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Maranham, December 31st, 1824.
MOST EXCELLENT SIR,
I have to acquaint your Excellency that a belief that the squadron was about to withdraw and leave the abandoned and disorderly military of this place under the feeble control of his Excellency the President, excited a degree of dread in the public mind amounting almost to a state of frenzy—and convinced me that I had no alternative, but either to abandon the principal inhabitants, and, indeed, the whole white population, to the fury of mercenary troops and blacks—or to remain with the squadron until another President should be nominated by His Imperial Majesty.
This last measure, however, upon mature consideration, appeared to be wholly incompatible with the interests of His Imperial Majesty, not only on account of the violent animosities subsisting between President and people, which, notwithstanding the utmost vigilance on my part, daily disturbed the public tranquillity—but because the presence on shore of nearly the whole of the seamen in the ships of war is requisite to counterbalance the influence and power which the President has obtained over the soldiery and irregular bands, by the impunity with which he has suffered them to act, and by rewards bestowed on persons in the ranks, or of the lowest orders of society. The continued absence of seamen from the ships would, it is evident, endanger the safety of the latter; besides which, the season is now approaching when diseases incident to the climate become prevalent, and would not fail considerably to thin the small force at my disposal.
The necessity of adopting some decided measure became every day more urgent. Representations continued to pour in from all quarters against the conduct of the President. The Consul of His Britannic Majesty, moreover, having heard that the squadron is about to depart, has written me a letter, of which I enclose to your Excellency a copy.
I am aware that it is difficult to follow a course, under the circumstances in which I am placed, that when judged of at a distance, and merely on such evidence as can be conveyed by writing, will leave no room for persons to contend that a different line might have been followed with greater advantage; and I am perfectly aware that whether I had left this province, and anarchy had followed, or whether by remaining I had succeeded in preventing that anarchy, I should equally be exposed to the cavils of those who are always disposed to reprobate the measures actually adopted, whatever they may be.
Having, therefore, but a choice of evils with respect to myself, I have—without further care as to my personal responsibility—pursued that course which, on full consideration, appeared to me to be most conducive to the interests of His Imperial Majesty, and best adapted to secure the tranquillity of this province; and I have reserved for my own security such original documents as will satisfy the mind of His Imperial Majesty on the subject of my conduct in suspending the functions of the President of Maranham.
A few of the many reasons which have induced me thus to take upon myself a heavier responsibility than would have attached to the adoption of either of the measures before alluded to, will be found on the printed paper which I enclose. In that paper, however, I did not consider it proper to set forth all the facts which have come to my knowledge; such as his tampering through various agents with the troops, artillery, and police, and above all with the disbanded "Pedestres;" and the sending of emissaries to the distant quarters of the province to excite the people again to rise in arms for his support—though no legal prerogative which the President does, or ought to possess, had been in any way infringed by me or any person acting under my authority. The fact is, that this gentleman, bred up under the despotic Captains-General, accustomed to their arbitrary proceedings, to the mal-administration of colonial law, and the absence of everything like fair trial, cannot brook any limitation to his power, and has demonstrated his desire, if not to establish an independent sway, at least to act solely according to his will and pleasure. I am anxious to ascribe his faults rather to the circumstances under which he has unfortunately been brought up, and to his advanced age, than to premeditated evil intentions.
I have the satisfaction of adding, that, by the course I have adopted, a desolating civil war has been terminated—the treasury saved further expenditure—and the persons and property of the people have been rescued from destruction, and placed under the protection of the laws.
(Signed) COCHRANE AND MARANHAO.
Such was the history of an affair, which would not have been thus minutely detailed, but for the obloquy against me to which it subsequently gave rise; the ministry afterwards declaring that, to serve my own purposes, I had deposed Bruce, and appointed Lobo in his place—the facts being, that I never deposed him at all, but suspended his functions merely till His Majesty's pleasure should be known—and that, at the very period when this took place, the Administration, unknown to me, had deposed him for the same causes which led me to suspend him! as will appear in the next chapter. Nevertheless, when they found that—acting under the discretion accorded to me by His Imperial Majesty—I had partially only anticipated their own act, and that vituperation against me in my absence might be turned to their own account, they took up the cause of the very man whom they had deposed, and loaded me with abuse for having outraged the feelings and position of a most excellent person nominated by His Majesty to one of the highest offices in the state.
CHAPTER X.
MISREPRESENTATIONS MADE IN ENGLAND—LETTER TO THE EMPEROR—TENDERING MY RESIGNATION—REPAYMENT DEMANDED FROM THE JUNTA—CONDUCT OF THE PRIZE TRIBUNAL—NO ADJUDICATION OF PRIZES INTENDED—LETTER TO THE INTERIM PRESIDENT—DEMANDING THE SUMS OWING TO THE SQUADRON—DISTURBANCE IN PARA—STATEMENT OF ACCOUNT TO THE JUNTA—OFFER OF COMPROMISE—IMPERIAL DECREE—RIGHT OF THE SQUADRON TO THE CLAIM.
Worn down in health by the harassing duties of the naval, military, and civil departments, the conduct of all these wholly devolving upon me, whilst the Ministry at Rio, by withholding instructions, neither incurred trouble nor responsibility—and aware that my character was being traduced by every species of malignity which could be devised by the party whose views were destroyed by the successful manner in which those duties had been performed, I was heartily sick of the ingratitude and misrepresentation with which the service of having twice secured the Northern provinces to Brazil was met on the part of the Administration, in addition to their now apparent determination that neither myself nor the squadron should reap any benefit from the prize property taken in the preceding year, notwithstanding that, under the Andrada ministry, both had been solemnly guaranteed to the captors.
I was, however, even more annoyed on another account, viz. from being apprised that the vilest misrepresentations of my conduct were being sedulously circulated in England by the partisans of the Administration. Their vituperation in Brazil could, to some extent, be met; but the petty meanness of attacking a man in a distant country, without the possibility of his defending himself, was a matter against which no prudence or foresight could guard.
Determined no longer to contend with an Administration, which could thus conduct itself towards an officer whose exertions had been deemed worthy of the highest honours from the Emperor, and the warmest thanks from the National Assembly, I resolved to request permission from His Imperial Majesty to retire from so unequal a contest, for I did not choose spontaneously to abandon the command, without at least some compensation beyond my ordinary pay. Even setting aside the stipulations under which I had entered and continued in the Imperial service—this was at least due to me from the unquestioned fact that to my twice rendered exertions—first as naval Commander-in-Chief; and, secondly, as a pacificator—the empire owed its unity and stability, even in the estimation of European governments, which, now that the provinces were tranquillized and the empire consolidated, exerted themselves to promote peace between Brazil and the mother country.
Accordingly—on New Year's day, 1825—I addressed to the Emperor the following letter:—
SIRE,
The condescension with which your Imperial Majesty has been pleased to permit me to approach your royal person, on matters regarding the public service, and even on those more particularly relating to myself, emboldens me to adopt the only means in my power, at this distance, of craving that your Majesty will be graciously pleased to judge of my conduct in the Imperial service, by the result of my endeavours to promote your Majesty's interests, and not by the false reports spread by those who—for reasons best known to themselves—desire to alienate your Majesty's mind from me, and thus to bring about my removal from your Majesty's service.
Whilst I have the honour to continue as an officer acting under the authority of your Imperial Majesty, I shall ever perform my duty to your Majesty and to the Brazilian people; and I trust that, up to the present day, your Majesty has not felt any reason to doubt my sincerity and fidelity to your Imperial interests. And if his Excellency the Minister of Marine has failed to lay before the public my despatches, and thereby permitted rumours prejudicial to my character to go forth, I respectfully look up to your Imperial Majesty for justice.
In this hope, I most respectfully entreat permission to refer your Imperial Majesty to my letter No. 271, which I addressed to his Excellency the Minister of Marine, from Pernambuco, early in October, previous to my departure from that port, announcing my intention of proceeding northward, and the necessity of so doing, for the pacification of the northern provinces; also to my letter of the 13th of October (No. 273), written from Rio Grande do Norte; and No. 274, dated October 28th, written from Ceara; all of which letters, explicitly describing my proceedings, intentions, and reasons, were duly transmitted, both in original and duplicate, by different conveyances.
I trust that your Imperial Majesty will please to believe me to be sensible that the honours which you have so graciously bestowed upon me, it is my duty not to tarnish; and that your Majesty will further believe that, highly as I prize those honours, I hold the maintenance of my reputation in my native country in equal estimation.
I respectfully crave permission to add, that—perceiving it to be impossible to continue in the service of your Imperial Majesty, without at all times, subjecting my professional character to great risks under the present management of the Marine department—I trust that your Majesty will be graciously pleased to grant me leave to retire from your Imperial service, in which it appears to me that I have now accomplished all that can be expected from me—the authority of your Imperial Majesty being established throughout the whole extent of Brazil.
I have the honour to be Your Imperial Majesty's Dutiful and faithful servant,
COCHRANE AND MARANHAO.
The permission to retire was neither granted, nor was the request noticed, yet—notwithstanding that the ministerial organs of the press teemed with matters injurious to my reputation, and displayed the most unfair comments on my proceedings—no complaint was officially made to me, as indeed none could be made; this ungenerous mode of attack being resorted to, whilst the whole of my letters and despatches were withheld from public knowledge.
On the 3rd of January, intelligence was received that an outbreak had occurred at Caixas, promoted by the adherents of Bruce on learning the fact of his suspension from the presidentship. The interim-president, Lobo, was anxious to re-arm the disbanded troops against them, but this I forbade, telling him that, "in my opinion a military mode of governing was neither suited to the maintenance of tranquillity nor the promotion of obedience to the law, and that it would be better to give the civil law a trial before proceeding to extremities; and that although some outrages had occurred in the heat of party spirit, yet they would probably cease on the intelligence that President Bruce had embarked for Rio de Janeiro." The result was in accordance with these anticipations, for, on learning this fact, the insurgents immediately laid down their arms—being only too glad to escape further notice.
In the expectation that His Imperial Majesty would approve of the act, and that his ministers could offer no opposition, I considered it my duty to the officers and seamen of the squadron, no less than to myself, to obtain repayment from the Junta of Maranham—at least in part—of the sums temporarily left for their use in the preceding year.
It will be remembered that after the expulsion of the Portuguese from Maranham in 1823, considerable sums of money and bonds had been taken in the treasury, custom-house, and other public offices, together with military and other stores—and the value of these, though guaranteed by His Imperial Majesty to the captors, had, with the consent of officers and seamen, been temporarily lent to the then Provisional Government, for the double purpose of satisfying the mutinous troops of Ceara and Piahuy, and carrying on the ordinary functions of Government—there being no other funds available!
At the period of this temporary surrender of the prize property to state exigencies, it was expressly stipulated and fully understood that, as soon as commerce had returned to its usual channels, and with it the customary revenues of the province, the whole should be repaid to the account of the captors. This had not been done, and the officers and men were still losers to the amount, in addition to the non-adjudication of their prizes generally by the Portuguese tribunal at Rio de Janeiro, which, in unprincipled violation of the express decrees of His Imperial Majesty—asserted that "they knew nothing of prizes, and did not know that Brazil was at war with Portugal!" though, in the Imperial order of March 30th, 1823—given for the vigorous blockade of Bahia, His Majesty had explicitly ordered the Portuguese to be considered as "enemies of the empire."—"Distruindo ou tomando todas as forcas Portuguesas que encontrar e fazendo todas damnos possives a os inimigos deste Imperio."
It was further pretended by the tribunal that Bahia and Maranham were not foreign ports, but parts of the Brazilian empire, though, at the time of my appearance before them, both provinces were then, and ever had been, in possession of Portugal; the tribunal, nevertheless, deciding with equal absurdity and injustice, that captures made in those ports, or within three miles of the shore, were unlawful—this decision including, of necessity, the unaccountable declaration, that His Majesty's orders to me to blockade the enemy's port of Bahia, and to take, burn or destroy all Portuguese vessels and property—were also unjust and unlawful! although this was the very purpose for which I had been invited to quit the Chilian service. Yet, notwithstanding this Imperial decision, the tribunal also most inconsistently condemned all ships of war taken (as droits) to the crown, without the slightest compensation to the captors.
But there was still a more flagrant injustice committed, viz. that whilst the officers and seamen were thus deprived of the fruits of their exertions, they became liable to about twenty thousand milreas in the prosecution of their claims; for no other reason than the unwillingness of the prize tribunal to order condemnations injurious to their friends and native country; for as has been said nine out of the thirteen members of the tribunal were Portuguese!
It had, therefore, been long apparent that no adjudication in favour of the squadron was intended, and that its services in having united the empire and saved it from dismemberment, would only be met by continued injustice.
As the property left with the Provisional Government of Maranham had been used for the benefit of that province, and as no part of it had ever been repaid, I determined that those to whom it was due should not, at least, be defrauded of that portion of their claims, or of a reasonable compromise thereof; and therefore I addressed to the interim-president the following letter:—
TO HIS EXCELLENCY MANOEL TELLES DA SILVA LOBO, PRESIDENT INTERINO.
SIR,
The public duties which I had to perform for the service of His Imperial Majesty, and the pacification of this province, being now happily brought to a termination, it becomes my duty, as Commander-in-chief, to call your Excellency's attention to some facts concerning the interests of the officers and seamen under my command.
On the occasion of my former visit, in 1823, which was so happily instrumental in rescuing this province from the yoke of Portugal and annexing it to the Empire, I was desirous of rendering the service performed still more grateful to the people by voluntarily granting, in the conditions of capitulation, not only my guarantee for the inviolability of all Brazilian property then under the Portuguese flag, but also of all the property belonging to resident Portuguese who should subscribe to the independence of the Empire, and the authority of His Imperial Majesty. These conditions were most scrupulously observed and fulfilled on my part, without the slightest infringement in any one instance.
But—on the other hand—it was expressly set forth in the terms of capitulation, that all property belonging to those who remained in hostility—that is to say, property belonging to the crown or government of Portugal, or to absent Portuguese (though with respect to the latter a commutation was subsequently consented to) being, according to the laws of war, subject to condemnation to the captors —should be delivered to the captors accordingly, to be, by themselves, subjected to the customary investigation in the prize tribunals of His Imperial Majesty.
Amongst other articles of property of this description were, of course, included the money due on the balance of public accounts to the crown of Portugal, and this amount—partly in specie and partly in bills—was held in readiness by the capitulating authorities to be delivered when required. But, as my attention was for some time solely directed to the arrangement of public affairs, I neglected to call for the said balance until the new Junta of Government, chosen under my authority, had taken possession of their office, and obtained the control of the public moneys.
After several applications on my part to the said Junta, and as many evasions on their part, I had, at last, a personal conference with them on the subject—on which occasion they solicited, as a particular favour, that I would permit the amount to remain in their hands, for the purpose of satisfying the claims of the troops of Piahuy and Ceara, whom they represented as being clamorous for their pay. To this request I agreed, under the assurance that I should receive bills from the said Junta for the amount. These, however, they not only evaded granting, but, when afterwards called upon for a receipt, they declined giving any acknowledgment.
To the truth, however, of the main fact, viz., the claims of myself, and the officers and men under my command, your Excellency has now the power of satisfying yourself by a reference to the official documents that passed between the functionaries of government and myself, both previous and subsequent to the surrender of the Portuguese authorities in this province.
The conduct of this Junta has proved to be merely a type of that which we have since experienced on a larger scale at the hands of the supreme tribunal of justice at Rio de Janeiro. But there is a point beyond which forbearance ceases to be a virtue, and I now call upon your Excellency to direct that the Junta of Fazenda, who so unjustly and deceitfully withheld from the officers and men the property above described, shall, with all convenient despatch, proceed to the adjustment of the claim in question.
An attested copy of the accounts, signed by the members of the late Portuguese Junta of Government—being in my possession, I enclose a copy thereof, which your Excellency can cause to be compared with the original treasury and custom-house books. I likewise enclose to your Excellency a copy of a gracious communication which I received from His Imperial Majesty—the original of which, in His Majesty's own handwriting, is now in my possession.
This will enable your Excellency to judge as to what the understanding and intentions of His Imperial Majesty really are, with respect to the claims of the squadron—when influenced by the dictates of honour and his own unbiassed judgment.
Nevertheless—should your Excellency consider it necessary, I have no objection to prosecute the claims of the officers and seamen to the balance before alluded to—in the Court of Admiralty which your Excellency is about to convene. But I beg it may be distinctly understood that I hold myself bound not to relax in any way from my determination that these accounts shall be settled, so as to enable me to fulfil the duty which I am engaged to perform to those under my command.
(Signed) COCHRANE AND MARANHAO.
To my annoyance Para became the scene of renewed disturbance, and even the life of the President was threatened. This was disheartening, as evincing a desire on the part of the provinces to pursue—each its own separate course; proving the deep hold which the counsels of Palmella had taken to promote anarchy by fostering provincial pride—as a means to promote discord, and thus to reduce the newly-formed empire to insignificance and ruin,—from the same cause which had befallen the liberated provinces of Spanish America.
Not having been furnished with troops, it was difficult to spare a force to meet this new emergency. There was no time, however, for hesitation, so I despatched the Atalanta to Para, with a detachment of the best seamen, under the command of Lieutenants Clarence and Reed, upon whose zeal every reliance was to be placed; at the same time sending a recommendation to the President to use the force for the purpose of remitting to me those who had threatened his life, and of overawing those who had been endeavouring to subvert his authority.
The Junta of Fazenda having now assembled, I transmitted to them the following;
GENERAL STATEMENT
Of the money and other property claimed by the squadron on the surrender of the Portuguese authorities of Maranham; in conformity to the laws relative to matters of prize, and the gracious decrees of His Imperial Majesty:—
Milreis. Treasury and custom-house 62,000 000 In bills and debts 147,000 000 Value of artillery, stores, and ammunition, say 100,000,000 at 1/5th for the squadron 20,000 000 Value of stores in the arsenal, including gunboats, launches, boats, and materials of all kinds 25,000,000 ___ Public property 254,000 000
Obligations delivered as Portuguese property under the decree of H.I.M. of Dec. 11th, 1822; by that decree confiscated to the Crown, but by the gracious bounty of H.I.M. awarded to the squadron, in his own handwriting, dated 12th February, 1824 170,196 461 ___ Sum total 424,196 461
Together with this statement of account, I forwarded the following offer of compromise, on the part of the squadron, for the payment of one-fourth only:—
His Imperial Majesty, having—by decree of the 11th of December, 1822—commanded the seizure and confiscation of all merchandise in the custom-houses of Brazil belonging to Portuguese subjects—all merchandise so belonging, or the proceeds thereof, in the hands of merchants—and all vessels or parts of vessels belonging to such subjects—I, therefore, in conformity with the said decree, having, on the occasion of the capitulation of Maranham, directed, that all persons having property in their hands of the nature set forth in the said decree, should deliver in an account of the same; and the bills and papers herewith annexed having been given up by their respective holders as Portuguese property of the description set forth, the said bills and papers are now laid before the Court of Vice-Admiralty, in order to the adjudication thereof in conformity to the said decree.
But, whereas, the said Imperial decree could not be enforced at Maranham in the ordinary manner, by means of civil officers acting under the authority of His Imperial Majesty, by reason of the port and province being under the authority and government of Portugal; And whereas, His Imperial Majesty, in consideration of the annexation of the said port and province to the Empire, by the naval means under my command—and generally of other important services—was graciously pleased, by virtue of a grant in his own handwriting, bearing date the 12th day of February last, to accord the value of the seizures to the officers and men as a reward for their exertions and services; the said officers and men agree to surrender these bills and the property, as set forth in the annexed list, amounting to 484,196,461, together with all other claims, for the sum of one-fourth, or 106,000, to be paid by the Treasury of Maranham by instalments, within the period of thirty days from the date hereof.
(Signed) COCHRANE AND MARANHAO.
The following is the Imperial decree alluded to in the preceding letter:—
DECREE.
It being obvious that the scandalous proceedings and hostility manifested by the government of Portugal against the liberty, honour, and interests of this Empire, and by the captious insinuations of the demagogical congress of Lisbon, which—seeing it impracticable to enslave this rich region and its generous inhabitants—endeavours to oppress them with all kinds of evils, and civil war, which has occurred through their barbarous vandalism. It being one of my principal duties, as Constitutional Emperor and Defender of this vast Empire, to adopt all measures to render effective the security of the country, and its defence efficient against further and desperate attempts which its enemies may adopt; and also to deprive, as far as possible, the inhabitants of that kingdom from continuing to act hostilely against Brazil—tyrannizing over my good and honourable subjects— deem it well to order that there be placed in effective sequestration,
1st. All goods and merchandise existing in the custom-houses of this Empire, belonging to subjects of the kingdom of Portugal.
2nd. All Portuguese merchandise, or the value thereof, which exists in the hands of subjects of this Empire.
3rd. All real and agricultural property, held under the same circumstances.
4th. Finally, all vessels or parts of vessels, which belong to merchants of the said kingdom. There being excepted from this sequestration, bills of the national bank, banks of security, and those of the Iron Company of Villa Sorocaba.
Joseph Bonifacio de Andrada e Silva, of my Council of State, Minister of the Interior, and of Foreign Affairs, shall cause the execution of this decree.
Given in the Palace of Rio de Janeiro, December the Eleventh, 1822, first of the Independence of the Empire.
With the Rubrica of His Imperial Majesty,
JOSE BONIFACIO DE ANDRADE E SILVA.
These documents—coupled with the decree of Dec. 1822, awarding the above confiscations to the captors—shew so clearly the right of the squadron's claim, and the injustice of the course pursued by the prize tribunal at Rio de Janeiro, in refusing to adjudge Portuguese property to the captors, that further comment is unnecessary. In order, however, to give every possible information relative to a matter which has been, to me, a cause of so much obloquy, I subjoin my letter to the interim President, accompanying the preceding documents:—
SIR,
I have the honour to enclose to your Excellency, two hundred and sixty obligations seized under the orders of His Imperial Majesty—dated the 11th December, 1822—which I request you will be pleased to cause to be laid before the Junta of Fazenda, together with the papers enclosed, in order that the Junta may take the necessary steps to the liquidation of the just and moderate claims of the officers and seamen. I further beg your Excellency will be pleased to intimate to the Junta, that I cannot abstain from taking whatever measures may be necessary to prevent the violation of the laws and regulations of the military service—the infraction of the express engagement of His Imperial Majesty—and the consequent disorganization of the squadron, so essential for the maintenance of tranquillity, and the preservation of the independence of the Empire.
(Signed) COCHRANE AND MARANHAO.
20th Jan. 1825.
CHAPTER XI.
IMPERIAL APPROVAL—CONTINUED ENMITY OF THE ADMINISTRATION—JUNTA REFUSES TO PAY THE SQUADRON'S CLAIM—I PERSEVERE IN THE DEMAND—JUNTA AGREES TO PAY THE AMOUNT IN BILLS—THIS REFUSED—ARRIVAL OF A NEW PRESIDENT—BUT WITHOUT AUTHORITY FOR THE ASSUMPTION—INTRIGUES TO ESTABLISH HIM IN OFFICE—I ORDER HIM TO QUIT THE PROVINCE—AND SEND HIM TO PARA—LETTER TO THE PRESIDENT OF CEARA—INTERNATIONAL ANIMOSITIES—THE SQUADRON LEFT TO PROVIDE FOR ITSELF—ABUSE OF AUTHORITY—EXPLANATIONS TO MINISTER OF MARINE—OF TRANSACTIONS AT MARANHAM—LETTER TO CARVALHO E MELLO—ANTICIPATING MINISTERIAL DISPLEASURE—THE JUNTA REIMBURSES PART OF ITS DEBT.
On the 16th of January I had at length the satisfaction to receive, through the Minister of Marine, the Emperor's approval of the course pursued in the pacification of the Northern provinces, and his confirmation of the changes that had been made in their administration. Still not a word of instruction was vouchsafed for my future guidance.
The subjoined is the letter conveying His Imperial Majesty's approval of my acts and judgment:—
His Imperial Majesty commands the Secretary of State of the Marine to apprise the First Admiral, Commander-in-Chief of the naval forces of this Empire, that His Majesty received his despatches by the schooner Maria de Gloria, by which His Majesty was informed of his proceedings, and approves of his determination to proceed to the Northern provinces, where the fire of rebellion has been lighted, with a view to establish therein the order and obedience due to the said august sovereign, a duty which he has so wisely and judiciously undertaken, and in which course he must continue, notwithstanding the previous instructions sent to him, bearing date the 4th of October last, which instructions are hereby annulled until he shall attain the highly important objects proposed in the before-mentioned provinces, viz., till they submit themselves to the authorities lately appointed, and enjoy the benefits of the paternal Government of His Imperial Majesty.
Palace of Rio Janeiro, Dec. 2, 1824.
(Signed) FRANCISCA VILLELA BARBOSA.
To this letter—annulling my recall after the fall of Pernambuco—I returned the following reply:—
No. 289.
MOST EXCELLENT SIR,
Since I had the honour of addressing your Excellency in my letter, No. 288, I have not had any further intelligence from Para; I therefore conclude that the officers and seamen whom I detached there, will be sufficient to aid the President in maintaining good order.
Here, nothing particular has happened, beyond the collecting of a few runaway soldiers and vagabonds in the woods. A party detached in pursuit of them, dispersed them all, and brought in several prisoners yesterday.
I have received your Excellency's communication by the schooner Maria de Gloria, and feel highly gratified that His Imperial Majesty has been pleased to approve of the course which I have pursued for the termination of dissensions in the Northern provinces. Since the gracious communication of His Imperial Majesty, I feel less weight of responsibility in the course which circumstances have compelled me to follow, with a view to restore order in the province of Maranham.
I hope soon to inform your Excellency that the task which His Imperial Majesty has been further pleased to confide to me, of causing the newly-appointed authorities to be acknowledged, is accomplished; but I beg respectfully again to add my opinion that these Northern provinces will not long continue in a state of tranquillity, unless the provincial forces are shifted to other quarters of the empire. In fact, if attention be not paid to this, I consider that these provinces will shortly be entirely lost, both to the empire of Brazil and to Portugal.
(Signed) COCHRANE AND MARANHAO. Jan. 21, 1834.
The continued absence of even the slightest instructions for my guidance—coupled with the Imperial approval of all I had done upon my own responsibility, naturally implied that it was considered better to leave me entirely unfettered by orders, which, if given at all, must be issued in ignorance of the actual state of things which required renovation. In this light I should have regarded the omission to direct my conduct, but for the warnings privately received, to be careful what I was about, for that, despite any apparent public approval of my proceedings, my enemies in the administration were on the watch for some act which might be construed to my disadvantage, and thus become the pretext for blame which should outweigh the praise accorded. The opportunity I felt had already been afforded by the suspension of Bruce from the presidency, notwithstanding that this—as has been seen—was fully justified by circumstances, and was not resorted to without deliberate consideration, and the deepest conviction of its necessity. Still, any opposition to the suspension of Bruce could only be factious, for, on the 2nd of December, the Minister of Marine had in anticipation forwarded to me a list of new presidents and generals-at-arms, every person in authority throughout the whole extent of the Northern coast being changed—with the exception of the president of Para; so that there was every reason to anticipate that even the strong measures which I had been compelled to adopt with regard to Bruce would meet the views of His Imperial Majesty.
On the 31st of January, the interim President apprised me that the Junta refused to liquidate any part of the claim made in behalf of the squadron. Upon this refusal, I wrote to the Junta that, such being their decision, I would hold them personally responsible that no bills, debts, nor claims of any kind beyond the current expenses of government should be paid, till this prior claim—in honour and justice due to the officers and seamen, who had generously advanced their prize money to meet state exigencies—should be liquidated; adding, that the seamen relied on me for justice, and if my warning were not attended to, I should be compelled to take such steps as the necessity of upholding the interests of the crown and the efficiency of the naval service appeared to demand.
In taking this step, I frankly admit that it was the only way to obtain from the Government of Maranham even a compromise for the amount owing by the province to the captors. I had every confidence in His Imperial Majesty that as far as lay in his power justice would be done, as evinced by the acknowledgments given in his own handwriting in opposition to the measures of his ministers, on whom, or the prize tribunal, no reliance could be placed; the former having done all in their power to thwart my efforts in His Majesty's service, whilst the tribunal, acting by the sanction or in conformity to the known wishes of the ministry, had delayed adjudication, with the evident intention of evading it altogether, except in cases which gave a colour for condemning me in damages, in which respect—apparently their only object—they were prompt enough.
I therefore determined that as a specific portion of the prize property taken at Maranham in 1823, had, at its own request, been given up to the provisional Government, upon the express understanding of repayment —without which it could not have been thus surrendered—the Junta should be made to preserve their own good faith, as well as mine, to the squadron, which, relying on my promises, had been influenced temporarily to devote to the exigencies of the State that which by imperial decree, as well as according to the laws of all nations, was their undoubted right.
My orders to the Junta of Fazenda not to pay any claims—with the exception of the ordinary expenses of Government—till those of the squadron had been satisfied, were, however, almost superogatory; for, on a visit of inspection to the arsenal on the 2nd of February, it appeared that they had established a system of not paying any debts, even those incurred for the provisions of the squadron, the contract prices being set down at treble the market price! This overcharge was accounted for by the merchants on the ground of dilatory payments, which could only be obtained at all from the Junta by fees to those whose duty it was to pass the accounts! To counteract this, I requested the interim President to forbid any further purchases on the part of the provincial Government, as, in future, I would make them myself, and, what was more to the purpose, pay for them.
By limiting the demand of repayment to one-fourth only of the amount captured from the Portuguese Government, I was not pressing at all severely upon the resources of the province, which is one of the richest in Brazil; nor should I have put them to any inconvenience had I demanded repayment of the whole, as I justly might have done.
On the 8th of February, the Junta of Fazenda sent me a verbal communication to the effect that they would give the sum agreed upon in commutation of prize money due to the captors—in five bills, payable in five months. As I knew that, in case of my departure, these would not be worth the paper upon which they were written, I refused the offer, adding that, after the course pursued by the prize tribunal at Rio de Janeiro the seamen had no faith in promises.
Finding that the Junta shewed every disposition to evade the demand, I requested a personal interview with that body, intimating that I expected all the members to be present. At this interview, I told the Junta that all the documents necessary in support of the claim had been laid before them, these being too precise to admit of dispute—that they had no right in law, justice, or precedent, to withhold the portion of the prize property left at Maranham, by the request of the provisional government, no funds of their own being then available to meet the exigencies which had arisen—and therefore they were in honour bound to restore it.
I was induced to adopt this step, not only on account of the evasive conduct experienced at the hands of the administration at Rio de Janeiro, but because I knew that negotiations were actually pending for the restitution of all the Portuguese property captured, as a basis of the projected peace between Portugal and Brazil; in other words, that the squadron—whose exertions had added to the Empire a territory larger than the whole empire as it existed previous to the complete expulsion of the Portuguese—was to be altogether sacrificed to a settlement which its own termination of the war had brought about. So barefaced a proceeding towards those whose services had been engaged on the express stipulation of a right to all captures is, perhaps, unparalleled in the history of nations; and, as both officers and men looked to me for protection, I determined to persevere in demanding from the Government of Maranham—at least a compromise of the sums which the captors had, in 1823, lent to its pressing exigencies.
No small amount of obloquy has been attached to me with regard to this act of justice, the only one the squadron was ever likely to obtain; but the transaction involved my own good faith with both officers and men, who had lent the money solely on my assurance that the Government at Rio de Janeiro could not do otherwise than refund the amount—so important was it at the time, that the pressing difficulties of the province should be promptly met. A man must have a singularly constituted mind, who, in my position, would have acted otherwise. To this subject it will be necessary to recur.
On the 7th of February, I was surprised by an intimation from Pedro Jose da Costa Barros, of his intention to assume the presidency of Maranham, founding his pretensions upon a letter addressed to Bruce, whom I had suspended. At first—believing that he possessed the requisite authority—I invited him to take possession of the office, but finding that he had no patent to shew for the appointment, I considered it my duty to His Majesty not to admit such pretensions till their validity was established, and therefore told Barros that he must await the official communications from Rio de Janeiro, before I could acknowledge him as president—for that tranquillity being now restored, I would not have the minds of the people again unsettled on the mere presumption of his appointment.
In this arrangement Barros appeared to acquiesce, but being a well-known partisan of the Portuguese faction, he was soon surrounded by the adherents of that party in Maranham. On the 10th of March, a series of allegations was forwarded to me by the party of Barros against the interim President, but as they were of the most insignificant nature, and unsupported by proof, I refused to pay attention to them. They were shortly afterwards followed by a letter from Barros to the same purport, but without any specific accusation against Lobo, whom he nevertheless represented as about to fly from Maranham in order to evade the punishment due to his crimes! Upon this I addressed to him the following letter demanding specific charges against the interim President:—
Maranham, 10th March, 1825.
SIR,
I have received your Excellency's letter, in which the interim President, Manuel Pellas da Silva Lobo, is charged with an intention of departing from Maranham in a sudden and clandestine manner, and in which your Excellency calls on me to adopt measures for the prevention of his flight. I must, however, represent to your Excellency that, since I have been in this province, so many reports have been made to me with the greatest confidence, impeaching the character and motives of individuals—all of which have proved unfounded—that I feel it impossible to act with any propriety on your Excellency's intimation—without being furnished with proof of the truth of the allegation.
Your Excellency, I am persuaded, is too honourable to propagate so serious a charge without believing it to be well founded, and I cannot doubt that you will have the candour to admit that I am entitled to be made acquainted with the grounds on which your Excellency's belief rests, before proceeding to any measure of severity against the party accused.
I have further to request that your Excellency will be pleased to say for what crime, or crimes, the President interino is supposed to be about to abandon—not only this province—but to flee from his native country?
(Signed) COCHRANE AND MARANHAO.
To PEDRO JOSE DE COSTA BARROS.
The charges against Lobo, I well knew to have been fabricated for the purpose of getting me to place him in arrest, and instal Barros in the presidency. This plot failing, I learned, on the following day, that arrangements had been made for the forcible seizure of the interim President's person without any specific cause for dissatisfaction with his government, which was in all respects just and excellent. Finding the spirit of intrigue thus again manifested for the neutralisation of all my efforts to restore order and prosperity to the province—to the discomfiture of the intriguants—I again, on the 11th of March, declared martial law. Such was the terror inspired by this act in the minds of those who had fomented renewed disorder, that, anticipating summary retribution from me, they prepared for the flight of which they had accused an innocent man. On learning this, I despatched a vessel with a competent officer to cruise at the mouth of the port, under orders neither to let ships nor passengers leave without passports counter-signed by myself.
Having received a letter from Jose Feliz de Azevedo e Sa, the President of Ceara, warning me of the intentions of Barros, who had come from that province, I was confirmed in my determination that the good which had been effected at Maranham should not be neutralised by one who had no authority to shew for his interference. Accordingly, I wrote to Barros the following order to quit the province forthwith, until His Majesty's intentions with regard to him should be made known:—
March 11th,1825.
SIR,
Your Excellency having acquainted me that the President interino intended to fly from justice, at the same time calling upon me to take precautionary measures to prevent his escape, without setting forth any crime of which he had been guilty; and further, with regard to my letter requesting that you would make known the nature of the delinquency which impelled the said President interino to fly from the province, you have not considered it necessary to give the slightest explanation.
Now, as I have ample reason to believe the whole allegation to be a fabrication—as I know that your Excellency—instead of waiting, as is your duty, for communications from His Imperial Majesty —has, by your countenance, suffered to be stirred up a spirit of dissension and party, and as I understand the laws which I have been compelled to call into operation to prevent greater evils.
I have to acquaint your Excellency that I have provided a convenient conveyance for your Excellency and suite, in order that you may reside in the neighbouring province of Para, until the arrival of orders from His Imperial Majesty; and that my barge will be at the service of your Excellency and suite at any hour to-morrow, between sunrise and sunset, in order to proceed to the anchorage of the Pedro 1'ro, where you will find the Cacique ready for your reception.
(Signed) COCHRANE AND MARANHAO.
To PEDRO JOSE DE COSTA BARROS.
Barros strongly remonstrated against this proceeding; but knowing that the machinations of his party had been the direct cause of renewed disorders, I resolved not to give way; telling him that he had only himself to blame, by not having abstained from meddling with public affairs till the arrival of competent authority from His Imperial Majesty. Accordingly, I insisted on his immediately embarking on board the Cacique, in charge of Captain Manson, for conveyance to Para, to the President of which province I addressed the following letter:—
Maranham, 13th March,1825.
MOST EXCELLENT SIR,
Since I had the honour of writing to your Excellency, Pedro Jose de Costa Barros, who arrived from Ceara with the intention to take upon himself the office of President here—has unfortunately been the occasion of stirring up old animosities, which I had hoped experience might have taught him the advantage of leaving dormant. Had Barros been provided with proper authority under the sign manual of His Imperial Majesty, the difficulties that have occurred since his arrival might have been prevented; though I am extremely apprehensive that if ever he shall be invested with such authority, still greater evils will befal the province. The Portuguese party are in favour of Barros, and have expressed their sentiments unequivocally, and this your Excellency knows is sufficient to raise up the native Brazilians against him.
The Portuguese and some others had combined to place Barros in the Presidency by force, which intention I happily frustrated by arriving in Maranham with a considerable reinforcement from the Pedro Primiero, at midnight—when the attempt was to have occurred. To put a stop to proceedings so injurious to the interests of His Imperial Majesty and the public, I have felt it necessary to remove Barros from Maranham until his commission shall arrive, or until His Majesty's pleasure respecting the appointment of Manoel Telles da Silva Lobo, shall be known. Barros therefore proceeds in the Cacique (which is the bearer of this) to Para—where having no pretensions, he will have no partisans, and will be inoffensive.
I have not time, nor would it be of any utility to occupy your Excellency with a minute detail of the affairs of this province, whilst your Excellency has so much to do in that under your immediate superintendence: I am convinced that in all I have done, I have acted in conformity with the true interests of His Majesty and his people, and am in no degree under any apprehension that the malevolent aspersions of self-interested or disappointed individuals will have the least influence on any candid mind, when a real statement of facts shall be laid before the public.
I shall be gratified if your Excellency attains the satisfaction of preserving the province of Para free from those party dissensions, the danger and inconvenience of which are best known to those who are obliged to be on the watch to counteract them.
(Signed) COCHRANE AND MARANHAO.
To Jose Feliz de Azevedo e Sa, the President of Ceara, I addressed the subjoined letter of thanks for the warning he had given me respecting Barros:—
Maranham, March 16th, 1825.
MOST EXCELLENT SIR,
I have to offer your Excellency many thanks for your kind letter, informing me, by anticipation, of the character of an individual whose principles and plans I was not long in discovering. Scarcely had he placed his foot on the soil of Maranham, when he was surrounded by all the Portuguese of the city, who expressed their joy at his arrival in no equivocal manner. To give you a history of his intrigues would require pages. Suffice it to say, that—after having attempted to thrust himself into the Government within forty-eight hours after his arrival,—without having any lawful commission from His Imperial Majesty—and being defeated in that object—he placed himself at the head of a faction, brought charges against the President interino, and on the night of the 10th formed a plan to seize his person! This, however, I defeated, and as his charges against Lobo were entirely false and malicious, I have sent him off to Para, there to await the determination of His Imperial Majesty.
The intrigues here are so numerous, and there are so many interests to reconcile, that the harmony now restored will probably cease with the departure of the force under my command. But it is obvious that the squadron cannot remain here for ever to watch over private broils and feuds of so contemptible a nature. The only thing of which I am seriously afraid, is the influence and number of the Portuguese settled here, should they find a president desirous of promoting their views and supposed interests.
(Signed) COCHRANE AND MARANHAO.
There was great difficulty to act for the best in this matter: but whether Barros were appointed to the presidency or not, the course taken was the only one even temporarily to ensure public tranquillity. If appointed, it was evident, from his acts, that he had been selected by the administration to put in execution their anti-Brazilian projects; whilst the Portuguese party in Maranham unequivocally expressed their intention to revive the old animosities between themselves and the native Brazilians; thus causing a renewal of disorder which I was determined not to permit, in favour of one who had no patent to shew for his assumption of authority.
This monstrous state of affairs—fostered by the Imperial administration—was a natural consequence of their Portuguese predilections, and could not have existed, except from want of union amongst the Brazilians themselves, who, unskilled in political organization, were compelled to submit to a foreign faction, unable to carry out its own views, and only powerful in thwarting those of the patriots. Their policy was the more reprehensible, for even the government of the mother country conceded that Brazil was too extensive and powerful to be again reduced to a state of colonial dependence, and therefore confined its aims to the Northern provinces, the Portuguese party in the administration seconding the intentions of the parent state; both, however, shutting their eyes to the fact, that, if these were separated from Brazil, they would become disorganized in a vain attempt to imitate the constitution of the United States—by whose more enlightened citizens they were greatly influenced—and, as a consequence, would be lost both to the parent state and the Empire. As it was, all I had effected for their annexation and tranquillization was regarded with perfect hatred by the Portuguese residents in the provinces as well as by the administration, who did everything in their power to thwart my measures for the union and consolidation of the Empire.
During the whole of this period, I repeat that I had received no communication from Rio de Janeiro, with the exception of the letter before mentioned, with the rubrick of His Imperial Majesty, thanking me for the course I had pursued. Though no instructions were sent for my guidance, nor any fault found with my acts, yet, from private sources, I was advised that my success in restoring order to the Northern provinces had greatly embittered the administration against me, as having destroyed the hopes of Portugal—expressed through Palmella—of profiting by disorder. I was also left to provide for the pay and maintenance of the squadron, one vessel only with supplies having been forwarded since our departure from Rio de Janeiro, in the preceding August!
Notwithstanding this marked neglect, I took care to keep the administration well advised of all my proceedings, and the causes thereof, the following being extracts from my letters to the Minister of Marine, respecting the events just narrated:—
No. 290.
Maranham, March 16th, 1825.
I beg to acquaint your Excellency, for the satisfaction of the Imperial government, that I have caused the provinces which required military assistance, to furnish pay and provisions for the ships immediately under my command; and further, that I have required the government of Maranham to pay, as a recompence to the officers and seamen, one-fourth part of the amount of money and bills, and one-fifth part of the value of the military stores surrendered by the Portuguese authorities on the 28th of July, 1823. Thus the Imperial government at Rio de Janeiro will be relieved from considerable disbursement, and the officers and seamen—notwithstanding the great additional trouble to which they have been put—will be satisfied, so far as regards their claim to the value of their captures in compensation for their services at Maranham.
I cannot refrain from drawing the attention of the Imperial government to the abuses which exist in every department of the provincial government, where, notwithstanding the great revenue derived from various sources, the Junta of Fazenda possess so little credit, that their bills have actually been sold at 30 per cent. discount, and I am credibly informed that no money can, at any time, be received from the treasury without a heavy per centage being given to the inferior officers; but how such per centages are afterwards disposed of, is to me unknown.
The price at which provisions were being purchased by the Intendente for the use of the squadron being exorbitant, I instituted a minute inquiry, the result of which was the discovery of a fraudulent system which I abolished by purchasing our own provisions. American salt beef, for which the Provincial Government charged 25 milreis the barrel, I have purchased for 12 milreis—pork charged 32 milreis, I buy for 15-1/2 milreis. Bread is charged 10 milreis the quintal, whilst the English sloop-of-war Jaseur is purchasing it at 5 milreis, for bills on England. Indeed, the abuses here of all kinds are too numerous to be detailed by letter, and to endeavour to put a stop to them, unless under the express authority and protection of the Imperial Government, would be a thankless task.
* * * * *
No. 291.
Maranham, March 17th, 1825.
The difficulties with which I have had to contend in this province have been greatly increased by the arrival of Pedro Jose de Costa Barros on the 5th of last month—when intrigue within intrigue was set on foot by different parties, and which—if Barros were placed in power—I clearly foresaw would end in anarchy and bloodshed—and probably in the destruction of all the Portuguese part of the community, whose unequivocal reception of a partisan President excited at once the jealousy and distrust of the Brazilians.
Under these circumstances, I felt that the only course to be adopted, for the prevention of serious evils, was to defer the introduction of Barros into authority, and to leave Lobo as President interino, until further directions from the Imperial Government. This additional degree of responsibility I took upon myself with the less reluctance, as Barros had no other authority to assume the Government than a letter to Bruce, whom I had previously been compelled to suspend from office and send to Rio—to whom, therefore, such letter could not be delivered. Besides which, having appointed Lobo to be President interino, until His Majesty's pleasure should be known, I could not consistently consent to his removal from office until His Majesty was acquainted with his appointment, and had expressed his pleasure thereon.
* * * * *
No. 292.
Maranham, March 18th, 1825.
As I observe by the Lisbon newspapers that most of the vessels acquitted by the Court of Admiralty have arrived at Lisbon, I beg to call your Excellency's attention to the fact that I have received no reply to my letter addressed to your Excellency on the 1st of August last, requesting to know whether, in addition to the loss of the property, which ought to have been condemned, I was personally liable to the enormous costs and damages decreed against me by that tribunal.
* * * * *
No. 293.
Maranham, March 18, 1825.
In my letter, No. 291, I acquainted your Excellency of the course pursued with regard to Pedro Jose de Costa Barros, who, under the mistaken counsels of a faction here, would have again involved this province in scenes of bloodshed and confusion. It is neither my duty nor inclination to become a tool in the hands of any faction, whose views are contrary to the true interests of His Imperial Majesty, and, were they countenanced and protected, would infallibly involve all Brazil in civil war and anarchy.
I contented myself, however, with continuing the usual precautions, which were sufficient to prevent disasters till His Majesty's pleasure, with regard to recent occurrences in this province, should become known, of which I have been in daily expectation for some time past; but Barros—after agreeing to await the expected instructions—considered that he had gained over a sufficient party to overthrow the government by violent means, and addressed to me the letter A, which was considered by him a sufficient pretext to warrant the imprisonment of the President interino, during my temporary absence on board the flagship, whence, it was supposed, I should not be able to arrive in time to prevent the execution of that violent measure; and I regret to add, that, in this plot—so prejudicial to His Majesty's interests, and so disgraceful to the parties concerned—persons whose duty it was to have at once combatted such unjustifiable proceedings took an underhand but active part. The letters of Barros, A and B, will sufficiently shew the violence of his prejudices, his credulity, and precipitancy in acting upon false information and reports, as well as his total ignorance of law and justice, in requiring the seizure of an individual without specifying either crime or accuser.
I enclose to your Excellency all the correspondence which has taken place between Barros and myself, together with the proclamation which I felt it my duty to issue for the maintenance of order; for the legal department here now profess to consider that, although the constitution has been granted and accepted, they have no authority to put it in practice—hence, between the ancient and new laws, justice is at a stand.
(Signed) COCHRANE AND MARANHAO.
To these and all my previous communications no reply was returned either in the way of approval or otherwise. There was, however, one member of the administration, Luiz Jose Carvalho e Mello, who had ever been my friend, being himself a man of patriotic and enlightened views, but without the influence to counteract the designs of his Portuguese colleagues. As I knew from private sources, that this silence had its objects, I addressed to Carvalho e Mello the following letter:—
Maranham, March 22nd, 1825.
MOST EXCELLENT SIR,
By the arrival of my despatches transmitted by the George and other ships, your Excellency will have been successively informed of such public transactions and occurrences as seemed to me worthy of the attention of the Imperial Government. But notwithstanding that three months and upwards have now elapsed since the date of my first communications, I have the misfortune (for so I must call it) to be left without any precise or applicable instructions from Rio de Janeiro. The responsibility, therefore, rests entirely on my shoulders, and I feel this the more—being aware that not only shall I meet with no support from the majority of the Ministry itself—but that the most powerful faction in Rio de Janeiro will represent every thing I have done—or may do—in the blackest colours.
I console myself, however, with the knowledge that I possess the means of exposing the falsehood of every allegation that can be brought against me. I have acted towards His Imperial Majesty and the Brazilian nation, in the same manner as I should have done for my native Sovereign and country; and I must say—that, had I freed the shores of England from a superior hostile force, and rescued half the country from the dominion of an enemy—the British Government would not have left me to seek the fruit of my labours, and those of the officers and seamen who served with me, in the manner in which I have been compelled to seek them in Brazil; and would never have subjected me to the necessity of having recourse to measures capable of being so perversely represented as to obscure for a time that credit to which I am entitled for the successful conduct of the naval war. I am, however, resolved never to be deterred, by fear of consequences, from using every endeavour within my power to obtain justice for all who have continued to perform their duty in the Imperial service. And I have the less hesitation in persevering in this resolution—because it cannot be denied that I have strictly limited the claims of the naval service to such rewards as would have been admitted to be due, under similar circumstances, in the navy of England.
I have used the freedom to say thus much to your Excellency as my friend—because I am well aware that the old cry of the Portuguese faction in Rio will be set up against me the moment they hear that I have caused the Junta of Fazenda of this province to pay a part of the amount of the money and bills taken on the surrender of the Portuguese authorities at Maranham. This, of course, though only one-fourth of the amount due, will be represented as an outrageous robbery; but I again say, that it is not from the Portuguese faction at Rio, that I expect either credit or justice. Their object is sufficiently evident, namely—the expulsion of every foreign officer from the service, by means of privation and insult, in order that they may fill the ships with their Portuguese countrymen and dependents; a result which I should lament to witness, because fraught with mischief to His Imperial Majesty and Brazil.
I feel myself much shaken in health by the great heat of the climate, and the anxiety occasioned by the peculiar circumstances in which I have been placed; all of which I might have saved myself under the plea of want of instructions, but for my desire to promote the real interests of His Imperial Majesty, by once more accomplishing that which His Majesty, in his instructions to me of the 31st of July last, was graciously pleased to describe as "of no less importance than the integrity and independence of the Empire."
I am, with great respect,
Your Excellency's devoted friend,
and obedient servant,
COCHRANE AND MARANHAO.
On the 16th of March, the Junta—finding that I would not listen to any farther evasion—paid 30 contos (L.6000) in bills, and 3 contos (L.600) in silver, as the first instalment of the 106,000 dollars (L.21,200) for which the restoration of 425,000 dollars (L.85,000) had been commuted. The disbursement of this sum amongst the officers and men entitled to it, is fully narrated in the concluding chapter, containing a full statement of the disbursement of this and other monies charged against me, which statement is accompanied by vouchers fortunately retained in my possession, these placing the proper disbursement of the money amongst its rightful owners beyond doubt or question.
CHAPTER XII.
I QUIT MARANHAM FOR A CRUISE—BAD STATE OF THE FRIGATE—CONNIVANCE AT ILLICIT TRADE—WE ARE COMPELLED TO PROCEED TO ENGLAND—THE FRIGATE REPORTED TO THE BRAZILIAN ENVOY—WHO CHEATS ME OF L.2,000—HIS ASSUMPTION THAT I HAD ABANDONED THE SERVICE—MY CONTRADICTION THEREOF—ORDER TO RETURN TO RIO—REASONS FOR NOT DOING SO—BRAZILIAN ENVOY TAMPERS WITH MY OFFICER—WHO ACQUAINTS ME THEREWITH—ENVOY STOPS PAY AND PROVISIONS—DECLARES THAT THE BRAZILIAN GOVERNMENT WILL GIVE ME NOTHING!—CAPTAIN SHEPHERD'S REPLY—I PREPARE TO RETURN TO RIO—THE ENVOY DISMISSES ME FROM THE SERVICE—WITHOUT REASON ASSIGNED—HE DECLARES THAT I VOLUNTARILY ABANDONED THE SERVICE—RECEIPTS FOE ACCOUNTS TRANSMITTED TO BRAZIL—THESE DENIED TO HAVE BEEN SENT.
The anxiety occasioned by the constant harassing which I had undergone—unalleviated by any acknowledgment on the part of the Imperial government of the services which had a second time saved the Empire from intestine war, anarchy and revolution—began to make serious inroads on my health; whilst that of the officers and men, in consequence of the great heat and pestilential exhalations of the climate, and of the double duty which they had to perform, afloat and ashore, was even less satisfactory. As I saw no advantage in longer contending with factious intrigues at Maranham—unsupported and neglected as I was by the administration at Rio de Janeiro, and as I knew that my immediate return to the Capital would instantly be followed by resident contention, I resolved upon a short run into a more bracing Northerly atmosphere, which would answer the double purpose of restoring our health, and of giving us a clear offing for our subsequent voyage to Rio de Janeiro.
Accordingly—after paying both to officers and crews their share of the prize money refunded by the Junta of Maranham (see concluding Chapter), I shifted my flag into the Piranga, despatched the Pedro Primiero to Rio, and leaving Captain Manson, of the Cacique, in charge of the naval department at Maranham, put to sea on the 18th of May.
On the 21st we crossed the Equator, and meeting with a succession of Easterly winds, were carried to the Northward of the Azores, passing St. Michael's on the 11th of June. It had been my intention to sail into the latitude of the Azores, and then to return to Rio de Janeiro; but strong gales coming on we made the unpleasant discovery that the frigate's maintopmast was sprung, and when putting her about, the main and maintopsail yards were discovered to be unserviceable. A still worse disaster was, that the salt provisions shipped at Maranham were reported bad; mercantile ingenuity having resorted to the device of placing good meat at the top and bottom of the barrels; whilst the middle, being composed of unsound provisions, had tainted the whole, thereby rendering it not only uneatable, but positively dangerous to health.
For the condition of the ship's spars I had depended on others, not deeming it necessary to take upon myself such investigation; it is however possible that we might have patched these up, so as to reach Rio de Janeiro, had not the running rigging been as rotten as the masts, and we had no spare cordage on board. The state of the provisions, however, rendered a direct return to Rio de Janeiro out of the question, the good provisions on board being little more than sufficient for a week's subsistence of the crew.
On ascertaining these facts, I convened the officers for the purpose of holding a survey on the state of the ship and provisions, they all agreeing with me as to the impracticability of attempting a six weeks' voyage with defective masts and rigging, and only a week's provisions on board, at the same time signing a survey to that effect, which document is now in my possession. It was therefore determined to put into some port for the purpose of refitting; but here another difficulty presented itself. Portugal was still an enemy's country. Had we made a Spanish port, the prominent part I had taken in depriving Spain of her colonies in the Pacific would have ensured me a questionable reception. A French port too was unsuitable, as France had not acknowledged the independence of Brazil.
To enter an English harbour was attended with some risk of annoyance to myself, in consequence of the enactments of the "Foreign Enlistment Bill," the provisions of which had been specially aimed at my having taken service in South America though before that Bill was passed, so that I did not consider myself to come within the meaning of the Act. Still the point was debateable, and were it raised, might subject me to considerable personal inconvenience, the more so as being in command of a foreign ship of war belonging to an unacknowledged state. The necessity was, however, urgent, and taking all circumstances into consideration, I resolved, notwithstanding the Foreign Enlistment Bill, to stretch on to Portsmouth, and there procure provisions, anchors, cables, and stores, indispensable for the use of a ship of war; the frigate being so destitute of all these, that, had I been fully aware of her condition before quitting Maranham, I should have hesitated to put to sea.
In passing the Azores, we overtook the brig Aurora, which left Maranham ten days before the Piranga, cleared out for Gibraltar under Brazilian colours. She was now steering direct for Lisbon under a Portuguese ensign, in company with a Portuguese schooner; this circumstance clearly shewing the kind of intercourse carried on between Brazil and the mother country by connivance of the authorities. Though both vessels were within my grasp I did not molest them, in consequence of having received private information of a decree passed by the supreme military council at Rio de Janeiro on the 26th of October, from the tenor of which decree, had I made further captures from the enemy, I should have incurred additional penalties, as acting contrary to the obvious intentions of a majority of the council, though their views had not been officially communicated to me.
I had, however, stronger reasons for not molesting these vessels. Knowing that both were bound for Lisbon, I felt certain that they would carry the news of our approaching the shores of Portugal with a view to mischief—and that a knowledge of the proximity of a Brazilian ship of war, with the further consideration of the injury she might do to the trade of that nation in case of rupture of the pending negociations, could not fail to inspire a desire for peace on the minds of the mercantile portion of the population, who had hitherto been chiefly instrumental in delaying the paternal intentions of His Portuguese Majesty with regard to the independence of Brazil as now firmly established under the government of his descendant and heir apparent. The effect anticipated was, in reality, produced by their report, so that we contributed in no small degree to hasten the peace which was shortly afterwards established.
Another motive for not molesting these vessels was, that being compelled, for the reasons before stated, to resort to an English port, at a time when I knew the British Government to be carrying on negociations for peace between Portugal and Brazil, I felt it better to abstain from hostilities against Portuguese vessels or property—considering that a contrary course might impede the reconciliation which was desirable both for the interests of His Imperial Majesty and his royal father; a result scarcely less advantageous to England on account of her rapidly extending commerce in Brazil.
We sighted the English coast on the 25th of June, and on the following day came to anchor at Spithead, our available provisions being entirely expended. My first step was to inquire of the authorities at Portsmouth, whether, in case of the Piranha's saluting, the compliment would be returned with the same number of guns? The inquiry being answered in the affirmative, the salute was fired, and replied to; thus, for the first time, was the flag of His Imperial Majesty saluted by an European state, and the independence of Brazil virtually acknowledged.
My next step was to report the arrival of the Piranga at Portsmouth, to the Chevalier Manoel Rodriguez Gameiro Pessoa, the Brazilian Envoy in London; at the same time informing his Excellency of the circumstances which had unavoidably led to our appearance in British waters, and requesting him to forward the means of paying the men's wages. This requisition was complied with, to the extent of two months' pay to the men.
As it was contrary to the law or usage of England to assist in the equipment of ships of war belonging to foreign belligerent states, the articles required for the re-equipment of the frigate could not be furnished from the Royal arsenal—the duty of providing these, therefore, devolved upon the Brazilian Envoy, who soon afterwards represented that he was without means for the purpose, thus impeding the equipment of the frigate. The men being also without fresh provisions or the means to procure them, were beginning to desert, I advanced L.2000, in order to keep them together, giving the Chevalier Gameiro an order for this amount on my bankers, Messrs. Coutts, and taking his receipt for the amount, for which I drew a bill upon the Imperial Government at Rio de Janeiro, which was protested, and has not been paid to this day!
On the 4th of August, I was surprised at receiving from the Envoy a letter charging me personally with the amount he had advanced to the Piranga, and also with L.295, an alleged error of account in payments made at Maranham; his Excellency concluding with the extraordinary declaration, that—"having received from my bankers, Messrs. Coutts and Co. the sum of L.2000 he had placed against it the amount advanced, the transaction leaving me indebted to the Legation in the sum of L.25!" Though the Legation could not have anything to do with the assumed error arising from transactions at Maranham.
On the 21st of August, I received a letter from the Brazilian Envoy to the effect that he had perceived in the newspapers a report that I had accepted from the Government of Greece the command of its navy—and wished to know if there was any truth in the assertion. To this inquiry I replied that so long as I continued in the Brazilian service I could not accept any other command; that the Greek command had been offered to me whilst in Brazil, in the same manner as the Brazilian command had been offered to me whilst in the service of Chili; and that, soon after my return to Portsmouth, the Greek committee, zealous in the cause which they had adopted, had renewed their offers, under the impression that my work in Brazil was now completed. At the same time, I assured the Envoy that as, in the case of Chili, I did not accept the Brazilian command till my work was done, neither should I accept a Greek commission till my relations with Brazil were honourably concluded, but that nevertheless the offer made to me on behalf of Greece was not rejected.
This reply was construed by the Chevalier Gameiro into an admission that I had accepted the Greek command, and he addressed to me another letter, expressive of his regret that I should have "come to the resolution to retire from the service of His Imperial Majesty the Emperor of Brazil, in the great work of whose independence I had taken so glorious a part, (a grande obra da independencia, V. E'a teve tao gloriosa parte) regretting the more especially that his august Sovereign should be deprived of my important services (prestantes servicios) just at a moment when new difficulties required their prompt application," &c. &c.
These expressions were probably sincere, for, since my departure from Maranham, serious difficulties had arisen in the river Plate, which afterwards ended with little credit to the Brazilian cause. But I had not accepted the Greek command, and had no intention of so doing otherwise than consistently with my engagements with Brazil. On the 6th of September, I therefore addressed to the Envoy the following letter:—
Edinburgh, 6th Sept. 1825.
MOST EXCELLENT SIR,
I regret that your translator should have so far mistaken the words and meaning of my last letter as to lead your Excellency to a conclusion that I had taken the resolution to leave the service of H.I.M. the Emperor of Brazil, or, in other words, that it was I who had violated the engagements entered into with the late ministers of His Imperial Majesty in 1823. Whereas, on the contrary, the portaria published in the Rio Gazette on the 28th of February, 1824, was promulgated without my knowledge or sanction, and the limitation of my authority to the existing war was persevered in by the present ministers, notwithstanding my remonstrance in writing, both to the Minister of Marine and the Minister of the Interior.
Your Excellency ought not therefore to be surprised, if—threatened as I am with this portaria—I should provide beforehand against a contingency which might hereafter arise from an occasion happily so nigh, as seems to be the restoration of peace and amity between His Imperial Majesty and his royal father.
With regard to any communications of a pressing nature relative to the equipment of the Piranga, your Excellency may consider Captain Shepherd authorised to act, in my absence, in all ordinary cases. And that officer, having instructions to acquaint me whenever the Piranga shall have two-thirds of her complement of men on board—I can at any time be in London within two days of the receipt of such communication, and most assuredly before the complement can be procured.
I have the honour, &c.
COCHRANE AND MARANHAO.
To Chevalier MANOEL RODRIGUEZ GAMBIRO PESSOA.
Notwithstanding that my engagements with Brazil rested on the original patents conferred upon me by His Majesty, of which the validity had been further established by the additional documents given before my departure for Pernambuco—the latter completely setting aside the spurious portaria of Barbosa, limiting my services to the duration of the war—I nevertheless felt confident that, when my services were no longer required, no scruples as to honourable engagements would prevent the ministry from acting on the spurious documents, though promulgated without my knowledge or consent, against every principle of the conditions upon which I entered the Brazilian service. No blame could therefore attach to me, for not rejecting the offer of the Greek command, in case a trick of this kind should be played, as I had every reason to believe it would be—and as it afterwards in reality was.
On the 27th of September, the Brazilian Envoy forwarded to me an order from the Imperial Government at Rio, dated June 27th, and addressed to me at Maranham; the order directing me to proceed from that port to Rio immediately on its receipt, to give an account of my proceedings there—though despatches relating even to minute particulars of every transaction had, as the reader is well aware, been sent by every opportunity. His Majesty, when issuing the order, was ignorant that I had quitted Maranham, still more that on the day the order was issued at Rio de Janeiro, I had anchored at Spithead, so that obedience to His Majesty's commands was impossible.
Acting on this order, the Chevalier Gameiro took upon himself to "require, in the name of the Emperor, the immediate return of the Piranga, so soon as her repairs were completed, and her complement of men filled up." As I knew that the order in question would not have been promulgated by the Emperor, had he known the effect produced by the presence of the Piranga in the vicinity of Portugal; and as, in everything I had accomplished in Brazil, His Majesty had placed the fullest confidence in my discretion, I felt certain that he would be equally well satisfied with whatever course I might deem it necessary to pursue, I did not therefore think it expedient to comply with the requisition of the Envoy, assigning the following reasons for using my own judgment in the matter:—
Edinburgh, Oct. 1, 1825.
MOST EXCELLENT SIR,
I have this day been favoured with your letter containing a copy of a portaria dated June 27th, wherein His Imperial Majesty, through his Minister of Marine, directs my immediate return from Maranham to Rio de Janeiro, leaving only the small vessels there; which order you will observe I had anticipated on the 20th of May, when I left the Imperial brig-of-war Cacique and the schooner Maria in that port. Since then, His Excellency the Minister of Marine is in possession of duplicates of my correspondence mentioning the arrangements I had so made in anticipation of the Imperial order; and of my official communications—also in duplicate—transmitted on my arrival at Portsmouth, by your Excellency's favour, with your despatches.
These will have acquainted His Imperial Majesty with the cause and necessity of our arrival at Spithead—as well as with my intention there to wait a reasonable time before the departure of the Piranga, in order to learn the result of the negociations with Portugal.
I have only to add that, by some inadvertence, your Excellency's secretary has sent me the copy instead of the original order addressed to me by order of His Imperial Majesty, which mistake may be remedied on my return to town.
I am gratified to learn that there is less difficulty in procuring men than I had anticipated under the regulations respecting foreign seamen.
I have the honour, &c.
COCHRANE AND MARANHAO.
The Chevalier GAMEIRO.
Shortly previous to this, the Chevalier Gameiro addressed a letter to Lieutenant Shepherd, under the title of "Commander of the Piranga!" unjustifiably informing him officially that "I had retired from the service of His Majesty the Emperor of Brazil!" notwithstanding my letters to him in contradiction. Indeed, the letter just quoted is sufficient to shew that not only had I not relinquished the service, but that I refused to obey Gameiro's order to proceed to Rio, because I knew that if the frigate returned to Brazil, the impression her presence had produced on Portugal would be altogether neutralized, and the negociations for peace might be indefinitely prolonged; so that his order to run away from the good which had been effected, was so truly absurd, that I did not choose to comply with it. Had the negociations for peace been broken off, I had formed plans of attacking Portugal in her own waters, though with but a single frigate; and I had no reasonable doubt of producing an impression there of no less forcible a character than, with a single ship, I had, two years before, produced on the Portuguese fleet in Brazil. The order was, therefore, one commanding me to run away from my own plans, of which the Envoy however knew nothing, as I did not feel justified in entrusting him with my intentions.
On receiving the above-mentioned intimation to proceed to Rio de Janeiro—without my intervention, Lieutenant Shepherd very properly forwarded the Envoy's letter to me—when, of course, I apprised him that he was under my command, and not under that of the Chevalier Gameiro. At the same time I wrote to the latter, that "it would be the subject of regret if anything should cause the spurious decree of the 28th of February, 1824, to be brought into operation, but that, at present, being in full possession of my office and authority, my opinion was in no way changed, that the Piranga should be first fully equipped, and then wait for a reasonable time for the decision of those important matters in discussion."
Finding that Lieutenant Shepherd would not fly in the face of my authority, the Envoy finally resorted to the extraordinary measure of stopping the seamen's wages and provisions. On the 6th of October, Lieutenant Shepherd wrote to me, that "in consequence of their wages not being paid they had all left off work, and though Clarence did all he could to pacify them, and get them to return to their duty, they had determined not to go to work until they were paid." On the 8th, Lieutenant Shepherd again wrote, "that Gameiro having ceased to supply the frigate with fresh provisions, he had, on his own responsibility, ordered the butcher to continue supplying them as usual." On Lieutenant Shepherd waiting upon the Envoy to remonstrate against this system of starvation, he replied—and his words are extracted from Lieutenant Shepherd's letter to me, that as "His Lordship did not think proper to sail at the time he wished, he would not be responsible for supplying the frigate with anything more—nor would he advance another shilling." In all this, Gameiro—acting, no doubt, on instructions from the Portuguese faction at Rio—resorted to every kind of falsehood to get the officers to renounce my authority and to accept his! Of the character of the man and his petty expedients, the following extract from Lieutenant Shepherd's letter of the 8th of October, will form the best exponent:—
I have had another visit from General Brown, when he began a conversation by mentioning the evils which would arise from the feeling between your Lordship and Gameiro, who was at a loss how to act, as he had no authority over you—Gen. Brown suggesting how much better it would be for me to place myself under Gameiro's orders. Finding that I refused—on the following morning he called again, and told me that he had seen Gameiro, and had heard that the misunderstanding between your Lordship and him was at an end, but that Gameiro wanted to see me. On this I waited on Gameiro, who after some conversation told me that if I had any regard for His Imperial Majesty's service, I should never have acted as I had done. I told him that all I had done had been for the good of the service, and that I was ready to put to sea as soon as I received your Lordship's orders. He then asked me if I was the effective Captain of the ship? and whether I was not under the orders of Captain Crosbie? I told him that I was not acting under the orders of Captain Crosbie, but that I was Captain of the ship by virtue of a commission from the Emperor, and by an order from Lord Cochrane. He then said—Are you authorised to obey the orders of Captain Crosbie? and I said, I was not. Suppose you were to receive an order from Captain Crosbie, would you obey it? I said I would not. Then you consider yourself the lawful Captain of that ship? I do.
Upon this Gameiro remarked, "You are not an officer of Lord Cochrane's, but of the Imperial Government. It is impossible for Lord Cochrane to return to the Brazils as the Admiralty Court there has sentenced him to pay L.60,000 sterling, and his command will cease as soon as peace is made between Brazil and Portugal! Besides, Lord Cochrane's motive for detaining the Piranga is the expectation on his part of receiving L.6000 per annum at the termination of the war, which the Government will never give him!"
Finding that this made no impression on me, he began to threaten, saying that "he would state to his Government that all delay was occasioned by me, and that I should have to answer for it." I told him that, in the event of my sailing without your orders, I subjected myself to be tried by a court-martial for so doing, and leaving your Lordship behind. He answered that "I must be aware that he was the legal representative of His Imperial Majesty, and that he would give me despatches of such a nature as would not only exonerate me from all blame, but would shew the great zeal I had for His Imperial Majesty's service."
I asked Gameiro—if I were to act in such a manner, what would people think of me? The answer was, "Never mind what Lord Cochrane says, you will be in the Brazils and he in England, and I will take upon myself all the blame and the responsibility." He gave me till the evening to think of his proposals, and if I would not consent to them, he had other means of sending the Piranga to sea. He further requested me to keep this secret from your Lordship, as if you heard of it you would come post and stop it; adding that if I would consent, he would send a sufficient number of men in a steamboat, with every kind of store and provisions required to complete us, and we were to sail immediately.
This deep laid plot of Gameiro's was not to be carried on as Portuguese plots are in general, but was to be done—using his own words—at a blow, before anybody could know anything about it.
With this I send a copy of my answer to Gameiro's proposals, and a letter representing the state of the ship.
I have the honour to remain Your Lordship's obedient Servant, JA'S. SHEPHERD.
Such were the underhand expedients of a man who was silly enough to tell the secrets of his Government, as regarded the intended injustice of the Brazilian Ministry towards me—in spite of stipulations thrice ratified by the Emperor's own hand. But in confiding them to Lieutenant Shepherd, the Envoy's want of common honesty, no less than of common sense, did not perceive that he was imparting iniquitous projects to a brave and faithful officer, who would not lose a moment till he had apprised me of the whole. I should be unjust to the memory of Captain Shepherd did I not give his written reply to the infamous proposals of Gameiro, a copy of which was enclosed to me in the preceding letter. |
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