straight object, as a timber.

cacaace naai—south timber. } i[ng]i[ng]ace naai—west timber. } The (five) principal naqokosce naai—north timber. } timbers composing the frame, tci[ng]ĕcince naai— } collectively called— doorway timbers (two). }

tsaci—frame. Sometimes these timbers are called—

cacaadje naai, i[ng]i[ng]adje naai, etc. ce means "here," or "brought here;" dje means "there" or "set there." The western timber is also specially designated—

bigidje nolkac, brought together into it; an allusion to its function as the main support of the frame, as the other two timbers rest within its spreading fork. The two doorway timbers are also designated as north or south timber respectively. They are also called—

tci[ng]ĕcin bĭnĭnĭ'li, those in place at the doorway passage.

ceza'—a point; the forked apex.

l'ejca—the ground; the floor.

bituca—surrounding projection; the ledge or undisturbed margin of the floor area.

tci[ng]ĕcin—the road there; the doorway. This term appears to mean "the road there" to the east—that is, to tci[ng]hanoai, the sun. The word tci[ng] also means day.

tci[ng]ĕcin sĭlai—the uprights of the door frame. They are also called—

tci[ng]ecin iai—but this, strictly speaking, means one upright.

sĭlai, or sĭlai—a pair.

tci[ng]ĕcin sĭlai nanaai—doorway-post horizontal timber; the lintel.

tci[ng]ĕcin nacasĭcă'ni—another term for the lintel. A single stick lying on the ground is called—

tsĭn sĭcă'ni—but when resting upon something above the ground it is called—

tsĭn casĭcă'ni.

tcĭlegi nanaai—smoke-hole horizontal timber; the crosspiece that rests upon the large doorway timbers and forms the base of the smoke-hole, and also supports one end of the doorway roof.

tcĭlegi nacasĭcă'ni—this term is also applied to the smoke-hole stick, as in the case of the lintel above.

tci[ng]ĕcin bikace nanĭjoji—doorway upper surface flat roof; the doorway roof formed of parallel sticks resting on the lintel and the smoke-hole base. The word—

boġance—uppermost, is sometimes used instead of bikace. The term—

nanĭjoji—means, literally, timbers laid level side by side, and is applied to a floor of wood, as in—

wuyace nanĭjoji—the below-level arrangement of timbers or boards. It is also applied to walls, as in—

biyace bĭnĭjoji—the side arrangement of boards. A bridge across a stream is called—

co'ĭnlĭ'nigi nanijoji—the first term meaning "water flowing."

tci[ng]ĕcin biyace bĭnĭjoji—doorway side walls; the sticks set in between the uprights of the door-frame and the slanting doorway timbers.

tcĭlegi—smoke-hole; derivation obscure.

biyace bĭnĭjoji—the side "walls;" the smaller timbers which inclose the hut. They are also called—

biya'ce bĭnĭnĭ'li—leaning around the sides; from hĭ'nia', slanting, and the plural article pronoun sinil.

tcai house, illustrating nomenclature]

uji—cedar bark.

uji behesdjehi—cedar bark laid on; the bark covering.

l'ej—earth.

l'ej behesnĭ'li—earth thrown on or lifted on; the earth covering.

canĭpal'—suspended thin object; this term is always applied to the door covering, which is usually a blanket hanging from the lintel.

Terms applied to different parts of the floor area

qaa'adje ni sĭ'skla—within the small corner in the east. The derivation is probably as follows: qaadje, in the east; ni from yuni, within; sĭs from ĭltsĭ'si, small; tkla from naskla, a corner.

cacaadje ni sĭ'ckla—within the corner in the south.

i[ng]i[ng]adje ni sĭ'ckla—within the corner in the west.

naqokosdje ni sĭ'ckla—within the corner in the north.

naqokosdje ni sĭ'skla—within the small corner in the north.

qonicpa[ng]gi—means something like sacred path, or direction. Naspas is the name applied to a circle. During a ceremony persons entering a hut must pass in to the left of the fire; to leave the hut they pass out on the north side of the fire.

iyai'yi—under half; the center of the hut.

ko'[ng]nike—fireplace; probably derived from ko[ng], fire; ni', land; and ke, track or footprint; ke also means land.

qonĭcqa'—meaning unknown; it is applied to the space between the fire and the entrance.

djĭc bĭnaskla—mask corner or recess.

tci[ng]ĕcin—the entrance. See explanation above.

kloce—without; the area in front of the entrance outside of the hut.

qoġan bĭnece—outside of the hut.

Yebĭtcai house nomenclature[2]

iyacahaskuni—or caskuni, the Yebĭtcai house; probably derived from iya, under; and cahaskuni, a detached, smooth-sided, flat-top mountain. This structure is also called—

ci[ng]bĭtsaci qoġan—four-legged house.

1. tci[ng]ĕcince naai, } tci[ng]ĕcin bĭnĭnĭ'li— } 2. tci[ng]ĕcin sĭlai— } 3. tci[ng]ĕcin sĭlai nanaai, } or casĭcă'ni— } As in the regular 4. tci[ng]ĕcin bikace nanaai— } hogan. 5. tci[ng]ĕcin boġance nanĭjoji— } 6. tci[ng]ĕcin biyace bĭnĭjoji— } 7. qaa'adje nanaai—east horizontal timber. cacaadje nanaai—south horizontal timber. i[ng]i[ng]adje nanaai—west horizontal timber. 8. naqokosdje nanaai—north horizontal timber. qaa'adje iai (1)[3]—east post. } cacaadje iai (2)—south post. } These posts are further i[ng]i[ng]adje iai (3)—west post. } distinguished as follows: 9. naqokosdje iai (4)—north post. } cacaa qaa'adje iai (1). cacaa i[ng]i[ng]adje iai (2). naqokos i[ng]i[ng]adje iai (3). naqokos qaa'dje iai (4). 10. biyace bĭnĭjoji—the walls; also distinguished as north, south, east, and west walls. 11. boġance nanijoji—uppermost roof; the main roof. 12. tci[ng]ĕcin—doorway. 13. tcĭlegi—smoke-hole. 14. tcĭlegi nanaai—smoke-hole timber. The same term is applied to the timber marked 7 in the figure.

[Footnote 2: The figures refer to the interior view shown in figure 244.]

[Footnote 3: The numbers in parentheses refer to the ground plan, figure 241.]



INDEX

Page Agriculture among the Navaho 503

Bark used in Navaho structures 493 Benches in Navaho houses 496 Butts and tips in Navaho house building 489, 490

Cardinal Points of the Navaho 488, 500, 502, 508, 511 Carriso Mountains described 477 Ceremony, see Dedication. Chaco Valley described 478, 479 Chelly Canyon occupied by the Navaho 483 Chinlee Valley described 478 Choiskai Mountains described 477 Cornmeal used in Navaho house dedication 504, 505

Dawn God of the Navaho 489 Decoration, lack of, in Navaho houses 487 Dedication of Navaho houses 476, 504 Descent among the Navaho 485 Dogs among the Navaho 484 Doorframes of Navaho houses 492 Drill, fire, of the Navaho 501

Environment, effect of, on primitive people 475 Estufa, see Kiva.

Feast at Navaho house dedication 506 Fire-Making by the Navaho 501 Frog in Navaho genesis 488

Ganamucho, former Navaho chief 478 Genesis of the Navaho 488 Government of the Navaho 485

Hogans, see Houses. Hopi and Navaho compared 485, 486 Houses, see Tcindi Hogan.

Kearny, Gen., conquest of New Mexico by 502 Kivas partly subterranean 496

Land division of, by the Navaho 485 Lukachukai mountains described 477

Matthews, W., acknowledgments to 476, 488 Mindeleff, Victor, data by, on Navaho houses 476 ——, on origin of pueblo house benches 496 Mortuary Customs of the Navaho 487 Myth, see Genesis.

Navaho former and present condition compared 502 —— habitat, description of 477 ——, habits of the 481 ——, modern condition of the 486 —— population 483 New Mexico, see Navaho. Nomenclature of Navaho house building 491, 514-517

Pueblos raided by the Navaho 481

Rain personified by the Navaho 509 Rainbow in Navaho genesis 488 Recesses in Navaho houses 493, 514

Salt-Woman in Navaho genesis 488 Sand Paintings of the Navaho 501, 513 Sheep acquired by the Navaho 485, 486 Sheep-Raising by the Navaho 481 ——, decline of, among the Navaho 503 Sites of Navaho houses 483, 489 Smoking at Navaho house dedication 506 Songs of dedication by Navaho 505-508 ——, Navaho, necessity for correctness of 506 Stephen, A. M., data by, on Navaho houses 476 Summer Shelters of the Navaho 494 Sunbeams in Navaho genesis 488 Sunset God in Navaho mythology 489 Sweat Baths, Navaho method of taking 500 Sweat Houses of the Navaho 499

Taboo of tcindi-hogan 487 Tcĭndi Hogans of the Navaho 487 Tobacco, see Smoking. Tortoise in Navaho genesis 488 Traveling, Navaho method of 484 Tsegi Canyon, see Chelly Canyon. Tunicha Mountains described 477

Vegetation of the Navaho country 480

Water Monster in Navaho genesis 488 Women, Navaho, status of 485

Yebĭtcai ceremony of the Navaho 500 —— hogan of the Navaho 509

* * * * * * * * * * * * * *

turquois spelling as in original (twice) The whole frame, comprising five timbers, is known as tsaci so in original: "tsaci"? On this skin the qacal'i sprinkles iron ochers text has comma: "the qacal'i, sprinkles" under the windy conditions that prevail in their country text reads "prevail n" continue under the new conditions text reads "condi/ditions" at line break May it be delightful with my food and theirs; may all be well; final semicolon absent in original naqokos qaa'dje iai (4) so in original: "qaa'adje"?

THE END