The pay referred to shall be entered in the books to which it appertains, in order to the payments when due. In attestation of that which I have hereby commanded, I give this charter under the sign manual and sealed with the great seal of the Empire.

Given in the city of Rio de Janeiro on the 25th day of the month of November, in the year of our Lord Jesus Christ, 1823. Second of Independence and of this empire.

(Signed) IMPERADOR P. Countersigned by all the Ministers.

From the difference of expression used in this commission, as compared with the temporary commission given previous to my departure for Bahia, it is clear that my late services were fully recognised; and from the fact that the new commission was conferred after the war was ended by the annexation of Bahia, Maranham, Para, and all the intermediate provinces, it is equally clear that my rank and pay—as originally stipulated were conferred without limitation of time—a circumstance which will have to be borne to mind.

This being complied with, I requested an order for the speedy adjudication of the prize property surrendered at Maranham, the flagship's portion being Rs. 607.315 $000, or L.121,463 sterling, in addition to the captures made by the squadron generally—no less than one hundred and twenty enemy's ships, with Portuguese registers and crews, having been taken, the value, at a very moderate computation, amounting to upwards of 2,000,000 dollars. As officers and men were anxiously awaiting their prize money, it became my duty to the squadron to urge its stipulated distribution upon the consideration of the Government.

His Majesty directed this to be done, but the prize tribunal appointed—consisting of thirteen members, nine of whom were natives of Portugal—was directly interested in defeating the claims of the captors, being inimical to any confiscation of Portuguese vessels and property taken in the late campaign. Not venturing, as yet, openly to act in this spirit, they adopted the alternative of doing nothing towards adjudicating the prizes.

Finding this to be the case, and fearing that the Portuguese tendencies of the new administration might interfere with the repayment of the sums temporarily supplied to the Maranham Junta—I addressed the following letter to the new Minister of Marine, Francisco Villela Barbosa:—

(Secret.) Rio de Janeiro, November 18, 1823.

MOST EXCELLENT SIR,

In my letter, No. 38, I communicated to your predecessor my intention of aiding the Provisional Junta of Maranham, in the payment of the auxiliary troops of Ceara and Piahuy, who being in a naked and destitute condition had become clamorous for their arrears; and I now beg to state that in prosecution of such intention, I placed at the disposal of the Junta the monies taken in the Portuguese treasury, amounting in cash and good bills to Rs. 62,560 $243, together with outstanding debts amounting to Rs. 147,316 $656, and I have also left in their hands the balance which we found in the Portuguese custom-house, amounting to Rs. 54,167 $877. All these accounts I have the honour to convey to you for the information of the Imperial Government.

In addition to these large sums, I left at the disposal of the Junta much moveable property which belonged to Portuguese individuals in Europe, desiring the authorities to render an account of the same for the information of the Imperial Government.

Your Excellency will perceive that in leaving at Maranham these monies, and other property captured from the enemy, instead of bringing them to Rio for adjudication, we could be influenced by no other motive than zeal for the interests of His Imperial Majesty and the good of his people; as by so doing, we enabled the Provisional Government to meet the present exigencies of the moment, and to quiet the Ceara and Piahuy troops; whilst the revenue of the province thus remains clear and unanticipated— being applicable to such purposes as His Imperial Majesty shall command. All which I trust His Imperial Majesty will take into his gracious consideration, and be pleased to award such compensation to the officers and seamen as he, in his princely justice, shall deem fit.

(Signed) COCHRANE.

For some days no notice was taken of this letter, but on the 24th I received a visit from the Minister of Marine, bringing what professed to be a verbal message from His Majesty, that he "would do every thing in his power for me personally." The way in which this intimation was conveyed led me to infer that these personal favours implied a sacrifice on my part of the rights of the squadron, by shutting my eyes to the restoration of the captured Portuguese ships and property to the friends and adherents of the ministry, for the purpose of conciliating the Portuguese party. Taking the message, however, literally—I told the Minister that His Majesty had "already conferred honours upon me quite equal to my merits—and that the greatest personal favour he could bestow, was, to urge on the speedy adjudication of the prizes, so that the officers and seamen might reap the reward decreed by the Emperor's own authority."

The policy of the Portuguese faction in power, was—now that the squadron had expelled the fleet and army of the mother country—to conciliate their countrymen who remained, and thus to create and maintain an influence which should reduce the Imperial authority to the smallest possible dimensions. The first object—if I could be brought to acquiesce—was to restore Portuguese property, captured by Imperial order, and now the right of the captors—my connivance being supposed to be procurable by offers of personal enrichment! I scarcely need say that the offer failed in its purpose.

As the squadron had received no pay during the performance of all its services, it became my duty to urge attention to the subject, and this was apparently complied with, the 27th of November being appointed for the payment of the men. On that day three months' pay only was offered to them, notwithstanding all they had achieved. This paltry pittance was refused.

About this time the extraordinary news was received, that great rejoicings and a general illumination had taken place in Lisbon in consequence of the destruction of the Brazilian squadron by the Portuguese fleet at Bahia! this version having, no doubt, been transmitted home subsequently to the affair of the 4th of May. Singularly enough, these ill-founded rejoicings were going on in Lisbon at the time the flagship was chasing the Portuguese fleet across the Equator! It is difficult to say how the Portuguese admiral contrived to reconcile this premature vaunt, and the unwelcome fact of his arrival in the Tagus, with the loss of half his troops and more than half his convoy.

On the 2nd of December despatches arrived from Captain Grenfell at Para, stating that he had possession of the new Portuguese frigate, which according to my directions, had been named the Imperatrice. He had also captured another vessel of war, and several merchantmen; thus fulfilling his difficult mission in a way which justified my confidence in his ability, and should have merited the warmest thanks from the government, instead of the treatment he subsequently experienced.

On the 19th of December, His Majesty appointed me a member of the Privy Council, the highest honour in his power to bestow. It was a singular circumstance that whilst His Imperial Majesty consulted me on matters of importance, and manifested his appreciation both of my opinions and services by the honours conferred—his anti-Brazilian ministers were practising every species of annoyance towards myself and the squadron—more especially in the matter of the prizes, the condemnation of which they obstinately opposed.

It would be wearisome to enter into details of the annoyance and injury now systematised by the Portuguese faction in the administration; nevertheless, in order to appreciate subsequent occurrences, it is necessary briefly to advert to these matters. The personal feeling against myself was easily accounted for from my adherence to the Emperor in opposition to interested councils, which imperilled the existence of the Empire. These councils His Majesty was unable to disregard or to counteract the injury inflicted on the officers and seamen, by the conduct of the Court of Admiralty towards the squadron; a policy persevered in with the object of annihilating the naval force, for no other reason than that its achievements had rendered itself obnoxious to the Portuguese faction—the leaders of which no doubt calculated, that if the officers and crews could be worried out of the service, the dismemberment of the Northern provinces might yet be effected by disunion.

On the 13th of December, I wrote to the Minister of Marine that, as the prize vessels were daily being plundered, an immediate investigation was necessary—they having, by order of the administration, been delivered over to the charge of the inspector of the arsenal, the naval officers in charge being withdrawn. One officer was put in prison for obeying my orders to remain on board his prize till I received an answer from the Minister of Marine. The ship he had in charge (the Pombinho) was immediately afterwards given up to a Portuguese claim ant, together with all its contents, promiscuously taken from the custom house at Maranham, none of which ever belonged to him.

A number of additional prizes had been sent in by Captain Taylor, of the Nitherohy, who had pursued the scattered ships of the enemy to the Tagus, and there burned four vessels under the guns of the line-of-battle ship Don John VI. For this he was sentenced by the prize council to six months imprisonment, and to forfeit double the amount of his prize money, on behalf of the owners of the property destroyed; it being thus decided by the quasi Portuguese prize tribunal that, to destroy enemy's property, in pursuance of His Majesty's orders, was a crime!

Captain Grenfell having arrived in the frigate Imperatrice—captured at Para—bringing with him some forty thousand dollars—the ransom for prizes there taken, as had been done at Maranham—the Imperatrice was boarded in his absence, and the money carried to the treasury, though by His Majesty guaranteed to the captors. Captain Grenfell was afterwards charged with acting in opposition to the Junta at Para, though only carrying out my instructions. Upon this charge he was tried and acquitted.

In consequence of these and other arbitrary acts, I represented to His Majesty the necessity of forming some definite maritime code, which should put an end to proceedings so arbitrary, and proposed the adoption of the naval laws of England as the most experienced and complete. His Majesty approving the suggestion, directed me to transmit a memorial on the subject to the Privy Council, which was accordingly done.

By this, and similar suggestions to His Majesty, with view to render the navy more efficient, I was widening the breach between myself and the Portuguese party in the administration, whose object it was to frustrate any attempt of the kind. It was not long before an overt blow was struck at my authority as Commander-in-Chief by the preparation of the Atalanta for sea without my intervention. Imagining that she might be on some secret service, I disregarded the circumstance, till, on the 27th of December, a notice appeared in the Gazette announcing her destination to be for the blockade of Monte Video, whilst I was mentioned in the Gazette, under the limited title of "Commander of the naval forces in the port of Rio de Janeiro." Thus, by a stroke of the Minister's pen, was I, despite the patents of His Imperial Majesty, reduced to the rank of Port Admiral.

Convinced that this had been done without the sanction or even knowledge of the Emperor, I protested against the despatch of the Atalanta, except through my orders, as well as against the limitation indicated by my new title—contrary to the agreement under which I entered the service, as twice confirmed by Imperial commissions—further informing the Minister of Marine that, although no one could be less ambitious of power than myself, I could not allow an agreement solemnly entered into to be thus violated.

The remonstrance as regarded the Atalanta was effectual, and she was not despatched; but—as regarded the limitation of my rank—no notice was taken.

Intelligence now arrived from Pernambuco that a strong party was there endeavouring to establish a Republic, and that preparatory steps were being taken to throw off allegiance to the Empire.

The expedition sent by the ministry to put down this rising at Pernambuco was a premeditated insult to me, as not having been at all consulted in the matter; and the reason why an inexperienced officer had been sent, doubtless was, that the ministry did not wish the insurrection to be put down. In this respect the expedition fulfilled the wishes of those who despatched it, by having failed. On its return I personally received His Majesty's orders that the Pedro Primiero, Piranga, Nitherohy, and Atalanta, should be immediately equipped for important service. It was easy thus to give orders to equip a squadron, but after the treatment received, not so easy to effect it. All the foreign seamen had abandoned the ships in disgust, and to have shipped Portuguese would have been worse than useless. I wrote to the Minister of Marine that the squadron could not be manned unless confidence was restored amongst the men, the shameful proceedings of the prize court having disinclined them to re-enter the service,—even if they did, I could not be responsible for order and discipline, or for the safety of the ships, unless some definite adjustment as to pay and prize money took place before putting to sea.

In the face of these remonstrances the prize tribunal adopted an openly hostile course, by altogether denying the right of the squadron to the prizes taken at Maranham, or the property there seized in the custom house, and shipped by me on board the Pombinho and another vessel. The Pombinho, as has been said, was declared an illegal prize, and given up to her Portuguese owner, together with all public property contained in her, though to this he had not the shadow of a claim, as the whole cargo belonged originally to others, and had been put on board this particular ship by my orders for transmission to Rio de Janeiro. Numbers of similar decisions were made, on the false plea that Maranham previously formed part of the Brazilian empire, and consequently that all the seizures effected were invalid!

I remonstrated that, on our arrival at Maranham, the city and province were, and ever had been, in possession of Portugal—that the Portuguese had by the ordinary capitulations of war delivered up both to an armed Brazilian force without question—and that, by a previous decree of the Emperor, no less than by the customary usages of war, all enemy's property fell to the captors. The prize court not only overruled the objection, but condemned me to make restitution of all sums received in ransom for property taken at Maranham. In one instance the tribunal declared me deserving of corporal punishment (pena corporal!) and would, had they dared, doubtless have enforced this, and the restitution to which I was condemned.

As the plunder of prize property was becoming notorious, the tribunal directed it to be unloaded, in order to prevent the cargoes from being damaged! but, on the execution of the order it was found that all the valuable portion had already disappeared! How, of course could not be ascertained; but no one doubted. The ships themselves were neglected till they became useless to the original owners, the Government, or the captors.

Thus, of this vast amount of property taken in the campaign, not a milrea was suffered to find its way into the pockets of the officers and men, and the squadron would have been wholly defrauded of its reward, had I not refused to give up to the prize tribunal the comparatively trifling sums received in redemption of the seizures at Maranham; these being retained on board the flagship in consequence of the unjustifiable course which the tribunal was pursuing. A plot was, however, formed to seize it by force, but this was met by such measures as were calculated to prevent a renewal of the attempt.

The prize tribunal being thus determined to deprive the squadron of the whole of its emoluments, proceeded to condemn the ships of war taken as being droits to the crown, without compensation of any kind, notwithstanding that the before-mentioned Imperial decree of the 11th of December, 1822, awarded all prizes wholly to the captors. The tribunal then issued a decree, that vessels taken within a certain distance from the shore—where alone a blockade could be effective—were not lawful seizures; the effect being that, as the squadron was about to blockade Pernambuco it could have no opportunity of falling in with enemy's vessels at sea, and therefore could not make captures at all! Thus enemy's ships would be permitted to carry on their revolutionary occupations unmolested; which was, no doubt, the intention of those who framed the resolution, as wishing to defeat the blockade for their own purposes.



CHAPTER VI.

REMONSTRANCE AGAINST DECREE OF PRIZE TRIBUNAL—SETTLEMENT OF PRIZE QUESTION BY THE EMPEROR—HIS MINISTERS REFUSE TO CONFORM TO IT—OBSTACLES THROWN IN THE WAY OF EQUIPMENT—MY SERVICES LIMITED TO THE DURATION OF WAR—MY REMONSTRANCE ON THIS BREACH OF FAITH—MINISTERS REFUSE TO PAY THE SQUADRON ANYTHING—A FRESH INSULT OFFERED TO ME—OFFER TO RESIGN THE COMMAND—MY RESIGNATION EVADED—LETTER TO THE PRIME MINISTER—LETTER TO THE MINISTER OF MARINE.

On the 1st of January, 1824, I communicated to the Minister of Marine the contents of a despatch received from Captain Haydon at Pernambuco, in which he apprised me of a plot on the part of the revolutionary Government to seize his person and take possession of the Imperial brig of war which he commanded; the latter intention having been openly advocated in the Assembly.

On the 6th, I addressed to the Minister of Marine the following remonstrance against the before-mentioned regulation of the Admiralty Court, that vessels captured within a certain distance of the shore should not be prize to the captor; this regulation being evidently intended as retrospective, with a view of nullifying the captures which had already been made:—

As I have before endeavoured, by anticipating evils, to prevent their occurrence, so in the present instance, I feel it my duty to His Imperial Majesty to place you, as Minister of Marine, on your guard against countenancing any such measure in regard either to the vessels captured in the blockade of Bahia, or to those taken in the colonial possessions, and under the forts and batteries of the enemy—and also in the case—if such there should be—of vessels captured on the shores of Portugal.

It is quite clear that these cases of capture are distinct from those in which protection is afforded by independent states to belligerents approaching within a certain distance of neutral shores. But you must be perfectly aware that, if enemy's ships are not to be prize—if captured navigating near the shore no blockade can be effective, as there will be no right to disturb them; besides which the mass of the people engaged in a naval service will certainly not encounter toil and hazard without remuneration of any kind beyond their ordinary pay.

Should such a decree be really in contemplation, there is nothing to hope from the naval service useful or creditable to the state; and this opinion is founded on more than thirty years' unremitting experience of seamen—that where there is no premium there is no permanent zeal or exertion.

(Signed) COCHRANE & MARANHAO.

On the 10th of January, I communicated to the Government the contents of another despatch from Captain Haydon, at Pernambuco, reporting that the new Junta there had seized the Imperial ship of war, Independencia ou morte, and had removed the officer in command, at the same time threatening to treat Captain Haydon as a pirate.

The revolt was now becoming serious, and His Majesty—anxious to expedite the equipment of the squadron—on the 12th of February, 1824, sent for me to consult on the subject. Having told His Majesty the course which had been pursued by the prize tribunal, he said he would see justice done in spite of faction, and asked me to make a moderate valuation of the prize property taken in the late campaign, ascertaining, at the same time, if the seamen were willing to accept a specific sum in compensation of their claims? On asking His Majesty what assurance could be given that the administration would carry out such an arrangement, he replied that he would give me his own assurance, and ordering me to sit down beside him, wrote with his own hand the following proposal—now in my possession:—

"The Government is ready to pay to the squadron, the value of the prizes which have been, or may be judged bad, the value thereof being settled by arbitrators jointly chosen, and to pay the proprietors their losses and damages; that in the number of the said prizes, the frigate Imperatrice is not included, but the Government, as a remuneration for her capture, will immediately give from the public treasury the sum of 40,000 milreis to the captors; that the value of the prizes already declared bad, shall be immediately paid, this stipulation relating to all captures up to the present date, February 12th, and that henceforth captures shall be adjudged with more dispatch, the Government being about to decree a provisional arrangement, remedying all errors and omissions that may have occurred."

Nothing can be more clear than the above stipulations in His Majesty's own handwriting, to pay the squadron immediately the value of their prizes despite the Court of Admiralty, to pay 40,000 milreis for the Imperatrice, and that even the value of the prizes adjudged bad should be paid, His Majesty thus rightly estimating the conduct and motives of the Court of Admiralty. Not one of these conditions was ever complied with!

On the 1st of March, His Majesty, through his minister, Francisco Villela Barbosa, informed me that he had assigned 40,000 milreis in recompense for the acquisition of the frigate Imperatrice; stating that, with regard to the other prizes made at Para, they must be sentenced by the tribunal, in order that their value might be paid by the public treasury—the said treasury taking upon itself to satisfy all costs and damages on captures judged illegal; but that with regard to my assertion, that there were amongst them no illegal prizes, the Government could not itself decide the question.

That His Majesty gave the order for payment of 40,000 milreis, as compensation for the Imperatrice, there is no doubt; but not a shilling of the amount was ever paid by his ministers, nevertheless even within the past few months the present Brazilian Ministry has charged that sum against me, as having been received and not accounted for! It is quite possible, that, in ignorance of the practices common amongst their predecessors of 1824, the present ministers of Brazil may imagine that the orders of His Majesty were complied with; but if so, the 40,000 milreis never reached me or the squadron. Had it done so, nothing can be more easy than to find my receipt for the amount, which I defy them to do.

Considering our difficulties in a fair way of now being settled, I willingly undertook to conciliate the seamen, and having made the low calculation of Rs. 650.000 milreis—a sum scarcely one-fourth the value of the prize property—reported to the Minister of Marine the willingness of the squadron generally to accept 600,000 dollars (about L.120,000) in compensation of their full rights; agreeing, moreover, to give up all claim on the Imperial Government on payment of one-half, and security for the remainder.

Notwithstanding this easy mode of arrangement, solely brought about by my personal influence with the men, not a milrea was allotted, His Majesty's ministers deliberately evading the Imperial wishes and promises. On the contrary, the more His Majesty was determined to do the squadron justice the more was the Portuguese faction in the ministry bent on frustrating the Imperial intentions—notwithstanding that, by the revolutionary proceedings in the North, the integrity of the empire was at stake. I may indeed go farther and state with great truth, that whilst His Majesty was most anxious for our speedy departure, in order to suppress the revolution at Pernambuco, his ministers were, day by day, addressing to me letters on the most insignificant subjects, with the apparent object of delaying the squadron by official frivolities, the necessity of replying to which would prevent my attention to the fulfilment of the Imperial wish. The best proof of this is the fact which will be apparent in the course of this chapter, viz.—that although the province of Pernambuco was in open revolt, the Administration contrived to delay the sailing of the squadron for six months beyond the events just narrated.

On the 24th of February, the following extraordinary portaria was transmitted to me by the Minister of Marine:—

Desiring to give a further testimony of the high estimation in which the Marquis of Maranhao, First Admiral of the National and Imperial Armada, is held, by reason of the distinguished services which he has rendered to the state, and which it is hoped that he will continue to render for the independence of Brazil, I deem it proper to name him Commander-in-Chief of all the naval forces of the empire during the present war. The Supreme Military Council is hereby informed thereof, and will cause this decree to be executed.

Palace of Rio Janeiro, the 23rd of February, 1824. Third of the Independence of the Empire, with the Rubrica of His Imperial Majesty.

FRANCISCO VILLELA BARBOSA,

Secretariat of State,

27th February, 1824.

(Signed) ANASTASIO DE BRITO,

Acting Chief Secretary.

The audacity of this portaria—setting aside the stipulations of His Majesty and his late ministers in my commission, thus rendering it null and void without my consent—was only equalled by its hypocrisy. As a "further testimony of the high estimation in which I was held," &c.—His Majesty's ministers were graciously pleased to annul my commission, in order that they might get rid of me at a moment's warning!

The document transmitted to me did not bear the Rubrica of the Emperor, though falsely asserted so to do. If the reader will take the trouble to compare it with my two commissions, he will agree with me in the inference that it was written by Barbosa without the Emperor's knowledge or consent, with the object of terminating my command—the Imperial patents notwithstanding, as will be evident from the expression, "during the present war;" the war being already ended by my expulsion of the Portuguese fleet and army.

No time was lost in remonstrating against this insidious decree. After pointing out to the Minister of Marine the agreements which had been made with me by the late ministers, and ratified by the Imperial sign manual, I addressed His Excellency as follows:—

The late decree inserted in the Gazette of February 28th, instead of increasing my official rank and authority—as it professes to do—in effect circumscribes it, because there was no limitation of time in the offer which I accepted from His Imperial Majesty. But by this decree, my official rank and authority are limited to the duration of the present war. Now, if I could believe that the idea of this limitation originated with his Imperial Majesty himself, I should respectfully and silently acquiesce; but being satisfied—from the gracious manner in which he has been pleased to act towards me on all occasions—that it did not so originate, I can only consider it an intimation of an opinion prevalent in the councils of the state, that myself and services can very well be done without, as soon as the independence of Brazil shall be decided or peace restored.

As no man can be expected to dedicate his professional services to a foreign country, without having a prospect of some recompence more durable than that which such a limitation as is expressed in the document in question seems to indicate, I am naturally led to inquire whether it is the intention of His Majesty's advisers that, on the termination of the present war, my pay is to cease with my authority? or whether I am to receive any permanent reward for services, the consequences of which will be permanent to Brazil? Because—if no recompence is to be received for public services —however important and lasting in their effects those services may be—it is a duty to myself and family to consider how far I am justified in farther devoting my time to a service from which so little future benefit is to be expected; a consideration the more interesting to me, in consequence of repeated solicitations from the Chilian Government to resume my rank and command in that state.

In saying thus much, you may consider me of a mercenary disposition; but I have received from Brazil no recompence whatever, beyond the honours conferred by His Imperial Majesty. If you will peruse the accompanying papers, you will find that when I left Chili I had disbursed of my own monies, 66,000 dollars, to keep the Chilian squadron from starving, which sum, in consequence of my leaving Chili, and accepting the offers of His Imperial Majesty, has not been repaid. This amount His Majesty and his ministers agreed to repay on my acceptance of the command; but I declined to seek reimbursement at the expense of Brazil, "unless I should perform greater services to the Empire than I had rendered to Chili; but in the event of such services being rendered to Brazil, and of Chili continuing its refusal to pay me, then—and not otherwise—I should hope for indemnification." To this stipulation the late ministers gave their assent.

It is no proof of an avaricious disposition that I at once acquiesced in the proposition of His Imperial Majesty, that 40,000 dollars only for the Imperatrice, which is not one-third of her value, should be apportioned to her captors.

(Signed) COCHRANE AND MARANHAO.

I might have added that the squadron had received no emoluments of any kind whatever, notwithstanding the spontaneous stipulations of His Imperial Majesty to pay everything, there not being even an indication of handing over to them the 40,000 dollars awarded by His Majesty for the frigate captured at Para. On the contrary, I had been condemned in costs and damages to a great amount for having captured Portuguese vessels in pursuance of His Majesty's orders; so that had the Court of Admiralty been in a position to enforce these, I should not only be unpaid but be mulcted of a very large sum, as the price of having accepted the command of the Brazilian navy!

So far from the 40,000 dollars awarded by His Majesty for the capture of the frigate Imperatrice having been paid according to the Imperial directions, I received from the Minister of Marine a letter dated February 27th, implying that the above sum—one third the value of the vessel—was when paid, to be considered as the sole reward of the squadron. This violation of His Majesty's agreement was at once repudiated, and an explanatory letter from the Minister of Marine—almost as ambiguous as the former—assured me that I had misconstrued his intention, which, however, was not the case, for the 40,000 dollars were never paid.

On the 19th of March, a direct insult was offered me by Severiano da Costa, now first minister, by an intimation to attend in the Imperial chapel for the purpose of assisting at the ceremony of swearing to the Constitution, but I was distinctly told that I should not be permitted to swear; the reason no doubt being, that, by a clause therein contained, military officers who swore to it, could not be dismissed without trial, and sentence of court martial; so that the not permitting me to swear—coupled with Barbosa's portaria limiting my command to the duration of the war—indirectly gave power to the Administration to dismiss me at their option, whenever they might deem it expedient so to do. That such desire would arise the moment an opportunity might present itself, was certain, nor should I have waited for its expression, but from respectful attachment to His Majesty, and from the expectation of obtaining justice for the squadron, which relied on me for procuring satisfaction of their claims.

To have accepted an invitation of this public nature, under circumstances so insulting, was out of the question. I therefore joined Lady Cochrane at the island of Governador, and sent an excuse to the minister expressive of my regret at being prevented by unavoidable circumstances from sharing in the honour of the august ceremony.

In consequence of the insulting conduct of the Administration, and the impossibility of obtaining compensation for the squadron, notwithstanding His Majesty's orders to that effect, I made up my mind to quit a service in which the authority of the adverse Ministry was superior to that of the Sovereign. Accordingly, on the 20th of March, I addressed to the Minister of Marine a letter, from which the subjoined is an extract:—

If I thought that the course pursued towards me was dictated by His Imperial Majesty, it would be impossible for me to remain an hour longer in his service, and I should feel it my duty, at the earliest possible moment, to lay my commission at his feet. If I have not done so before—from the treatment which, in common with the navy, I have experienced—it has been solely from an anxious desire to promote His Majesty's real interests. Indeed, to struggle against prejudices, and at the same time against those in power, whose prepossessions are at variance with the interests of His Majesty, and the tranquillity and independence of Brazil, is a task to which I am by no means equal. I am, therefore, perfectly willing to resign the situation I hold, rather than contend against difficulties which appear to me insurmountable. I have only to add, that it will give me extreme satisfaction to find that Your Excellency is enabled to rear an effective marine out of the materials which constituted the fabric of the old marine of Portugal—or any Brazilian marine at all, without beginning on principles totally opposite to those which have been pursued since my return to this port.

(Signed) COCHRANE AND MARANHAO.

This proffer of resignation was met by an assurance that I had misconstrued both the acts and intentions of the Administration, and the expression of a hope that I would not think of abandoning Brazil for which I had done so much. The real fact was, that although the Administration was endeavouring to delay the expedition for the suppression of revolution in the North, they were afraid of its results, dreading that a republican Government might be established, as was indeed imminent. It was only from a conviction of not being able to meet such an emergency, otherwise than through my instrumentality—that my resignation was not accepted.

Determined to pursue the course I had now begun, I addressed the following letter to the prime minister:—

Rio de Janeiro, March 30, 1824.

Most Excellent Sir,

The late Prime Minister, Jose Bonifacio de Andrada e Silva, was pleased to express a desire that I should communicate directly with him in all extraordinary difficulties with respect to the naval service. If I have not had recourse to your Excellency until the present juncture, it has not been from any doubt of your readiness to accord me similar indulgence, but because the evils of which I had to complain were so palpable, that I conceived a remedy would—of necessity be applied in the ordinary course of things. But now that a system is adopted which must very soon bring the naval service of His Imperial Majesty to utter insignificance and ruin, I can no longer abstain from calling on your Excellency as Minister of State for the internal affairs of the empire, to interfere before it is too late.

Here follow complaints of the wretched state of the squadron—its want of repairs—the neglect of pay—the illegal imprisonment of officers for months without trial and on untenable grounds, &c. &c.

By the promises held out last year of punctuality in payment, and of other rewards, foreign officers and seamen were induced to enter the service—believing in the good faith of the Government. The result—in the short period that has elapsed—has been the complete expulsion of the enemy's forces, naval and military; all of whom would have been still in arms against the independence of Brazil, had it not been for the assistance of the foreign officers and seamen.

In the course of these important services, various captures were made and sent for adjudication to Rio de Janeiro, under the authority of His Imperial Majesty's orders to make war on the subjects and property of Portugal. The captures made in prosecution of the war were—according to the engagements under which the expedition proceeded—to be the reward of the captors in return for the benefits derived by the empire for their exertions.

Judge then, Sir, of the astonishment of the officers and seamen at finding on their return to this port eight months afterwards, that the Court of Admiralty (chiefly composed of natives of Portugal) pretended to be ignorant whether the nation was at war or peace! Under this plea they have avoided the adjudication of the prizes—have thrown every impediment in the way of the captors—by giving sentences equally contrary to law, common sense and justice.

Great quantities of goods in the captured ships have decayed or wholly perished from lapse of time—great quantities more have been stolen—whilst whole cargoes, by the arbitrary authority of an auditor, have been given up without trial, to pretended owners, without even the decency of communication to the captors or their agents. In short, nothing has been done in furtherance of the gracious directions of His Majesty, given on the 12th ultimo, that the prize affairs should be instantly adjusted.

It is certainly a hardship to the Portuguese gentlemen in the Court of Admiralty, to be under the necessity of condemning property that belonged to their countrymen, friends, and relations; but if they have undertaken the duties of such an office, they ought not to be permitted to weigh their private feelings against their public duty—nor to bring upon the whole Government that character of bad faith, which has been so disgraceful, and has proved so injurious to all the Governments which have hitherto been established in South America.

Even the payment of wages was not made to the Pedro Primiero till nearly three months after her return, when the seamen— irritated by the evasion of their dues—had nearly all abandoned the ship; and if the crews of the Nitherohy and Carolina did not follow their example on their return to port, it was entirely owing to my perseverance before their arrival in procuring this tardy justice.

It was a maxim of the Emperor Napoleon, that "no events are trifling with regard to nations and sovereigns, their destinies being controlled by the most inconsiderable circumstances,"— though circumstances which have the effect of causing the Imperial marine to be abandoned, ought not—in a national point of view—to be regarded as inconsiderable; but whether this be of importance or not, the consequences of such abandonment by men who have so faithfully performed their duty, will be far from beneficial to those short sighted and vain individuals who imagine that the employment of foreign officers is an obstacle to their own advancement. If the present foreign officers are compelled to abandon their situations an explanation must be given of the cause, and public indignation must inevitably fall on the unreflecting heads of the prejudiced or selfish authors of such impolitic injustice.

I have heard it stated, as a motive for the delay in condemning the prizes, that the Government—in case of a treaty of peace— might be called upon to refund the value to the original owners. But, Sir, let me ask such wretched statesmen, what would have been the situation of Brazil, if foreign officers and seamen had refused to enter the service—as would have been the case, had no prize money been promised? In that case, it is true, the vessels in question would not have been taken—but it is equally true that the enemy's troops would not have been starved into the evacuation of Bahia, nor their squadron have been intimidated to flee from these shores. Military warfare would still have raged in the interior, and the hostile fleet might now have been engaged in the blockade of Rio de Janeiro itself. Would it not be infinitely better that the Government should have to pay the value of these prizes even twice over—than that such calamities should not have been averted?

But how can it be argued that the Government may be required to restore to the enemy prizes lawfully taken in war? Is it possible that the victors can be compelled to make humiliating terms with the vanquished? Certainly not—unless the means by which victory was obtained are insanely sacrificed, by permitting the squadron to go to ruin and decay. The results which have been obtained could not have been accomplished by any other measures than those adopted by the wisdom of His Imperial Majesty. Is it then justifiable, to suffer the engagements which produced such results to be evaded and set at nought? Still more monstrous—decrees have been passed, both by the Auditor of Marine and the Court of Admiralty, to punish the captors for the execution of their duty, and by means of pains and penalties to deter them from the performance of it in future.

It is even more unjust and inconsistent, that although His Majesty's late ministers held out that ships of war were to be prize to the captors, they are now declared to be the property of the state! Do those narrow-minded persons who prompted such a decree, imagine this to be a saving to the country? or do they expect that seamen—especially foreign seamen—will fight heartily on such terms? The power which the British navy has acquired arises from the wisdom of the government in making the interests of the officers and men identical with the interests of the state, which gives bounties and premiums even in addition to the full value of the prizes; whilst the insignificance and inefficiency of the navies of governments which adopt opposite principles, sufficiently indicate whether such liberality, or the want of it, is the best policy in maritime affairs.

Having said thus much on public matters, I shall very briefly trouble you with respect to myself, by stating that, as regards all which does not depend on the uncontrolled exercise of the Imperial functions—there has been no respect paid to the written stipulations entered into with me on accepting the command of the Brazilian navy, and that since my return from freeing the Northern provinces and uniting them to the Empire, every promise—written and verbal—has been evaded or set at nought, which facts I am prepared to prove beyond the possibility of contradiction.

My nature is not suspicious, nor did I ever become doubtful of promises and professions of friendship till after the third year of my connection with Chili—when, having swept every ship of war belonging to the enemy from the Pacific, the Chilian ministers imagined that they could dispense with my services. They had not, indeed, the candour which I have experienced here, for, after appointing me to a command without limitation as to time, they did not publicly restrict the duration of that command to the earliest moment that they could dispense with me. It was their plan—while openly professing kindness and gratitude—to endeavour, by secret artifices, to render me odious to the public, and to transfer to me the responsibility which they themselves incurred by bringing the navy to ruin, and causing the seamen to abandon it, by withholding their pay, and even the provisions necessary for their subsistence. As for the rest, my remonstrances against such conduct were treated in Chili just as my representations have been treated here. Like causes will ever produce similar effects; but as there was no hostile or Spanish party in the Chilian state, four years elapsed before the mischiefs could be accomplished, which, by the machinations of the Portuguese faction, have been here effected in the short space of four months.

Truths are often disagreeable to those who are not in the habit of hearing them, and doubly offensive after long experience of the homage of blind obedience and subserviency. I have, nevertheless, always felt it my duty to the Governments under which I have served, not to abstain from uttering truths under any dread of offence, because I have ever been impressed with the conviction that speaking truth is not only the most honourable mode of proceeding, but that the time seldom fails to arrive when those who are warned of a wrong line of conduct feel grateful to the man—who at the risk of personal inconvenience, or even punishment—dared to apprise them of their danger.

In England—where mischiefs were heaped upon me for opposing a ministerial vote of parliamentary thanks to an undeserving officer—the people at once saw the propriety of my conduct, and the Government has since virtually admitted its justice. In Chili, the ministers who hated me, because they knew me to be aware of their deceitful and dishonest acts, were succeeded by others who have solicited my return. And the worthy and excellent Supreme Director (O'Higgins, whom those ministers, by their wickedness and folly, brought to ruin) found at last, and acknowledged—but too late to attend to my warnings—that I had acted towards him, in all cases, with honour and fidelity.

The error and fate of the excellent and eminent person whom I have just named—affords a proof of the folly and danger of the notion—that ministers who have forfeited the confidence of the public by breach of faith and evil acts, can be upheld by military force against public opinion, especially in Governments recently constituted. The people respected their Supreme Director; but when he marshalled his troops to uphold his evil ministers, he fell with them. Had he adopted the policy of Cromwell, and delivered to justice those who merited punishment, he would have saved himself.

Permit me to say, in conclusion, that the Ministers of His Imperial Majesty are identified with the Court of Admiralty, and with the officers whom they maintain in the different departments. Let them—I repeat—take heed that the operation of similar causes does not produce like effects; for if the conduct of these individuals shall cause the naval service to be abandoned, and shall thereby—as a necessary consequence—occasion great disasters to the Empire, I am convinced that in a short period, all the troops in Rio de Janeiro will not be able to repress the storm that will be raised against the factious Portuguese.

It is my fervent hope—that His Imperial Majesty, by gloriously adhering to the cause of independence and to Brazil, will save and unite the largest portion of his royal patrimony in defiance of the blind efforts of Portugal, and in spite of the cunning intrigues of the Portuguese faction here, to prolong civil war, and create dismemberment and disunion.

I have the honour to be,

&c. &c. COCHRANE AND MARANHAO.

His Excellency Joao Severiano Maciel de Costa, Chief Minister of State, &c. &c.

One effect of the preceding letter was—that the Court of Admiralty requested my consent to give up certain prize property, the object being to construe my acquiescence as regarded a small portion—into a precedent for giving up the remainder. This was firmly refused on the ground of its being a fraud on the captors.



CHAPTER VII.

MINISTERIAL MALIGNITY TOWARDS ME—DANGERS IN PERNAMBUCO—PORTUGUESE THREATS—MY ADVICE THEREON—FAILURE IN MANNING THE SQUADRON—PLOT FORMED TO SEARCH THE FLAGSHIP—TIMELY WARNING THEREON—I DEMAND HIS MAJESTY'S INTERFERENCE—WHICH WAS PROMPTLY GRANTED—PROTEST AGAINST PRIZE DECISIONS—MY ADVICE SOUGHT AS REGARDED PERNAMBUCO—LETTER TO HIS IMPERIAL MAJESTY—POINTING OUT THE ANNOYANCE PRACTISED—AND TENDERING MY RESIGNATION—THE EMPEROR'S INTERVENTION—HIS MINISTERS NEGLECT TO FULFIL HIS ENGAGEMENT—CONFIRMATION OF MY PREVIOUS PATENTS—BUT WITH AN UNJUSTIFIABLE RESERVATION—PRIZE MONEY DEVOTED TO ADVANCE OF WAGES—PROOFS THEREOF—BASELESS IMPUTATIONS ON ME—EXTRACTS FROM LOG—FURTHER DISTRIBUTION OF PRIZE MONEY.

Having failed in inducing the Administration to withdraw the portaria issued with a view to nullify the commissions conferred upon me by His Imperial Majesty,—I waited upon the Emperor to beg his interference in a matter no less derogatory to his authority, than unjust to myself. His Majesty regretted the circumstance, but having alluded to the difficulties in which he was placed with regard to the Administration, begged me to rely on him for justice, assuring me that he would take care that nothing was done which should practically alter my original compact.

His Majesty was exceedingly anxious that the expedition to Pernambuco should not be delayed, but I could only represent to him that nothing whatever had been done to satisfy the seamen, who, in consequence, would not re-enter—that several of the best officers were either in prison on frivolous accusations, or under arrest—that the necessary repairs to the ships were not completed—that no steps had been taken to provide for their equipment—and that, in fact, the greater was His Majesty's anxiety to put down the revolution, the more obstructive were the obstacles interposed by the Ministry to the accomplishment of his wishes.

The Ministers now resorted to a clumsy system in order to lower me in popular estimation, by imposing, for my guidance in naval matters, stringent orders about trifles which were absurd or impracticable, non-observance of these being followed by printed reprimands such as were never before addressed to a Commander-in-Chief, whilst my refutations and remonstrances against such treatment were refused publication. This course was succeeded by another still more unworthy, the ministers so far forgetting the dignity of their position, as to write or cause to be written against me a series of scurrilous articles in the newspapers under the feigned signature of "Curioso," these containing matters which could only have come from the Minister of Marine's office; but as I was able to reply to anonymous attacks through the same channel, I took care that the refutation signally recoiled on the writers, who, finding the course pursued more detrimental to their objects than to mine, relinquished this mode of attack. Pamphlets of an atrocious description were then resorted to, the more noticeable of which, was one purporting to emanate from Chili, and representing that not only had I effected nothing for that country or Peru, but that my very presence in the Peruvian waters had been the greatest obstacle to the speedy attainment of independence!

A circumstance however occurred which alarmed even the Ministers themselves. On the 20th of April, I received a despatch from Captain Taylor, commanding the naval force before Pernambuco, stating that on the 7th, the Camara of that province had unanimously resolved that they would no longer obey the Imperial authority—that the Governor appointed by His Imperial Majesty had been deposed—and that they had elected a President from amongst their own body.

This was an extremity upon which the Portuguese faction in the Administration had not calculated—their object being to encourage disturbance in remote provinces, in order to further their own purposes at Rio de Janeiro. An attempt to institute a Republican form of Government was, however, another thing, it being well known that this movement was fostered by merchants and influential citizens with republican tendencies.

My advice was now asked as to what was best to be done in the emergency, to which I replied that "no time ought to be lost in sending small vessels to enforce the blockade of Pernambuco, which had already been declared by Captain Taylor; as large vessels would be in imminent danger of being wrecked if anchored upon that open coast at this season of the year."

To add to the dangers threatening the Empire, intelligence was received that the Portuguese had reinforced and refitted their fleet with the intention of returning to Brazil and recovering the Northern provinces. This course, no doubt, having been determined upon on account of information, that, in consequence of the injustice done to the Brazilian squadron, it had been abandoned by the seamen, and was now powerless.

I did not offer to accompany any vessels that might be sent to Pernambuco; for I had made up my mind not to undertake anything unless some satisfaction were accorded to the squadron. On the 3rd of May, I, however, addressed to the Prime Minister a letter stating the plan which, in my opinion, ought to be pursued in the present predicament. The subjoined are extracts:—

Drawing a veil over that which has passed—though had my recommendations, given in writing to His Imperial Majesty on the 14th of November last—two days after the dissolution of the Assembly—been attended to, the rebellion and separation of the Northern provinces might have been prevented. Passing over the errors committed in the non-employment of the greater part of the naval forces; passing over the disgust occasioned by the conduct pursued towards the seamen, the opposition which had been encountered in every step towards amelioration, and the mischief occasioned by these and many other sources of disunion and paralysation, I say—passing over all these—let me call Your Excellency's attention to the only means which appear to me practicable to save the country—if not from again devolving to Portugal as colonial possessions, yet at least from protracted war, and its attendant calamities.

Taking it then for granted that an expedition is actually fitting out at Lisbon, destined to act against Brazil, the question is, how and by what means can that expedition be most successfully opposed? what is the force necessary? and how, under existing circumstances, it can be procured?

(Here follow plans for the reorganization of the navy, and its mode of operation, in order to prevent the anticipated invasion.)

As regards myself, it is my conviction that, though I might be responsible for the discipline and good order of a single ship, I could make nothing of a squadron so manned, as it inevitably must be, and actuated by those feelings which have been excited to the detriment of the Imperial service.

Since the date of my last letter to Your Excellency, I have received a copy of the laws relative to prizes, and am convinced that these laws differ in no material degree from the maritime code of England, the adoption of which I had solicited; and that the blame of all the disquiet that has been occasioned is entirely owing to the non-execution of the laws by those individuals who have been nominated to dispense justice, but who have perverted it.

(Signed) COCHRANE & MARANHAO.

Notwithstanding the threatening aspect of affairs in the North, no steps were taken to satisfy the seamen. In place of this I received orders to use my influence with them to re-enter without payment! Determined that the Government should not have to find fault with any want of effort on my part, I obeyed the order, with what result the following letter to the Minister of Marine will shew:—

In consequence of the directions from His Imperial Majesty, communicated through Your Excellency, to equip the Pedro Primiero, Carolina, and Maria de Gloria, with all possible despatch, and to hold them in readiness to proceed on service, I ordered a commissioned officer to visit the different rendezvous which the seamen frequent, and endeavour to prevail on them to re-enter —assuring them that the continuance of their services was the best means whereby to obtain their rewards for captures made during the late campaign. It appears, however, that it will be difficult to prevail on them to engage again in the service, without some explicit declaration made public on the part of the Imperial Government, stating what they have to expect for the past, and to anticipate for the future; for the conduct that has been pursued, especially in regard to matters of prize, has led them to draw conclusions highly prejudicial to the service of His Imperial Majesty.

(Signed) COCHRANE AND MARANHAO.

I also protested against the intended arrest of Captain Grenfell, knowing that there were no grounds for such a step, and more especially against the seizure of his papers, which necessarily contained the requisite proofs in justification of his conduct at Para. The only offence he had committed was his firmness in repressing the seditious acts of the Portuguese faction there; and as those whom he had offended had influence with their countrymen connected with the administration at Rio de Janeiro, a tissue of false representations as to his conduct, was the readiest mode of revenge, so that he shared the enmity of the faction in common with myself, though they did not venture to order my arrest.

One instance of the annoyance still directed against myself, on the 4th of June, is perhaps worth relating. It had been falsely reported to the Emperor by his ministers that—besides the 40,000 dollars which I refused to give up—specie to a large amount was secreted on board the Pedro Primiero, and it was suggested to His Majesty, that, as I was living on shore, it would be easy to search the ship in my absence —whereby the Emperor could possess himself of all the money found. This disgraceful insult was on the point of being put in execution, when an accident revealed the whole plot; the object of which was, by implied accusation, to lower me in popular estimation—a dastardly device, which, though contemptible, could hardly fail to be prejudicial to myself, against whom it was directed.

Late one evening I received a visit from Madame Bonpland, the talented wife of the distinguished French naturalist. This lady—who had singular opportunities for becoming acquainted with state secrets—came expressly to inform me that my house was at that moment surrounded by a guard of soldiers! On asking if she knew the reason of such a proceeding, she informed me that, under the pretence of a review to be held at the opposite side of the harbour early the following morning, preparations had been made by the ministers to board the flagship, which was to be thoroughly overhauled whilst I was detained on shore, and all the money found taken possession of!

Thanking my excellent friend for her timely warning, I clambered over my garden fence, as the only practicable way to the stables, selected a horse, and notwithstanding the lateness of the hour, proceeded to St. Christoval, the country palace of the Emperor, where, on my arrival, I demanded to see His Majesty. The request being refused by the gentleman in waiting, in such a way as to confirm the statement of Madame Bonpland—I dared him to refuse me admission at his peril; adding that "the matter upon which I had come was fraught with grave consequences to His Majesty and the Empire." "But," said he, "His Majesty has retired to bed long ago." "No matter," replied I, "in bed, or not in bed, I demand to see him, in virtue of my privilege of access to him at all times, and if you refuse to concede permission—look to the consequences."

His Majesty was not, however, asleep, and the royal chamber being close at hand, he recognised my voice in the altercation with the attendant. Hastily coming out of his apartments in a dishabille which, under ordinary circumstances, would have been inconsistent, he asked—"What could have brought me there at that time of night?" My reply was—that "understanding that the troops ordered for a review were destined to proceed to the flagship in search of supposed treasure, I had come to request His Majesty immediately to appoint confidential persons to accompany me on board, when the key of every chest in the ship should be placed in their hands, and every place thrown open to their inspection; but that if any of his anti-Brazilian Administration ventured to board the ship in perpetration of the contemplated insult, they would certainly be regarded as pirates, and treated as such." Adding at the same time—"Depend upon it, that they are not more my enemies, than the enemies of your Majesty and the Empire, and an intrusion so unwarrantable, the officers and crew are bound to resist." "Well," replied His Majesty, "you seem to be apprised of everything, but the plot is not mine; being—as far as I am concerned—convinced that no money would be found more than we already know of from yourself."

I then entreated His Majesty to take such steps for my justification as would be satisfactory to the public. "There is no necessity for any," replied he; "but how to dispense with the review is the puzzle.—I will be ill in the morning—so go home, and think no more of the matter. I give you my word your flag shall not be outraged by the contemplated proceeding."

The denouement of the farce is worthy of being recorded. The Emperor kept his word, and in the night was taken suddenly ill. As His Majesty was really beloved by his Brazilian subjects, all the native respectability of Rio was early next day on its way to the palace to inquire after the Royal health, and, ordering my carriage, I also proceeded to the palace, lest my absence might appear singular. On entering the room, where—surrounded by many influential persons—the Emperor was in the act of explaining the nature of his disease to the anxious inquirers—a strange incident occurred. On catching my eye, His Majesty burst into a fit of uncontrollable laughter, in which I as heartily joined; the bystanders, from the gravity of their countenances, evidently considering that both had taken leave of their senses. The Ministers looked astounded, but said nothing—His Majesty kept his secret, and I was silent.

Months had now been consumed in endeavours on the part of the Administration to give annoyance to me—and on the part of the prize tribunal to condemn me in costs for making lawful captures, this appearing to form their only object; save when a prize vessel could be given up to a claimant or pretended claimant, in outrage of justice, as evinced in the case of the Pombinho's cargo, and numerous other instances.

To such an extent was this being carried, that I sent protest after protest on the subject. The following will serve as a specimen:—

PROTEST.

The Marquis of Maranhao, First Admiral and Commander-in-Chief of the Naval forces of His Imperial Majesty, does hereby protest, on behalf of himself and those employed under his command in the blockade of Bahia, and other services of the Empire, against the sentence given in the case of the Nova Constitucao, whereby costs and damages to the amount of four times the value are decreed against the captors of the said vessel (taken in the act of violating the blockade of Bahia), in performance of duties which the law sanctioned and the service of His Imperial Majesty required.

And further, the said Marquis of Maranhao, on behalf of himself and the captors, does again most solemnly protest against all sentences of acquittal of vessels which violated the said blockade, or which were seized, navigating under Portuguese flags or with Portuguese registers—and against all proceedings to recover damages against the said Marquis and captors for any capture whatsoever; His Imperial Majesty having been graciously pleased to signify that all expenses thus incurred in case of vessels pronounced "malprisa," shall be placed to the account of the State.

Rio de Janeiro, July 23, 1824.

The anxiety of His Majesty on account of the revolt at Pernambuco was meanwhile utterly set at nought, neither Severiano, nor his colleague Barbosa—though now beginning to be alarmed—shewing the slightest disposition to carry out His Majesty's orders for the compromise with the officers and seamen, in order that the squadron might be manned. At length intelligence arrived from the revolted districts, of such a nature as to appear to His Majesty fraught with immediate danger to the integrity of the Empire, as in truth it was, for the Republican nature of the insurrection had become an established fact, whilst the squadron which, months before, ought to have sailed to quell the revolt, was, from, want of men, lying idle in the port of the capital.

Setting aside all Ministerial interposition, I received His Majesty's orders to repair at once to the palace, to decide on the best plan of meeting these revolutionary manifestations. My advice was—at once to put them down with a strong hand; but I called His Majesty's attention to the ministerial contempt of his orders to satisfy the seamen, and the consequent hopeless condition of the squadron—abandoned because no assurance had been given that past services would be rewarded by the adjudication of the prizes—against which adjudication the tribunal resolutely set their faces, or, what was worse, unwarrantably disposed of the property entrusted to them for adjudication.

His Majesty was greatly annoyed at learning the continuance and extent of the vexatious opposition to his wishes; but, begging me not to be influenced by the injustice committed, strongly urged the necessity of my using every endeavour for immediate action,—I at once pointed out to His Majesty that the only way to accomplish this was, to restore confidence to the men by maintaining public faith with the officers and seamen, giving compensation—at least in part—of their prize money, with recognition of their claims to the remainder.

Still nothing was done, until, becoming tired of the harassing circumstances in which I was placed, I made up my mind to a last effort, which, if unsuccessful, should be followed by my resignation of the command, even though it might involve the loss of all that which was due to me. Accordingly, I addressed to His Majesty a letter from which the following are extracts:—

The time has at length arrived when it is impossible to doubt that the influence which the Portuguese faction has so long exerted, with the view of depriving the officers and seamen of their stipulated rights, has succeeded in its object, and has even prevailed against the expressed wishes and intentions of Your Majesty in person.

(Here follows a recapitulation of injuries and annoyances with which the reader is familiar):—

The determined perseverance in a course so opposed to justice, by those members and adherents of the Portuguese faction, whose influence prevails in the ministry and council, and more especially the proceedings of those individuals of that faction, who compose the naval tribunals, must come to an end.

The general discontent which prevails in the squadron has rendered the situation in which I am placed one of the most embarrassing description; for though few may be aware that my own cause of complaint is equal to theirs, many cannot perceive the consistency of my patient continuation in the service, with disapprobation of the measures pursued. Even the honours which Your Majesty has been pleased to bestow upon me, are deemed by most of the officers, and by the whole of the men—who know not the assiduity with which I have persevered in earnest but unavailing remonstrance—as a bribe by which I have been induced to abandon their interests. Much, therefore, as I prize those honours, as the gracious gift of Your Imperial Majesty, yet, holding in still dearer estimation my character as an officer and a man, I cannot hesitate a moment which to sacrifice when the retention of both is evidently incompatible.

I can, therefore, no longer delay to demonstrate to the squadron, and the world, that I am no partner in the deceptions and oppressions which are practised on the naval service; and as the first, and most painful step in the performance of this imperious duty, I crave permission—with all humility and respect—to return those honours, and lay them at the feet of Your Imperial Majesty.

I should, however, fall short of my duty to those who were induced to enter the service by my example or invitation, were I to do nothing more than convince them that I had been deceived. It is incumbent on me to make every effort to obtain for them the fulfilment of engagements for which I made myself responsible.

As far as I am personally concerned, I could be content to quit the service of Your Imperial Majesty, either with or without the expectation of obtaining compensation at a future period, and could submit to the same sacrifices here as I did on the other side of the continent, even to abandoning the ships which I captured from the enemy—without payment or reward—as I did in Chili and Peru. After effectually fighting the battles of freedom and independence on both sides of South America, and clearing the two seas of every vessel of war, I could submit to return to my native country unrewarded; but I cannot submit to adopt any course which shall not redeem my pledge to my brother officers and seamen. Neither can I relinquish the object which I have equally at heart, of depriving the Portuguese faction of the means of undermining the nationality and independence of the empire, to which—notwithstanding their admission to places of honour and trust—they are notoriously and naturally opposed.

It is impossible to view the prize tribunal—consisting of natives of the hostile nation—in any other light than as a party of the enemy, who, in the disguise of judges, have surprised and recaptured our prizes, after we had lodged them—as we thought—safely in port. And we have not the slightest reason to doubt that, if suffered to proceed unmolested, they will eventually get them clean out of the harbour, and convey them back to their own country. We do not ask for reprisals upon these people, but simply restitution of the fruits of our labours in the service of Your Majesty, of which they have insidiously despoiled us, and that no impediment to this act of justice may arise, or be pretended by the individuals in question, we are willing to wait for a still further period—retaining, however, what remains of the prizes in our own custody—until our claims are settled; when we shall punctually surrender them into Your Imperial hands at whatever moment Your Majesty shall be pleased to cause the said claims to be duly discharged.

We most earnestly beseech Your Imperial Majesty—upon whom alone we depend for justice—to take into your consideration the necessity of withdrawing all control over the naval service and its interests from the hands of individuals with whose country Your Majesty is at war, and against which, under Your Imperial authority, we have been employed in active hostilities. It is only by the removal of Portuguese functionaries—more especially from the naval department, and the appointment of native Brazilians in their stead, that Your Imperial Majesty can reasonably hope to possess the full confidence of your people. Such a proceeding would be far more effective for the suppression of the rebellion in the North, than the ill-equipped naval detachment employed on that service.

I trust that Your Imperial Majesty will perceive that nothing short of the most thorough conviction in my own mind, with regard to the step now taken, could have led me to adopt it on my own account, or on that of the squadron. To myself, in particular, it must be a source of great anxiety, and in all probability, for a time —before the circumstances are generally understood—it may bring on me a large share of obloquy. My resignation is attended with the surrender of the high honours with which Your Majesty has graciously invested me, in addition to the honourable situation which I hold under Your Imperial authority. Your Majesty may be assured that such sacrifices as these are not made without extreme reluctance, and if there had remained the slightest probability of obtaining by any ordinary means the justice for the squadron, which it is my bounden duty to persevere in demanding, I should have avoided a step so pregnant with disadvantages to myself.

(Signed) COCHRANE AND MARANHAO.

His Majesty frankly admitted that the course pursued by his Ministers towards the squadron was no less discreditable than injurious to the vital interests of the state, but begged me to reconsider my determination. To prevent further ministerial interposition, at a moment so pregnant with danger, the Emperor offered to place at my disposal, for the temporary satisfaction of the men, 200,000 milreis in paper currency—not one-tenth of the value of the prizes—if I would endeavour to rally them under the national flag, and merge my own injuries in oblivion, till he should be better able to do us justice.

My reply was that, personally, His Majesty had ever manifested his desire to fulfil his promises to me, and that I would stand by the integrity of the empire, and its consolidation. It was of the ministers I had to complain, by whom all the Imperial promises had been broken, and His Majesty's intentions thwarted; but that this would neither interfere with my duty nor gratitude to His Majesty, personally; and that if the 200,000 milreis were paid, I would endeavour to use the money to the best advantage by inducing the men to return to the ships.

The amount was directed to be placed in my hands, with the request that I would proceed to Pernambuco, and use my discretion in putting down the revolution, unfettered by orders; His Majesty recommending me to withhold payment till the squadron was at sea, in order to prevent delay and desertion. I begged of His Majesty to appoint a commission for the distribution of the money, as the responsibility was foreign to my duties. This, however, was overruled with a gracious compliment as to the manner in which my services had uniformly been conducted; being thus pressed I made no further opposition.

Still the ministers withheld the money, on which I wrote to the Emperor, requesting that His Majesty would perform the gracious compliment of delivering it on board personally. The Emperor at once comprehended the nature of the hint, and insisted on the sum being placed in my hands. On receiving it, I immediately issued a proclamation to the seamen, informing them of His Majesty's concession—inviting them to return to their duty—and promising payment to the extent of the funds supplied. The result was, that all who had not quitted Rio de Janeiro in despair, with one accord rejoined the service, and every effort was made to get the expedition ready for sea.

Before sailing for Pernambuco I was naturally desirous of coming to a definite understanding on the subject of my commission, the patents conferring which had been ruthlessly attempted to be set aside under the signature of Barbosa, on the assumed pretence of authority from His Imperial Majesty, whose rubrica, however, was not attached to this violation of our original compact. Accordingly, on the 26th of July, I addressed a letter to Barbosa on the subject, and on the 29th received the following reply:—

His Imperial Majesty commands, through the Secretary of State and Marine, that there shall be transmitted to the First Admiral commanding-in-chief the naval forces of this empire the enclosed copy of a decree of the 27th of this month, by which His Imperial Majesty has judged proper to determine that the said First Admiral shall receive in full, so long as he shall continue in the service of this empire, the full pay of his patent; and, in the event of his not choosing to continue therein after the termination of the present war of independence, the one-half of his pay as a pension—the same being extended to his wife in the event of his decease.

The said First Admiral is hereby certified that the said decree of His Imperial Majesty is not required to be inserted in his patent, as he requests in his letter of the 26th instant, the said decree being as valid as the patent itself.

Palace of Rio de Janeiro, July 29th, 1824.

(Signed) FRANCISCO VILLELA BARBOSA.

Decree of His Imperial Majesty, inserted in the Mercurio de Brazil, Sunday, 31st July, 1824.

In consequence of what has been represented to me by the Marquis of Maranhao, First Admiral and Commander-in-Chief of the naval forces of the empire, and in consequence of the great services he has rendered, and which we hope he will continue to render to the sacred cause of Brazil, I hereby—by the advice of my Council of State—determine that the said Marquis of Maranhao shall be paid in full, during the period that he shall remain in the service of this empire, the whole amount of salary due to his patent; and in the case of his not wishing to continue in the service after the termination of the present war of independence, the one-half of the said pay as a pension, the same, in case of his death, being extended to his wife.

Francisco Villela Barbosa, of my Council of State, Minister and Secretary of Marine, is hereby commanded to promulgate the same, and execute the necessary despatches.

Given in the palace of Rio de Janeiro, the 27th of July, 1824, and the third of independence and the empire.

With the Rubrica of His Imperial Majesty.

(Signed) FRANCISCO VILLELA BARBOSA.

This decree nullified the unjustifiable portaria issued by Barbosa, limiting my services to the period of the war, which, in reality, had been ended by my expulsion of the Portuguese from Bahia and Maranham. It recognised and established the validity of the Emperor's original patents, of which, by the minister's own explanation, it was a continuation, with an extension to Lady Cochrane; a boon spontaneously granted by the Emperor, as a mark of gratitude for services rendered in the preceding year. It was, moreover, clearly left to my own option to continue in the service or to quit it on half-pay, on the termination of the war of independence.

If there was any faith to be placed in princes or ministers, nothing could be more definite or satisfactory than the preceding document, with the exception of the phrase, "in the event of his not choosing to continue therein," which evidently contained an arriere pensee, implying, as was afterwards proved, that when I could be got rid of it would be easy to compel me to retire from the service; but even this alternative was subsequently disregarded—though His Imperial Majesty, on my thanking him for having so far done me justice against the attempts of his Ministers—remarked, "never mind their injustice—they can't deprive you of that"—alluding to the stipulations contained in the Imperial patents, and this renewed confirmation thereof.

The concession of 200,000 dollars, as a portion of the prize money so long due to the officers and crews, was actually made to suffice, in place of an advance of wages usually given on the departure of a naval expedition; so that, in fact, the squadron was manned at its own expense! no other payment being accorded by the Government. As His Majesty had requested that the men should not receive their money before going to sea, the squadron, with the exception of the flagship, was despatched on its voyage, the crews being satisfied—now that the money was on board—with my promise of payment when they should assemble at the rendezvous appointed.

It is requisite to enter into some detail relative to the distribution of prize money thus of necessity substituted as an advance of wages: it being impossible to get the requisite numbers of foreign seamen for the Pedro Primiero without such advance; and although the frigates which had sailed, manned for the most part with Portuguese or Brazilian crews, relied upon me for payment of their prize money, the foreign seamen refused even to remain on board the flagship without the usual advance; the officers also were in want of everything, and the men—indebted to tavern keepers—clamorous for payment.

As the necessity was urgent, I did not choose that the flagship, under my immediate command, should leave port in a discreditable manner, I therefore took upon myself—notwithstanding His Majesty's suggestion to withhold payment till we were at sea—to accommodate the officers and satisfy the crew by the advance demanded; a step, in my judgment, the more necessary, since, as had been the case in the former campaign, I should mainly have to depend upon the foreign officers and seamen of my own ship, for the execution of plans which might become requisite—the best way, therefore, to ensure their zealous co-operation throughout the voyage, was to establish harmony at its commencement by complying with their just demand.

The following were the principal sums disbursed on this occasion, as appears from my private memoranda, the vouchers themselves being afterwards transmitted to the Minister of Marine through Captain Shepherd, as will subsequently appear:—

Dollars. To Myself 85,000 Paid Messrs. May and Lukin, Prize Agents, for Admiralty Court expenses, and commission, at 5 per cent 15,000

Advanced to Squadron generally 23,000

Ditto to Captain Crosbie 5,000

Ditto, to other Officers 3,750

Disbursed at Rio, 70,750

This sum, about L.14,000, may appear trivial to the English reader, accustomed to lavish expenditure in all naval expeditions as the most economical way of securing their future efficiency—and hence the mention of such an amount may be deemed superfluous. That this is not the case will presently appear.

The reader must not however imagine that I am about to inflict on him an account current of the expenditure of the squadron; but circumstances compel me to a precision in this respect on personal grounds: the Brazilian Government—though in possession of the documents and vouchers afterwards transmitted by Captain Shepherd—publicly persisting in the statement that I never furnished accounts of the expedition to Pernambuco and Maranham—thus leaving the public to infer that the disbursements just narrated, together with subsequent payments, had never in reality been made! In other words, that I induced the crews to go to sea—put down the revolution in the North—spent nine months in pacifying the revolutionary provinces—and yet fraudulently withheld 200,000 dollars, the only sum supplied during the whole of the expedition; the seamen meanwhile not only serving without reward, but being content with my monopolizing the portion of the prize-money known by them to have been awarded for the expulsion of the Portuguese in the preceding year, and notoriously in my possession! Their forbearance being so improbable as to refute itself, being contrary to common sense; even in the absence of the vouchers, which were transmitted to the Brazilian Government, but never acknowledged—I am able however to account for the whole from documents no less convincing than the vouchers transmitted.

It is true that nothing but the blind hatred of the old Portuguese faction towards me could have originated such charges, and that hatred was greatly increased by my pacification of the revolutionary provinces—this being the death-blow to the intrigues recommended by Palmella in favour of the mother country. As, however, the Brazilian Government did not acknowledge to me the receipt of my accounts, which must either exist to this day in the office of the Minister of Marine, or must have been destroyed, for the sake of traducing my character in justification of my prospective dismissal—it is incumbent on me to supply, for the information of the Brazilian people, explanations which have been repeatedly given to their Government, but which have not as yet been made public through the medium of the press—and that not for the information of the Brazilian people solely, but of the British public, who, in the absence of official imputations recently promulgated, have never before been put in possession of facts.

The Brazilian people may rest assured that whenever I received, for the use of the squadron, sums which itself had captured, I could neither then conceal the circumstance nor can I now disavow the fact—giving, however, the reasons which, for the interests of the Empire, justified my proceedings. The only instance of this kind which had hitherto occurred was my retention of 40,000 dollars captured at Maranham, and they who have perused the preceding narrative will be at no loss for the ground of my refusal to surrender to the Court of Admiralty a sum which would have been returned by that tribunal to their Portuguese brethren—nor for my resistance to the plot which the ministers had formed to take it by force from on board the flagship.

To return to the advances made to the officers and seamen of the flagship. The following extracts from the original log kept by my secretary will shew the fact of the distribution previously narrated:—

July 12th, 1824. Received the 200,000 dollars at the treasury, and gave receipt, with Captain Crosbie and the Commissary. Deposited the notes in the iron chest on board the Pedro Primiero.

July 19th. Went on board the Pedro Primiero to pay advance. (Paid May and Lukin 15,000 dollars.) Engaged all day in paying the men.

July 26th. Went to the Pedro, with the Admiral and Lieutenant Blake, to pay advance from the prize-money. In the evening the Emperor called and announced to the Admiral that he was to sail on Sunday next.

July 31st. On board the Pedro paying seamen as before. Soldiers came on board.

August 2nd. Emperor came alongside. Admiral embarked. Got under way, and set sail in company with the Maranhao brig and three transports.

The preceding extracts shew that not only was an advance made for the good of the service, but this was done with such publicity, that both the Emperor and his ministers could not fail to be aware of the circumstance. The further distribution as prize-money, according to His Majesty's direction, took place at Bahia and Pernambuco, as will be shewn in the next chapter.



CHAPTER VIII.

REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT PROCLAIMED AT PERNAMBUCO—ITS CONCORDAT——THE PRESIDENT CARVALHO—THREAT OF BOMBARDMENT—A BRIBE OFFERED TO ME AND REFUSED—THE REVOLT ADMITTED OF PALLIATION—IT WAS FAST BECOMING GENERAL—INTIMIDATION INEFFECTUAL—THE REVOLUTIONISTS EXPECT FOREIGN AID—PERNAMBUCO TAKEN POSSESSION OF—PAYMENT OF PRIZE MONEY—THE ACCOUNTS RENDERED IN DUE COURSE—ORDERS TO PUT DOWN REVOLT AT PARA—CHARACTER OF THE REVOLUTION—DIFFICULTY IN FINDING PROPER GOVERNORS—REVOLT AT CEARA—STEPS TAKEN TO SUPPRESS IT—THEY PROVE SUCCESSFUL—THE INSURGENT LEADER KILLED—MEASURES FOR PRESERVING TRANQUILLITY.

On the 2nd of August, 1824, the Imperial squadron again quitted Rio de Janeiro, the rendezvous being appointed at Jurugua, where we arrived on the 13th, and on the 16th landed a body of twelve hundred troops under General Lima, at Alagoas, seventy or eighty miles from the seat of revolt! this notable step being taken in pursuance of strict orders from the Administration at Rio de Janeiro.

On the 18th, the squadron reached Pernambuco, falling in, near the entrance of the port, with a number of Portuguese vessels quitting the city with passengers; but in consequence of the prize tribunal having decreed damages for the seizure of enemy's ships within a certain distance of the coast, they were permitted to pass unmolested.

We did not reach Pernambuco too soon, for proclamations had been issued by Manuel Carvalho Paes de Andrade, the revolutionary President—denouncing Don Pedro as a traitor, whose aim it was to abandon Brazil to the Portuguese; which denunciation, though right in one sense, was wrong as regarded the Emperor, whose views were thoroughly national—though the object of his ministers was as thoroughly Portuguese. Had the Pernambucans been aware of the want of concord between the Emperor's intentions and those of his ministers, who had forced themselves upon him—the probability is that they would have supported, instead of denouncing his government.

The revolution had, however, now taken vigorous root, and the democratic spirit of the Pernambucans was not to be trifled with. A republican form of Government had been proclaimed, the views of which were on a more extensive scale than was commensurate with the abilities of those propounding them; it being their vain hope to constitute all the equatorial provinces into a federation, on the model of the United States, a project fostered—if not originated—by Americans resident in the city. To further this object, an appeal was made to the other Northern provinces to repudiate the Imperial authority, and to form with Pernambuco an alliance, under the title of "Confederation of the Equator;" the consequence being, that a large proportion of the inhabitants of Parahyba, Piahuy, Rio Grande do Norte, and Ceara, declared in favour of the measure.

The annexed is the Concordat of the revolutionary provinces:—

In the year of Our Lord 1824, third year of the Independence of Brazil, and the 3rd of August in that year, in the Hall of Session of the Government of the Province of Pernambuco, there being present, the Brazilian citizen, Quaresma Torreao, on behalf of His Excellency the President, Carvalho Paes de Andrade, and the Illustrious and Reverend Francisco da Costa Leixas; Jose Joaquim Fernandez Barros, and the Citizen Jose Joaquim Germiniano de Moraes Navarro, on behalf of the province of Rio Grande del Norte, by diploma dated August 16, 1824, and also the Illustrious deputies commissioned by His Excellency the Governor of the Province of Pernambuco to treat on behalf of his Government, with a view to extinguish dissension in political opinions, which has so greatly retarded the progress of Brazil, and of independence and liberty; and, at the same time, to do their endeavour to banish a servile spirit which tends to enthral Brazil by a pretended Constitution, domineering over the Brazilian nation like that of the Grand Seignior of the Ottoman Porte.

The Commission of the Government of this province, and the illustrious deputations before-mentioned, having maturely considered these subjects, agree—

First,—That these provinces of Pernambuco and Rio Grande unite in a fraternal league, offensive and defensive, to assemble all their forces against any aggression of the Portuguese Government, or that of the Government of Rio de Janeiro, to reduce these provinces to a state of thraldom.

Secondly,—That the said league shall extend to the establishing constitutional liberty throughout the said provinces, and to supplant the servile spirit with which they are infected, and thus avert civil war, engendered by the intrigues at Rio de Janeiro, the influence of which now pervades the whole of Brazil.

Thirdly,—That to insure the effect of this compact, the Government of Rio Grande must form a body of troops, and place them on the borders of the province of Parahyba, to be employed as necessity requires.

Fourthly,—That this body of troops shall be supported by the province of Pernambuco, but shall be afterwards supported by the "Confederation of the Equador." And that the same may be carried into immediate effect, this Concordat shall have full force, after being signed and ratified by their Excellencies the Presidents of the said provinces of Pernambuco and Rio del Norte.

(Signed) P. FRANCISCO DA COSTA LEIXAS. JOSE JOAQUIM FERNANDEZ BARROS. JOSE JOAQUIM GERMINIANO DE MORAES NAVARRO. BASILIO QUARESMA TORREAO. MANOEL DE CARVALHO PAES D'ANDRADE, President.

Printed at the National Press.

Carvalho, however, was not the man to carry out such a scheme, his enthusiasm being without prudence or daring; hence, on our arrival—in place of union, the contending factions were engaged in destroying each other's sugar-mills and plantations, whilst Carvalho himself had taken the precaution to station a vessel at the island of Tamarica, for the purpose of escaping, if necessary, from the turbulence which he had raised, but could not control. On learning this, I felt it my duty to despatch a corvette to seize her, though at the risk of four-fold damages, according to the regulations of the Admiralty Court!