As to The Club—we had better not propose Huxley while Owen is amongst us. But we have several octogenarians—Overstone, Henry Taylor; and as for the lower grade of septuagenarians, they are numerous; but I will say nothing of them, as I shall shortly join that body. Altogether The Club presents a respectable array of years, and tends to longevity. I should like an engineer, if we could catch an agreeable one. What would you say to Sir Henry Loch? Few men have seen more of the world—in India, China, the Crimea, down to the Isle of Man; and I think him vastly agreeable. However, we can talk this over when we meet.



CHAPTER XXI

THE FRENCH ROYALISTS

Many others besides Lord Derby were at this time speculating on the chances of one more revolution in France. The state of public opinion seemed to point to a coming weariness of the corruption incidental to a republic, and a desire for the restoration of the monarchy. Since the obstinate refusal of the Comte de Chambord, in 1873, to accept the change from the drapeau blanc of the Bourbon dynasty to the flaunting tricolor which savoured of democracy, monarchy had seemed impossible. But the Comte de Chambord was known to be in feeble health, and he had no children. If he should die, the fusion of the antagonistic parties was possible, was indeed probable; and it was generally understood that the Comte de Paris was singularly free from the prejudices which had rendered impossible a restoration in the person of his cousin. He was, indeed, not ambitious, and he was wealthy. The two ordinary motives of conspirators were wanting; but he loved France by force of sympathy and education, and he honestly believed that a restoration would be the best thing for his country. As a matter of love and duty he felt bound to work in order to bring about this most desirable of changes.

From the Comte de Paris

Chateau d'Eu, le 2 janvier 1883.

Mon cher Monsieur Reeve,—Je suis bien touche de la bonne pensee que vous avez eue de m'ecrire a l'occasion de la nouvelle annee. Je vous remercie de tous vos bons voeux, et je vous prie de recevoir ici l'assurance de ceux que je forme pour vous et pour les votres.

I am greatly obliged by your remarks on the future of France. This is indeed dark; and, as you so well express it, the sterility of democracy and the impotence of the institutions based on it are most striking. They are especially so here. This dearth, this void, of which you speak increases from day to day. The men of note who were formed under a different rule, and who came to the front under special circumstances, are dying off and are not replaced. It is only a few days since one, [Footnote: Gambetta, died December 31st, 1882.] the most able we have had since the death of M. Thiers, has been carried off by an obscure—a mysterious—illness. Of those left, there is no one who can take his place. In some respects he was a truly remarkable man. He, and he alone, was known from one end of France to the other; he, and none but he, could even for one day have united the blind and jealous forces of democracy; he alone could give the republicans the organisation and appearance of a party, but owing to the violence of his temperament he could never have held the reins of government. He would have been exceedingly dangerous in the department of foreign affairs, which would have been his choice. He would, indeed, have brought to it a most honourable sentiment of the dignity of France, but he had neither prudence nor experience. There were in Europe some who counted on him; others who feared him; every one, I think, exaggerated what he would have done or tried to do.

I regret extremely the difficulties which are rising between France and England about Egypt, and I confess I do not understand the attitude of our Government. The temper of France towards England resembles that of a man who has been offered an equal share in a profitable adventure, who has refused to accept the risk, and who is now vexed at the success of his neighbour. But no Government worthy of the name will allow itself to be influenced by such feelings, or is unable to adapt itself to the changes which circumstances may give rise to. And besides, so little attention is paid in France to foreign politics that the Government may do whatever it likes, provided that does not lead to war—under any form or against any enemy....

J'ai bien regrette de ne pas pouvoir rencontrer Mlle. Reeve a Paris. Veuillez lui dire que si elle veut prendre quelques truites, elle devrait venir ici du 28 ou 29 mai au 5 ou 6 pin. C'est la date exacte de l'eclosion du May-fly, et a ce moment-la nous faisons vraiment de tres belles peches. En attendant nous partons pour Cannes la semaine prochaine. J'espere y rencontrer quelques amis d'Angleterre, dont plusieurs sont deja fort anciens—comme Lord Cardwell, Sir C. Murray, Lord Clarence Paget, le Duc d'Argyll, &c.

Veuillez offrir mes hommages a Madame Reeve, et me croire.

Votre bien affectionne,

LOUIS-PHILLIPE D'ORLEANS.

From Lord Granville

Walmer Castle, January 7th.—I return you, with many thanks, the Comte de Paris' remarkable letter. If the Duc de Bordeaux would follow the example which has been sadly set by Gambetta and Chanzy, [Footnote: Chanzy had died two days before, January 5th. The Duc de Bordeaux better known at this time as the Comte de Chambord, did follow the example a few months later, August 24th.] the prospects at Eu would be good.

With you, I do not feel inclined to gush over Gambetta. It is true that he was well disposed towards England, but his love would have been of a troublesome and exacting character.

The Journal has little of interest. It notes the return to London on January 13th; a journey to York on the 29th, on a visit to the Archbishop [Thomson], who wrote an article for the 'Review' on the Ecclesiastical Commission; and, on February 17th, to Battle Abbey. Beyond these trivial entries, nothing except the mention of several dinner parties—some 'good,' some 'dull.' Then, later:—

April 16th to May 22nd.—At Foxholes. Very cold. Snow in May.

June 8th.—Dinner at Lord Carnarvon's. Sir R. and Lady Wallace, Lord Salisbury, Lady Portsmouth.

15th.—Dinner at Alfred Morrison's, [Footnote: Mr. Morrison, so well known to historical students by his splendid collection of MSS., died on December 22nd, 1897.] first time. Splendid house.

21st.—Dinner at home. Duc d'Aumale, Granvilles, Malmesburys, Carlingford, G. Trevelyans, and others.

23rd.—Philobiblon breakfast at Gibbs's. Duc d'Aumale, Duke of Albany. To Military Tournament with Lady Malmesbury.

25th.—Duke of Cleveland's dinner to Duc d'Aumale. Duke of Grafton, Lady Cork.

From the Comte de Paris

Chateau d'Eu, 16 juin.

Mon cher Monsieur Reeve,—J'ai hate de repondre a votre aimable lettre du 8, et de vous remercier de votre bienveillante appreciation d'un travail qui prend des proportions vraiment formidables. Je suis en effet en train d'imprimer le 7me volume, et d'ecrire le 8me, qui sera suivi encore de deux autres, si Dieu me prete vie. Je suis oblige d'entrer dans beaucoup de details pour donner a cette histoire un veritable interet aux yeux du public americain, qui est celui auquel je m'adresse particulierement, le seul qui puisse me fournir beaucoup de lecteurs. La traduction anglaise en un gros volume a du paraitre ou paraitra incessamment a Philadelphie.

Vous trouverez le Duc d'Aumale en fort belle sante et tres brillant, malgre toutes les preoccupations que nous avons eues, et la blessure tres vive que lui a faite l'odieuse mesure militaire [Footnote: The removal of the Orleanist princes from the active list of the army in February.] dont il a ete l'objet. Je regrette de ne pouvoir l'accompagner en Angleterre, ou j'ai tant d'amis que je serais heureux de revoir. Mais ne puis-je au moins esperer que vous nous ferez cette annee, avec Madame et Mademoiselle Reeve, une visite au Chateau d'Eu? Nous resterons ici tout le mois de Juillet. J'ai ete assez heureux a la peche ici dans notre petite riveire. Pendant une quinzaine, du 25 mai au 10 juin, j'ai pris a la mouche 82 truites pesant 42 livres.

This was the sport to which he had particularly invited Miss Reeve in January, and which, he goes on to say, has given him the idea of going to Norway in August. As to this, he begs Reeve to make some inquiries for him, and concludes—Veuillez me croire votre bien affectionne,

LOUIS-PHILIPPE D'ORLEANS.

Another chatty letter, four days later, June 20th, has:—

Nous serons charmes de vous voir venir ici vers le 24 juillet avec Madame Reeve, tout en regrettant que Mademoiselle votre fille ne puisse pas vous accompagner. Nous esperons qu'elle pourra venir ici l'annee prochaine en mai. Mais qui peut faire sous un gouvernement democratique des projets a si longue echeance?

The visit was, however, prevented by an event of the most serious political importance; an event which during the next three or four years was thought by many to be likely to change the destinies of France, to affect the fortunes of Europe. It may be best told in the words of the person most affected.

From the Comte de Paris

Chateau d'Eu, le 18 juillet.

Mon cher Monsieur Reeve,—Je suis revenu ici il y a deux jours apres avoir fait en Autriche un voyage imprevu dont vous avez connu le motif et le resultat. J'ai ete recu par l'auguste malade [Footnote: The Comte de Chambord, known among the Legitimists as Henri V.] avec une affectueuse cordialite qui m'a profondement touche, et j'ai quitte Vienne en conservant quelque espoir de le voir sortir de la crise cruelle qu'il vient de traverser. Les dernieres nouvelles recues ne dementent pas cet espoir, quoique son etat soit toujours fort grave et plein de perils. Je ne puis naturellement faire dans une pareille situation de projets a longue echeance. Non seulement tout plan de voyage est abandonne pour le moment, mais je vis au jour le jour, toujours pret a partir au recu d'une depeche annoncant le denouement fatal. Aussi ne puis-je dans ce moment insister pour vous engager a faire au Chateau d'Eu cette visite dont je me promettais tant de plaisir et d'interet, mais qui, dans les circonstances actuelles, risquerait fort d'etre brusquement interrompue. Je le regrette vivement, et j'espere pouvoir m'en dedommager plus tard.

En attendant, j'ai hate de vous remercier de tout ce que vous me dites sur ma situation actuelle et sur l'interet que vous y portez. Je vous remercie egalement de ce que vous avez ecrit sur ce sujet a la fin du dernier numero de la Revue d'Edimbourg. On sent en lisant ce morceau combien celui qui l'a ecrit aime et connait bien la France. Il a ete fort remarque chez nous. Si vous me permettez d'ajouter un seul mot qui vous prouvera que je l'ai lu avec attention, je vous signalerai un lapsus calami qui vous a echappe. Le fondateur de notre branche d'Orleans, fils de Louis XIII, frere de Louis XIV, s'appelait Philippe et non Gaston. Gaston etait le nom du fils de Henri IV, frere de Louis XIII, le Duc d'Orleans de la Fronde, qui ne laissa que des filles, entre autres Mlle. de Montpensier.

Like you, I am uneasy at the existing relations of France and England, though I fully believe that the two Governments are respectively animated by the most conciliatory intentions. In my opinion, the blame rests on what is now called 'the colonial policy,' which consists in scattering our forces to the four corners of the world, while Continental Europe is armed to the teeth and does not afford us a single ally. But even this policy might be followed without causing any difficulty with England, if there was a readiness to anticipate it by frank explanations. The world is big enough for it. Unfortunately, since the Egyptian business—which might easily have been the opportunity for a friendly agreement, but which we have made such a mess of—all these questions are confused and taken amiss....

Je termine en vous renouvelant encore tous mes remerciments, et en vous priant de me croire votre bien affectionne,

LOUIS-PHILIPPE D'ORLEANS.

The Journal then has:—

July 24th.—Great dinner at the Granvilles' to receive Waddington [Footnote: M. Waddington had a career that has perhaps no parallel. The son of an Englishman settled in France, he was educated at Rugby and at Trinity College, Cambridge; and was second classic, Chancellor's medallist, and No. 6 in the University boat in 1849. Having elected to be a Frenchman, he travelled in Asia Minor, and achieved a reputation as an archaeologist and numismatist. After the fall of the Empire he entered into public life; was foreign minister and the representative of France at Berlin in 1878; was prime minister and the representative of France at the Coronation of the Tsar in 1881, and was French ambassador in London from 1883 to 1893. He died in 1894 at the age of 68.] [the new French Ambassador]. I was introduced to Count Herbert Bismarck. Sat by Errington. Forty-two people there at several tables.

26th.—To Foxholes.

September 10th.—Left Foxholes for Broglie via Havre. Slept at Rouen. 11th, Broglie, by rail to Bernay; at Broglie, Vieil Castel, Laugel, Target, Gavard. Old name of Broglie, Chambrey.

15th.—Left Broglie for Val Richer. Drive with De Witt.

17th.—Gout coming on in foot. Started for Honfleur and Havre; quite lame. Spent the day on board the Wolf; met Prothero again. Managed to get home on the 18th. Laid up in bed for a week.

From Lord Granville

September 29th.—The Comte de Paris has a difficult game to play; and the large intelligent family, living in great luxury and consideration, is not the best machine for carrying hopes more or less forlorn; but I expect it would be difficult to find an abler or more judicious pretender. My fear is that—as you say—their way to success lies through some disaster. I do not feel convinced, if an opportunity or a necessity arose, that men like Waddington and Ferry would not be among the first to act as civil Moncks.

In the meantime, we shall know in a very few days whether the wisest among the present ministry will have their way and do the right thing by us in the Madagascar matter. It will take a little longer to settle the Chinese difficulty. This can only be done by great sacrifices on the part of the French. The Chinese will not hurry themselves, and believe they have the French in their pockets.

From the Comte de Paris

Chateau d'Eu, 3 octobre.

Mon cher Monsieur Reeve,—J'ai recu votre lettre du 4 septembre a mon retour de Frohsdorf, mais j'ai eu tant a faire depuis lors que je n'ai pas, jusqu'a ce jour, trouve un instant pour vous remercier de la preuve d'amitie et de sympathie que vous m'avez donnee dans ces circonstances si graves pour moi. J'ai eu depuis des nouvelles de votre sejour a Broglie et au Val Richcr par Messieurs Gavard et de Witt, et j'ai bien regrette que les convenances du deuil ne m'aient pas permis de vous demander cette annee de venir an Chateau d'Eu. J'aurais ete, en effet, fort heureux de pouvoir causer avec vous de toutes les graves questions qui se posent aujourd'hui devant nous, tant a l'interieur qu'a l'exterieur.

Je serai heureux d'en retrouver l'occasion; car, plus les evenements rendent ma situation grave et difficile, plus ils grandissent ma responsabilite, plus naturellement je tiens a recueillir les avis d'un observateur eclaire, impartial et bienveillant pour la France. Dans cette situation si nouvelle, et, je puis dire, sans precedents, je tiens a resserrer les liens de mes vieilles amities, et je tiens particulierement a entretenir mes relations avec la societe anglaise, ce grand centre intellectuel qui recueille et juge les affaires du monde entier....

Je vous prie d'offrir mes hommages a Madame et a Mademoiselle Reeve et de me croire Votre bien affectionne,

PHILIPPE COMTE DE PAEIS.

All the Comte de Paris' earlier letters are signed Louis-Philippe D'Orleans, the capital D' being a noticeable peculiarity. By the death of the Comte de Chambord at Frohsdorf on August 24th, the Comte de Paris had become the head of the Bourbons, [Footnote: Always excepting the impossible Don Carlos.] and linked the Legitimists and Orleanists in the person of one capable man. At the same time he changed his signature, as now claiming the throne by hereditary right. Among the Orleanists, however, there were many—including the Duc d'Aumale—who considered the change ill-judged, as implying that his grandfather, Louis Philippe, was a usurper—as, of course, he was, if the will of the people is to count for nothing. [Footnote: Cf. Le Duc d'Aumale, par Ernest Daudet, pp. 334-5.] Among the Legitimists, on the other hand, there were many who protested that under no circumstances could they accept one of the line of Philippe Egalite as their lawful sovereign. Still, for the next two or three years, it seemed not impossible that the Comte de Paris might be called to the throne by a constitutional reaction and a popular vote. He does not seem to have had any wish to head or stir up a revolution of force and bloodshed.

The Journal records:—

October 29th.—To Oxford. Dined at the Deanery. Jowett, Duke of Buckingham, Max Mueller, Brodrick. 31st, dined at All Souls. Sir William Anson. November 1st, lunched with Max Mueller.

From M. B. St.-Hilaire

November 21st.—I notice that to you, as to me, the situation of France appears very sad. I conceive that it is a source of alarm to all Europe. We are falling lower and lower towards the Radicals and the Extreme Left. If that party should come into power, it would be a very serious threat to the peace of the world. From the weakness of our Government, everything is to be feared; and as this weakness must become greater, there does not seem any remedy in the near future. Notwithstanding our wealth, our finances are in a bad state, and it is on that side that the inevitable storm will burst. To ward it off an entire change of conduct would be necessary; and at the present time we have no one strong enough to guide our policy in the right direction.

To Mrs. Parker

Foxholes, December 18th.—If anyone is to write Lord Westbury's Life, yours is the pen to do it. Nobody expects a daughter to be impartial, or wishes it. I will see what letters I can find, and will write again when I have looked over my packets of letters.

This promise was afterwards fulfilled. Lord Westbury's letters were sent to Mrs. Parker, and several of them, with some of Reeve's, were incorporated in the 'Life of Lord Westbury' (2 vols. 8vo. 1888), by Mr. T. A. Nash, whom Mrs. Parker afterwards married.

Early in January 1884, Mrs. Reeve went to Paris, on a visit to Lady Metcalfe—one of Mr. Dempster's nieces. On the 16th Reeve joined her there. Among other entries, the Journal notes a breakfast at Chantilly on the 27th—'chateau finished, galleries splendid'—and on the 30th, dinner at the Embassy. They returned to London on the 31st. A few dinners in town are noted, and a visit to Covent Garden on March 5th, to see Salvini in 'King Lear.' To Foxholes on April 9th.

This meagre chronicle of course gives no idea of Reeve's intellectual activity at the time, which was really very great. With his official duties, the conduct of the 'Review,' an extensive correspondence, and, at this time, the preparation of the second part of the 'Greville Memoirs,' with dinner parties or receptions three or four times a week, it would seem as if Reeve's days must have consisted of an abnormal number of hours. And effectively they did; for, though on pleasure—at proper seasons—Reeve might be bent, he had always a frugal mind as to the disposal of time. Most, if not all, of his correspondence, much even of his more serious work, was got through in spare half-hours at the Council Office; and when at home, in his study in the house in Rutland Gate, it was a standing rule that he was not to be disturbed. The study was a cosy room on the ground floor, built out at the back, and so removed from all noise of passing to and fro. It had no outlook to distract the attention, and no man was ever less addicted to day-dreaming. To work whilst he worked and play whilst he played was the golden rule which enabled Reeve for over fifty years to get through as much hard work as a successful lawyer, to do as much hard writing as a successful novelist, to hunt, shoot, or travel whenever opportunity offered, and to be one of the best known figures in the world of London society.

From the Duke of Argyll

March 8th.—Many thanks for your letter. I am pleased to know that the scientists find my science accurate. Writers in the interest of religion have generally, of late, been disposed to make as much as possible of the distinction between man and nature. The speciality of my book [Footnote: The Unity of Nature. There is an article on it in the April number of the Review.] is, on the contrary, to maintain the unity, as really essential to all belief, thus going back to the paths of Butler.

From M. B. St.-Hilaire

Paris, 15 avril.—Cher Monsieur Reeve,—J'etais bien sur de vous faire plaisir en vous envoyant les discours prononces sur la tombe de M. Mignet. Celui de M. Martha est le plus remarquable; M. Jules Simon a tres bien parle aussi; mais on peut trouver cependant que M. Martha l'emporte.

Je suis tres sensible a votre amicale invitation, et je serai heureux de visiter cet ete votre ermitage de Foxholes. Nos vacances commenceront probablement en aout, et je reglerai mes mouvements sur les votres.

Je vous remercie de votre bienveillance pour l'Histoire des Animaux; je ne crois pas que nulle part le genie d'Aristote se soit montre plus grand, plus scientifique et, l'on peut ajouter, plus moderne. Entre lui et Linne, Buffon et Cuvier, il n'y a rien. L'histoire de la science a beaucoup a profiter de cet exemple frappant.

Je suis absolument de votre avis sur le role de l'Angleterre en Egypte; vous n'avez qu'a faire ce que nous avons fait a Tunis, ou les choses marchent a souhait. C'est l'interet de votre grand pays, en meme temps que l'interet de la civilisation et de l'humanite. Les affaires egyptiennes ne peuvent rester dans l'etat ou elles sont; et il faut les regler au plus vite, pour l'honneur de tout le monde.

Je presente mes hommages bien respectueux a Madame Reeve, en attendant le petit voyage a Foxholes vers l'automne. Votre bien devoue,

B. St.-HILAIRE.

And here the Journal notes:—

April 16th.—Edward Cheney died, aetat. 82.

From Dr. Vaughan [Footnote: Then Master of the Temple; he died November 15, 1897, aged 81.]

The Deanery, Llandaff: April 19th.

Dear Mr. Reeve,—I am grateful to you for your kind letter. I will try to remember to make the reference with which you furnish me when I am again at the Athenaeum.

The year 1185 is always in my recollection as the date of the consecration of the Round Church by the Patriarch Heraclius. I am already in communication with Dr. Hopkins about the musical part of its celebration, on or about the day (I think February 10) next year. And there must be a sermon about it on the nearest Sunday. So you see how exactly your thoughts and mine agree on the subject.

Ever truly yours,

C. J. VAUGHAN.

The other part of the church was consecrated on Ascension Day 1240. Who will be Master when that seventh centenary comes round?

From the Duke of Argyll

Argyll Lodge, Kensington: April 19th.

My Dear Mr. Reeve,[Footnote: Written in pencil.]—I am laid up with a very sudden and sharp attack of the enemy; but I must write a line from bed to say how more than satisfied I am by the article in the Review, which goes straight to the main points of my Essay, and which distinguishes exactly those which best deserve notice. I am the more grateful as all the others I have seen—whether laudatory or not—have all been the production of ignorant men who did not see, or of learned men who did not wish to see, any of the specialties of the book.

I am better, but unfit for any work.

Yours very truly,

ARGYLL.

To Mr. T. Norton Longman

Foxholes, April 20th.—Much obliged to you for the Beaconsfield book, [Footnote: The Beaconsfield Birthday-Book.] which is very pretty. I hope you will sell as many as there are bunches of primroses in Covent Garden Market. The extent of Lord Beaconsfield's popularity is really curious. Yet this is the man whom Gladstone hunted to death and called a fiend!!

And the Journal for the summer runs:—

At Foxholes all May.

June 26th.—Marriage of Hallam Tennyson and Miss Boyle in Henry VII.'s Chapel.

July 12th.—Dinner at Sir Henry Maine's. The Actons, Lindleys, Evelyn Barings, Brookfield, Venables—interesting party.

16th.—Duchess of Argyll's garden party.

17th.—The great Canadian case between the Provinces of Ontario and Manitoba was argued for six days before the Judicial Committee.

24th.—To Foxholes. On August 11th we went to Strode, to see Mr. Gollop, aetat. 93. 15th, back to Foxholes.

* * * * *

At this time, on behalf of Sir Henry Taylor, Reeve had been conducting a negotiation with Longmans for the publication of Taylor's Autobiography, and an agreement had been come to which was to take effect after Taylor's death.

From Sir Henry Taylor

Bournemouth, August 26th.

My dear Mr. Reeve,—Thanks for your very kind letter. I am so glad you can take a favourable view of my autobiography.

I am rather surprised myself that there is nothing in it of Mrs. Austin and Lucy. I was intimately acquainted with them, and I may perhaps find something said of them in letters, as I proceed with the task of sorting my correspondence. Of Mr. Austin I saw very little. He led such a secluded life. But one could not see him at all without knowing something of the intellect which lay hidden in him for so many years.

As to the date of publication, I shall leave the necessary instructions. I wish the work to be published as soon as possible after my death.

Believe me, yours sincerely,

HENRY TAYLOR.

From the Comte de Paris

Chateau d'Eu, 17 septembre.

Mon cher Monsieur Reeve,—Je ne veux pas tarder un instant a vous remercier de votre lettre du 14, et des felicitations que vous m'adressez a l'occasion de la naissance de mon fils Ferdinand.... Graces a Dieu, tout s'est passe aussi bien que possible et, depuis l'evenement, la mere et l'enfant vont a merveille. Je vous remercie bien cordialement des voeux que vous formez pour celui-ci. Je connais de longue date les sentiments qui vous inspirent, et vous savez tout le prix que j'y attache.

Vous avez raison de dire que l'avenir se montre assez sombre pour toutes les nations de l'Europe. Les operations de l'Amiral Courbet au Tonkin et en Chine montrent que notre marine se maintient a la hauteur de sa vieille reputation; elle le doit aux traditions, a l'esprit de corps, aux sentiments de respect pour les chefs qui s'est conserve chez elle tandis qu'il disparaissait ou s'affaiblissait partout ailleurs. Mais cette demonstration nous coute bien cher. La guerre avec la Chine nous alarme, parce qu'il n'y a pas de guerre plus difficile a terminer que celle-la. La politique coloniale est un luxe que nous aurions pu nous donner dans un autre temps, mais que ne nous convient pas dans notre situation europeenne. Elle a de plus ete conduite d'une facon irreguliere, l'action au Tonkin succedant a l'inaction en Egypte. Cette affaire d'Egypte aurait pu servir de base a une entente avec l'Angleterre. Au lieu de cela on n'a pas voulu l'aider, puis on a boude parce qu'elle agissait seule, et lorsque les difficultes ont commence pour elle, on n'a su ni s'entendre absolument pour agir en commun, ni s'effacer derriere l'Europe pour ne pas assumer la responsabilite de l'echec de la conference. Bien des gens croient ici que toute cette politique a eu pour but de sauver le ministere Gladstone. Cela n'en valait pas la peine. Il en est resulte de l'aigreur dans les journaux. Mais cette aigreur sent bien un peu le fonds des reptiles, et personne n'a serieusement envie de chercher querelle a la perfide Albion.

Ceux qui admirent ses institutions et qui croient que leur ponderation est la garantie du plus precieux de tous les biens—la liberte, se preoccupent vivement des tendances jacobines de notre ami Gladstone. L'extension du suffrage est logique, l'aneantissement de la chambre des Lords est logique. Mais les meilleures institutions ne sont pas les plus logiques. A force de logique on tend a remplacer le gouvernement pondere de l'Angleterre par ce que nous appelons le gouvernement conventionnel, c'est a dire le despotisme d'une Assemblee unique appuyee sur la brutale loi du nombre. Que Dieu vous garde d'un tel avenir. C'est le voeu d'un ami sincere de vos institutions.

Ce qui preoccupe ici bien plus, et a bon titre, que les aventures coloniales, c'est la situation economique. La France s'appauvrit parce qu'elle perd en impots improductifs une partie de son epargne, parce que ses fils travaillent moins, depensent plus et boivent davantage, parce qu'ils demandent des salaires trop eleves, et parce que la concurrence allemande, americaine, italienne, anglaise, nous ferme peu a peu tous les marches, et enfin parce que le phylloxera ruine la moitie du pays. Le courant protectionniste se prononce avec une force irresistible en ce moment.

Je vous prie d'offrir mes hommages a Madame et a Mademoiselle Reeve, et de me croire Votre bien affectionne,

PHILIPPE COMTE DE PARIS.

From M. B. St.-Hilaire

Paris, 19 octobre.

Cher Monsieur Reeve,—J'ai recu le numero de la Revue d'Edimbourg, et je vous en remercie. Le redacteur de l'article a ete plein de bienveillance a mon egard, et je vous prie de lui faire savoir que je suis fort touche de l'appreciation qu'il veut bien faire de mes travaux. Je profiterai de ses justes critiques pour mes autres traductions; mais il est un point ou je ne suis pas tout a fait d'accord avec lui. Je ne trouve pas qu'il tienne assez compte a Aristote d'avoir commence la science, et de l'avoir fondee. Les debuts sont toujours excessivement difficiles, et il ne serait pas equitable de demander a ces temps recules de savoir tout ce que nous savons aujourd'hui. Nous devons toujours nous dire que dans deux mille ans d'ici on en saura beaucoup plus que nous, tout savants que nous sommes. Ceci doit nous engager a etre reconnaissants et modestes.

Je vais mettre sous presse le Traite des Parties des Animaux en deux volumes, et je prepare celui de la Generation, qui, sans doute, en aura trois.

J'espere que vous vous portez bien, ainsi que Madame Henry Reeve; je lui presente mes respects et mes amities, avec tons mes voeux pour sa sante et pour la votre.

Votre bien devoue,

B. ST.-HILAIRE.

The Journal here has:—

October 28th.—Dinner of The Club to Lord Dufferin before his departure for India.

November 14th.—Dinner at Lady Molesworth's to the Waddingtons.

December 3rd.—Small dinner at Lord Cork's, with Gladstone and Sir H. James.

From Sir Henry Taylor

Bournemouth, December 10th.

Dear Mr. Reeve,—It has come into the head of my family, and through theirs into mine, that there is no particular reason why my Autobiography should not be published now, instead of posthumously, and that there are some motives for giving a preference to present publication. The agreement with Messrs. Longman which you brought about has been, perhaps, a sort of suggestion of this change of purpose; so I write to mention it. The work was written with more unreserve than would be natural to a man who hears what he says, and some erasures will be required; but a man in his eighty-fifth year is, in some respects, as good as dead, or, at all events, as deaf: so there need not be much alteration. I hope you will not disapprove.

Believe me, yours very sincerely,

HENRY TAYLOR.

On December 17th the Reeves went to Foxholes, where they spent Christmas, ushered in the New Year, and returned to London on January 15th, 1885. The entries in the Journal are for the most part trivial, though politically the year was one of extreme interest and excitement, much of which is reflected in the correspondence.

From the Comte de Paris

6 janvier.—J'ai ete vivement touche de la lettre que vous m'avez ecrite, des voeux que vous m'adressez au moment ou nous entrons dans une annee qui semble nous reserver bien des surprises. L'avenir est plein d'incertitudes et de dangers. Je n'ai pas besoin de vous dire que j'observe avec une serieuse inquietude l'etat des relations entre l'Angleterre et la France, non que je croie meme a la possibilite d'un conflit qui repugnerait egalement a tous les membres des deux nations voisines, mais parce qu'une hostilite diplomatique seule serait deja un grand malheur pour l'une et pour l'autre.... Vous avez raison de croire que le desir universel de la paix prevaudra sur les perils de la situation internationale. Ce desir est bien puissant en France, et les aventures de l'extreme Orient, dans lesquelles on nous a lances si mal a propos, ne font que lui donner l'occasion de se manifester.

Ces aventures ne font pas diversion a la crise si grave qui eprouve notre industrie et notre agriculture. Les causes de cette crise sont multiples. Quelques-unes sont communes a toute l'Europe, d'autres le sont aux quelques nations qui avaient le monopole de certaines industries, et le perdent, grace aux facilites actuelles des transports. Il en est une, malheureusement tres-active, qui nous est propre; c'est la tendance des ouvriers depuis l'etablissement de la Republique a chercher l'amelioration de leur sort, moins dans l'accroissement de leur salaire que dans la diminution de leur travail. Cette funeste tendance leur a ete inspiree par les flatteries de tous ceux qui briguent leurs suffrages, et leur rappellent que toute legislation emane d'eux. Le pays produit moins, et par consequent s'appauvrit. L'imprevoyance de nos gouvernants a aggrave la crise. Aujourd'hui un cri puissant s'eleve en faveur des droits protecteurs, meme sur le ble. Il est probable qu'on en fera assez pour inquieter les consommateurs des villes, pas assez pour satisfaire l'agriculture.... Si Mademoiselle Reeve voulait faire de jolies peches de truites, c'est le 1er juin qu'elle devrait venir a Eu.

From the Duke of Argyll

Inveraray, February 13th.—The Nile affair is too miserable. No possible issue can be otherwise than a misfortune. The despatch in which the Government asked Gordon to advise them how to relieve him—in April last, when he was closely beleaguered—reads like a horrible joke now.

A horrible joke indeed:—for on February 5th news had come of the fall of Khartoum and the death of Gordon. On the 26th a vote of censure on the Government was carried in the House of Lords by 189 to 63; but a similar motion in the Commons was rejected by 302 to 288. The Government majority had fallen from 56 to 14.

On March 8th a special service was held in the Temple Church to commemorate the completion of the seventh century since its consecration. [Footnote: See ante, p. 322.] The Master preached the sermon on the text Psalm xc. 1—'Lord, thou hast been our dwelling place in all generations.' [Footnote: The Times of March 9th gave a pretty full abstract of the sermon.] Reeve, who was present, considered it one of Dr. Vaughan's happiest efforts, and wrote to say how greatly he had been pleased by it. Vaughan's acknowledgement of the kindly feeling which dictated the letter has otherwise no particular interest.

From Sir Alfred Lyall [Footnote: At that time lieutenant-governor of the North-West Provinces.]

March 31st.—When we closed in 1881 the second act of the Affghan drama, I calculated on an interval of at least five years; and I thought that if we could get a joint commission to settle some boundary that Russia could provisionally agree to, the interval might be longer. But the Boundary Commission, which I first pressed for in 1881, has propelled, instead of delaying, the crisis. I suppose our Egyptian entanglement seemed to Russia to offer an irresistible opportunity; at any rate, the Russians have some reason for precipitating the issue between us, and at this moment we may be on the verge of a war. It is very curious to find ourselves so close to the collision that we have been so long trying to fend off, and to realise that a land invasion of India by a European Power, which has been the nightmare of Anglo-Indian statesmen since Bonaparte seized Egypt in 1798, is now no longer a matter of remote speculation. The Russian menace is, however, already producing one result that I had always anticipated; it is evoking among all substantial classes of Indians a strong desire to support the British Government in India. You may remember that in my paper of January 1884 I wrote that the natives would, in times of rumoured invasion, hold by any Power that could keep the gates of India against Central Asia; and this is now strongly showing itself. The adventurous classes are ready to enlist and follow our colours; the propertied classes look to us as the representatives of order and security; the educated classes depend wholly upon our system; if the Russians calculate on any serious rising against us in India, they will be mistaken. Of course a series of reverses would change the whole face of affairs.... We are very fortunate in having Lord Dufferin here at this time. Everyone likes him, and has confidence in him. He is clearly a Viceroy who listens to everyone, but makes up his own mind independently. And Lady Dufferin charms us all....

The Mahdi's fortunes do not interest India. The talk in some of the papers about the necessity of smashing him, in order to avert the risk of some general Mahomedan uprising, is futile and imaginative. The Indians think the English rather mad to go crusading against him in the Soudan, and they may soon get irritated at the waste of Indian lives at Suakin, when we want our best men on the N.W. frontier; but, for the rest, they do not concern themselves about remote Arab tribes. Of course everyone sees that the English Government has now an excellent pretext for getting partially out of a hopeless mess by transferring most of our English troops from the Red Sea to the Punjab.

* * * * *

On April 9th news reached London that on March 30th the Russians, under General Komaroff, had attacked and carried the Affghan positions at Penjdeh, concerning which negotiations were going on. As our Government was pledged meanwhile to the support of the Amir, this action of Komaroff's was held to be a very aggravated insult to England. Explanations were demanded, but preparations for war were hurried on, and on April 27th, after an impassioned speech by Mr. Gladstone, a vote of credit for eleven millions was passed almost by acclamation. The negotiations, however, were continued; explanations were given: the Russians kept Penjdeh; the Affghans had lost their territory, their guns, and 500 men; and Mr. Gladstone expressed himself satisfied. Four days afterwards, May 8th, the Government was defeated on the budget, and resigned a few days later, the Marquis of Salisbury forming the new ministry.

From Sir Alfred Lyall

June 5th.—Probably you know more in England than we do in India of the course of negotiations with Russia, It seems just now more smooth than satisfactory. I fear we have lost credit in India over that unlucky Penjdeh business. One would fancy that our representatives on the spot might have been wary enough to discern that where the Russians and the Affghans were drawing close to each other, there lay the risk and the strain of the situation. I have a very moderate trust in our ally the Amir, though he is a very able, if unscrupulous, ruler. I hope fervently he has sense enough not to use those breech-loaders we are sending in such quantities, and that he won't repeat the Penjdeh blunder by provoking some collision with the Russians on his border....

India is very quiet. The Russian scare of the spring has turned rather to our advantage, as I always prophesied it would, by bringing home to the natives their dependence on England for protection from foreign invasion.

From Sir Henry Taylor

Bournemouth, July 14th.—I have just read the excellent article in the 'Edinburgh Review' on my Autobiography; and as there is no amount of kindness on your part which I cannot believe in, I am disposed to think that it is you who have written it. [Footnote: It was written by Reeve.] Whoever it is, I should like him to know that I am very thankful.

From Sir Alfred Lyall

August 1st—India is now perfectly quiet; but the new generation of hungry, ambitious, English-speaking natives are persuading themselves that they can have all the benefits of English rule without the burden of English officialism. If they are encouraged and supported by the English Demos, there will be confusion before long.

* * * * *

On August 14th Parliament was prorogued, with the clear understanding that the dissolution would follow. This, however, was put off for three months, during which time the country was turned upside down by the excitement of the electoral campaign and the unbridled license which many of the most distinguished candidates permitted themselves; rank Socialism, the abolition of property, 'three acres and a cow,' being freely spoken of by the irresponsible, and hinted at, in no obscure language, by some who had borne office in the Gladstone ministry. By a curious coincidence, the French elections were nearly synchronous with ours, and the results were keenly watched by one, at least, of Reeve's correspondents. But of all this excitement and agitation the Journal has no trace. The only entries of any interest are:—

Foxholes: very hot: no rain for two months.

August 22nd.—Excursion to Studland with the Denisons, Lord Canterbury, and Prothero.

26th.—To Malvern with Hopie; 27th, Worcester; 28th, Tewkesbury; 29th, Hereford Cathedral; then Boss, Monmouth, and Chepstow.

September 1st.—Chepstow Castle, Tintern Abbey, then to Clifton across the Severn. 2nd, rain, so returned to Foxholes.

From the Comte de Paris

18 septembre.—Je m'empresse de vous remercier de votre lettre du 15, qui m'est parvenue hier. Vous savez avec quel plaisir je recois toujours de vos nouvelles, avec quel interet je lis toujours vos appreciations sur la situation de nos deux pays. Malgre de bien grandes differences dans l'etat politique, qui sont tout a l'avantage du votre, et dans l'etat social, qui le sont peut-etre moins, ces deux situations ne sont pas sans analogies. Les moderes, de part et d'autre, comme vous le dites, semblent etre peu ecoutes, et cependant je suis persuade que leurs vues finiront par l'emporter des deux cotes du detroit, parce que, sous une surface agitee en apparence, aucune passion violente ne bouillonne dans l'une ou l'autre des deux nations. Vous avez devant vous le grand inconnu de la nouvelle loi electorale; dangereux, parce que l'omnipotence de la Chambre des Communes, favorable au gouvernement parlementaire lorsque cette Chambre se recrutait exclusivement dans la haute classe et en avait l'esprit, pourra etre un instrument redoutable pour la liberte et pour toute l'organisation sociale le jour ou MM. Chamberlain, Parnell et Bradlaugh auront chacun un parti derriere eux. Heureusement pour vous, l'institution monarchique vous permettra de traverser la crise qu'entrainera la modification de la composition et de l'esprit de la Chambre des Communes. Grace a cette institution, l'esprit politique du pays pourra retablir l'equilibre entre les pouvoirs publics. En France, l'experience de la Republique democratique et pacifique s'est faite dans les conditions les plus favorables, et a echoue. Elle n'est ni conservatrice ni reformatrice. Tout en restant bourgeoise, elle est pardessus tout prodigue. Les classes qui payent l'impot sont parfaitement edifiees sur son compte; celles qui nele payent pas, et qui votent cependant, sont frappees indirectement par l'appauvrissement national et commencent a s'etonner que la Republique, dont le nom les flatte encore, reponde si mal a leur attente. La Republique reste bourgeoise parce que le suffrage universel est trop defiant pour chercher des representants dans le sein de la classe la plus nombreuse. Mais il n'est pas difficile dans les choix qu'il fait dans les rangs d'une classe plus elevee. Le niveau intellectuel et moral des Assemblees qu'il elit s'abaisse a chaque renouvellement. C'est un fait qu'il faudra accepter desormais comme inevitable, et dont il faudra tenir compte dans l'avenir. La Republique est essentiellement prodigue parce que, toute la machine gouvernementale reposant sur l'election, les ministres sont obliges de donner aux deputes des places innombrables pour satisfaire la foule encore plus nombreuse de leurs agents electoraux, et de permettre des travaux, des depenses exageres dans chaque arrondissement, ici pour favoriser le depute republicain, la pour nuire au depute conservateur. C'est par la qu'elle perira, parce que le mal est sans remede et s'aggrave chaque jour. Loi generale d'ailleurs. C'est par les finances que perissent les gouvernements definitivement condamnes: temoin l'ancien regime. Cette mort-la est sans resurrection.

Le caractere nouveau de la periode electorale qui s'est ouverte pratiquement depuis quelques mois est le reveil des Conservateurs. Ils comprennent enfin qu'ils peuvent et doivent lutter pour defendre la societe menacee, les richesses nationales compromises. Ils apportent a cette lutte une ardeur tout a fait nouvelle. Depuis deux ans [Footnote: Since the death of the Comte de Chambord.] je me suis efforce de faire comprendre a nos amis que la politique avait sub les meemes transformations que la guerre; que, pour gagner la victoire sur le terrain politique, il ne fallait rien laisser au hasard, rien confier aux petites coteries; qu'il fallait agir avec de gros bataillons, et que, pour les mouvoir il fallait un systeme de mobilisation aussi parfait que celui de l'armee allemande. Ces conseils ont ete suivis, et les monarchistes se sont prepares a entreprendre la lutte electorale avec une organisation de comites de departemeent, d'arrondissement et de canton, appuyes le plus souvent sur des reunions plenieres qui marquent un grand changement dans la vie politique du parti conservateur. Cette organisation se perfectionnera dans les elections memes. Elle doit donner un jour, et par l'election et par l'action plus puissante encore de l'opinion publique, le pouvoir a ceux qui l'auront constituee et qui sauront s'en servir.

A la veille des elections... tandis que tous les autres partis faisaient faire leur programme par un petit comite parisien, craignant qu'une grande reunion ne trahit leurs divisions, les monarchistes ont envoye des quatre coins de la France des delegues qui, tous animes du meme esprit, ont adopte par acclamation le programme soumis a leur approbation. Je dois meme dire que nous avons tous ete frappes de leur extreme moderation. Pas une voix ne s'est elevee pour reclamer en faveur d'un ton plus aggressif. Le programme, retouche sur place par une commission de neuf membres, avait, vous le pensez bien, ete soigneusement prepare d'avance; toutes les expressions en avaient ete pesees. Aussi suis-je heureux qu'il ait eu l'approbation d'un aussi bon juge que vous.

21 septembre.—Depuis gue je vous al ecrit, j'ai lu le grand manifeste de M. Gladstone. De celui-la, on ne peut pas dire qu'il brille par la moderation. Il y a des phrases redoutables et effrayantes a l'adresse de la richesse et de la propriete, base de la societe. Jamais je n'aurais cru le Gladstone que j'ai connu capable de parler de la Chambre des pairs comme il le fait. Et cependant, une profonde modification dans la composition de la Chambre Haute ne sera-t-elle pas un jour le salut de la cause et des interets conservateurs en Angleterre? Si cette Chambre se retrempe au moins partiellement dans l'election, elle y trouvera, peut-etre, une force capable de lui assurer dans le gouvernement une part au moins egale a celle de la Chambre des Communes, au moment ou celle-ci baissera en valeur morale proportionnellement a l'extension du suffrage....

En ce moment, il serait bien desirable, egalement en France et en Angleterre, de voir les moderes de nuances diverses se rapprocher, pour former un veritable parti conservateur: chez vous, anciens whigs et anciens tories; chez nous, les centres droits et les centres gauches. Mais c'est entre ceux qui sont le plus rapproches en politique que le souvenir des luttes passees laisse les plus profondes rancunes.

* * * * *

The Journal notes:—

October 12th—Went to town for the Riel [Footnote: Louis Riel had stirred up a rebellion in Manitoba, had been captured, tried, and sentenced to death. He appealed, and the case thus came before the Judicial Committee. On October 22nd the appeal was dismissed, and on November 16th Riel was duly hanged at Regina.] case. Dined with Captain Bridge [Footnote: Now Rear-Admiral Bridge, lately commander-in-chief on the Australian station.] at the United Service Club.

14th.—Second part of 'Greville' published; 2,700 copies subscribed.

* * * * *

In comparison with the tremendous excitement caused by the publication of the first part of the Greville Memoirs, the second part attracted little notice, although large sales testified to the interest it raised. Reeve mentions 2,700 as the number of copies subscribed for: but the first edition of 4,000 was exhausted almost immediately, and a second large edition was sold out within a few months.

To Lord Derby

Foxholes, October 28th—I am much obliged to you for your note. We might elect three new members of The Club, because there remain two vacancies caused by the honorary list, besides the death of Houghton. I should very much like to see Edward Stanhope and Harry Holland in The Club. They are among the most rising men of the day—accomplished and agreeable—and their fathers were respectively two of our most faithful members. We should, I think, choose men from the younger generation, for many of us are frightfully old. It is more difficult to point out eligible men in the literary or scientific world. To say the truth, there is a remarkable dearth of distinguished authors. Violent politicians are objectionable.

I am very much gratified by what you say of the new volumes of Greville's Journals. Your estimate of their value exactly coincides with my own. I am happy to say that I have not yet heard that anyone is annoyed or offended. I sent a copy to Henry Ponsonby, who laid it before the Queen, but I have not heard what sentence Her Majesty has passed upon me.

There is a great deal of political noise, but very little light. In the south of England I think the Conservatives will carry a good many seats. If I were to venture on a prognostic, I should say that the opposition will have a majority in Great Britain, though by no means so large a one as the Radicals expect. The effect of this would be that the Irish can turn the scale, and I think Mr. Parnell would refuse, for the present, to turn out the present Government in order to bring in Mr. Gladstone. In that case, the existence of the present ministry may be prolonged for some time, but it would be on sufferance and by Irish support. On the other hand, if a Liberal Government were formed, it could only exist with the support of the Irish vote. Eventually, I hope, this anomalous state of things may bring the moderate men of both the British parties together, and throw both extremes into opposition. That, I am convinced, is the real wish of the country, and the obstacles to such a combination are chiefly personal. I fancy the next parliaments will be very impracticable and probably shortlived.

From the Comte de Paris

22 novembre.—Je vous remercie de ce que vous me dites a propos des Memoires de M. Greville. [Footnote: Sc. that there were passages in it not complimentary to the Orleans family.]

Je comprends parfaitement que vous ne pouviez supprimer certains passages dont vous ne voulez cependant pas assumer la solidarite. Ces passages ne m'empecheront pas de lire avec interet la suite des oeuvres de cet observateur peu bien-veillant, mais fin et spirituel.

Ne croyez pas que je vous ecrive avec d'autre pensee que de faire part de mes vues a un etranger qui connait, comprend et aime la France.

On November 18th Parliament was dissolved by proclamation and the elections were held from the 23rd to December 18th. In the English towns, where the elections were first held, the Conservatives had a large majority, and it seemed as if they were going to sweep the board. In the counties, however, the 'three acres and a cow' was taken by the ignorant rustics, just admitted to the franchise, as a splendid reality, and their votes went strongly in favour of the Liberals, or rather—as it would be more correct to say—the Radicals. Mr. Gladstone had appealed to the country to give him a working majority. He had, in fact, a majority of eighty-four over the Conservatives; but the Irish, or so-called Nationalist, party numbered eighty-six; and as these were bound by their bond of union to oppose the Government, whatever it was, they had to be counted with the Conservatives as soon as the Conservative Government had fallen. And the comparison of the numbers showed that it must fall as soon as Parliament met. As Reeve had forecast, neither party could form an effective administration without the support of the Nationalists, a position which seemed for the moment to render them the arbiters of the nation's destiny.

From Count Vitzthum

Paris, December 1st.

Dear Mr. Reeve,—Many thanks for your kind letter. You will find me here in my winter quarters until the end of May, then from June to the end of October at Baden-Baden, where we have built a villa. I would always be happy to see you and talk over old times.

I have just finished reading the third volume of Greville's Memoirs and have been very much struck by your notes, without which some passages would not have been intelligible. Old Greville was a portrait-painter rather in Rembrandt's style. In putting together all he says of Palmerston, Peel, and the Duke of Wellington, very remarkable full-length portraits would come out. He seems rather partial for John Russell.

My little book makes more noise in Germany than I expected. W. Oncken, the celebrated historian of Austria and Prussia in 1813, will review it for the 'Allgemeine Zeitung,' and the Vienna press has been unexpectedly favourable. An English friend of mine wants to translate it. I think it would be 'love's labour lost;' for everybody who cares for such trifles and photographs taken on the spot understands German nowadays in England, and will prefer the original. Still, if you thought it worth your while to send a short notice to the 'Times,' it would be a favour. My old friend Delane is no more, else I should have asked him. Cotta writes me that he has secured the English copyright, and sent some copies to the principal Reviews and the 'Times.' Believe me, very faithfully yours,

VITZTHUM.

From the Comte de Paris

Chateau d'Eu, 9 decembre.

Mon cher Monsieur Reeve,—Un de mes amis va partir pour la Belgique. Je tiens a en profiter pour lui confier une lettre a votre adresse, qu'il mettra a la poste chez nos voisins. En effet, je connais par experience I'indiscretion dont la poste francaise a pris la mauvaise habitude sous l'Empire, habitude qu'elle n'a pas perdue sous la Republique. J'ai hate de vous remercier de votre lettre du lr qui m'a vivement interesse. J'ai ete un peu confus d'apprendre l'usage que vous aviez fait de la mienne, car je l'avais ecrite au courant de la plume, et uniquement pour me donner le plaisir de causer avec vous. Mais, puisque vous l'avez trouvee bonne a montrer, je m'en rapporte a votre amitie, et j'espere qu'elle n'a pas ete trop indulgente. Je suis d'ailleurs fort heureux d'avoir quelquefois, par votre intermediaire, des relations avec Lord Salisbury, pour le caractere et le talent duquel j'ai toujours eu une si haute estime, et que j'aime d'ailleurs toujours a considerer comme mon proche voisin de campagne.

The success of the Conservatives in the towns, their defeat in the country, is the very opposite of what is taking place here; so that we foreigners must exercise great reserve in giving an opinion on the political situation created in England by these last elections. It is, however, evident that there, as everywhere else, the old parties are in process of disintegration, and that, in a new social state, in presence of new problems, a new distribution of parties is called for. In the history of all nations there are periods when the need of political progress renders it necessary for the reformers to remain long in power; and if from time to time they yield it to their adversaries, it should only be for long enough to recover breath in climbing the long ascent. On the other hand, there are also periods when the wearied people long for repose; when progress no longer aims at completeness, but at change; when reforms are mere Utopian fancies or appeals to evil passions; and when the partisans of the status quo ought to have the direction of affairs for as long a time as possible. I believe that we are now entering on one of these periods. But it becomes the duty of the Conservatives to defend existing institutions by taking the initiative in such modifications as may be necessary. This is what, with a true political insight, they have always done in England. The vote of the counties does not affect the justice of your appreciation of the general character of the elections. It is not a return to the old Tory party, but rather the condemnation of the Radical programme; and from this point of view they have an international importance which nothing can weaken. All the same, this vote of the counties seems to me to render absolutely necessary the modification of parties which the complete success of the Ministry would have postponed. After the redistribution of seats, there is need of a redistribution of persons and of political groupings. Either Parliament will be controlled by the Irish Nationalists, and Ireland by Mr. Parnell, or, in opposition to the Nationalists and the Radicals, there will be formed a Government which will be Conservative in its respect for the great social institutions, in its antagonism to the levelling and centralising spirit, and withal Liberal in the manner in which it will handle the agrarian question.

Judging by what I see here, where over three millions of rural proprietors are 'a tower of strength' for the Conservatives, I am persuaded that in England also the Conservatives have no greater interest—after the defeat of the socialist and revolutionary plans of Mr. Chamberlain—than to work vigorously at the formation of a numerous class of small landowners. Mutatis mutandis, we have here also the corresponding phenomenon of the transformation of parties. We are unquestionably entering on a period of lassitude. The Conservatives have gained one hundred and twenty seats at the last elections, for four principal reasons, all of which spring from the faults of their adversaries.

1. The Tonkin expedition.

2. The waste of the national and municipal finances.

3. The aggravation of the agricultural and industrial crises by the gross errors in the conclusion of treaties of commerce and the establishment of transit tariffs.

4. The war on the clergy, foreshadowing the separation of Church and State.

To these particular reasons must be added the general dissatisfaction with an administration at once weak and corrupt, which is not in accord with those instincts which a thousand years of monarchy have impressed on our manners and tone of thought.

The moderate Republicans have been beaten because they allied themselves with the Radicals, and because they themselves have not shown the governing qualities which could gain the confidence of the country. If the check has not been still greater, it is because the country has a horror of all change; because the interest of the Government is exceedingly strong; because the electors do not care to vote for the opposition candidate, who cannot do anything for them; and lastly, because, at the second tour de scrutin, the Government, in the most shameless manner, brought pressure to bear on all who are directly or indirectly dependent on it, the number of whom is very great.

We have then two hundred Conservatives deputies, who represent three and a half millions of electors. Three-fourths of these are Monarchists more or less avowed; one-fourth represents the Bonapartist element, and among these last are many with whom I have well-established personal relations. It is not, however, the part of this large minority to set forth any opinions as to the form of the Government, nor even to cause obstruction; still less to ally itself with the Radicals for the vain satisfaction of overturning the Ministry. Its aim must always be to promote the passing of Conservative laws, and by every possible means to oppose such Radical measures as will be proposed to the Chamber. It is for this that it has been elected. If it fulfils its task aright, when the dissolution comes—and this cannot be far off—it will reap the fruits of its policy. It will have merited the country's confidence, which the Radicals will have lost; and, notwithstanding the pressure, perhaps even the violence of the Government, the current of public opinion will be so strong that it will send a Conservative majority to the Palais Bourbon. Under the influence of this current we may hope to see the collective or individual conversion of the moderate Republicans, which must lead to the reconstruction of the Conservative party and to placing the direction of it in the hands of the Monarchists. For, though by temperament these moderate Republicans ought to be the last to come to us, the Radical danger must bring them; they are bound to come; their place is marked in our ranks. They will never go to Bonapartism: on the contrary, they will one day enable us to rid ourselves of the intransigeunt element which forms a disturbing minority in the party.

This will be the work of to-morrow. To-day, the principal task which I recommend to my friends is the reconstitution, or rather the creation, of the 'active list' of the Conservative array. We have the model in Belgium. People are beginning to understand that the Conservatives cannot remain for ever on the sufferance of the Government. No Government shall he stable but that which they can support. For this they must form a compact and well-organised party. Encouraged by the results of the elections, every one has set to work with new ardour. My only trouble at present is the utter inexperience of the Conservative minority. It is made up of men almost all of whom are new to Parliament, are unacquainted with each other, and as yet are without a leader. I reckon, however, that such blunders as it may commit will be balanced and amended by those of its opponents.

Je tennine sur cette pensee consolante, et je vous prie de me croire.

Votre bien affectionne,

PHILIPPE COMTE DE PARIS.

It is interesting to compare with this another view of the French elections and of the probable course of events, taken from a very different standpoint.

From the Due de Broglie

8 novembre.—Vous avez vu le resultat de nos elections, qui ont ete plus heureuses pour la cause generale du parti conservateur que pour ce qui me regarde particulierement. Si nous ne vivions pas dans un temps ou toutes les previsions sont trompees par une certaine inertie generale qui amortit toutes les passions et ralentit le cours naturel des evenements, je croirais qu'une crise violente est assez prochaine, les elements extremes se trouvant reums et rapproches dans l'Assemblee nouvelle, de maniere a former un melange explosible comme la chimie redoute d'en amener. De part ni d'autre, d'ailleurs, il n'y a d'homme en etat de diriger les evenements; ils iront done probablement tout seuls, commes des chevaux qui n'ont pas de cocher, ce qui est le moyen a peu pres sur d'aller dans le fosse.



CHAPTER XXII

RETIREMENT

Christmas and the early days of the New Year were passed at Foxholes. On January 15th the Reeves returned to Rutland Gate. Parliament met on the 21st, and, as had been foreseen, the Government was defeated on an amendment to the Address. Lord Salisbury's resignation was announced on February 1st, and, on the 3rd, Mr. Gladstone's Cabinet was formed, Sir William Harcourt being Chancellor of the Exchequer, Lord Rosebery Foreign Secretary, and Mr. John Morley Secretary for Ireland. Sir Henry James, now Lord James of Hereford, declined the office of Lord Chancellor; Lord Hartington, the present Duke of Devonshire, declined office of any sort in a Ministry whose policy, as yet but dimly shown, was generally understood to be on the lines of advanced Radicalism. For his part, Reeve abhorred Radicalism. He had never approved of Gladstone as a politician, and now less than ever. He looked on him as a danger to the Empire, to be fought against, to be resisted, to be crushed. Nor was he singular in this. It is customary to speak of the extraordinary influence which Gladstone exercised. It was this influence, directed by sentiment or by vanity, which constituted the danger. There were many who believed the country to be on the eve of a violent, perhaps a sanguinary, revolution, fomented and abetted by Mr. Gladstone; and this belief was strengthened when, on February 8th, an East-end mob, meeting in Trafalgar Square, was allowed, without opposition, to march by Pall Mall, St. James' Street and Piccadilly, to Hyde Park, breaking the windows and plundering the shops on the way. When to this supposed revolutionary tendency of the new Ministry was added their avowed intention to bring in a measure for the pacification of Ireland, which—in the absence of details—was believed to mean the disintegration of the kingdom, the feeling of alarm, which must be very well remembered by many who read these pages, can be easily understood.

From Lord Ebury [Footnote: Lord Ebury died at the age of 92, in 1893.]

Moor Park, January 4th, 1886.

Dear Reeve,—Allow me to wish you and Mrs. Reeve a happy New Year, and to say how much I have been interested in the second part of our common friend's Memoirs, which—if you care to know it—pleased me more than the first; but the most characteristic passage of the writer, and which made me laugh aloud, is the three pages in which he vents all his wrath against the public for their approbation of Lady Blessington as an authoress, and the pedestal upon which they placed her. I was glad to read the editor's note, which completed the page. When once he got into that sort of mood, and perhaps was influenced by a touch of gout, and let himself go, it was very funny to listen to him; and really he was a good-natured man. I wonder what he would have said of Parnell and his ragged regiment, and the G. O. M.[Footnote: As even in twelve years the name has become quite obsolete, it may be as well to note that Mr. Gladstone was generally designated by these letters, said by his friends and admirers to stand for Grand Old Man.] as he now appears. What in the world are we to do? The 'Times' is working most patriotically; but why, in the world, did it or he not find out earlier what the G. O. M. really was and is?...

With my best regards to Mrs. Reeve,

I remain, yours very truly,

EBURY.

From the Comte de Paris

8 janvier.—Je vous remercie bien sincerement des bons voeux que vous m'adressez pour la nouvelle aimee. Comme vous le dites fort bien, il y a des bonheurs que la politique ne peut pas empoisonner, et ce sont les plus solides.

L'annee 1886, je le crois comme vous, nous reserve des surprises plus dramatiques que celle don't nous venons de voir la fin. En France, ce renouvellement de l'annee nous donne un President renomme mais non rajeuni, un Ministere reconstitue mais non raffermi ... En Angleterre, Gladstone et les Irlandais vous auront pour une fois rendu service s'ils forcent a s'unir les conservateurs, aujourd'hui separes par d'anciennes divisions en whigs et en tories. Ce jour-la vous pourrez de nonveau avoir un gouvcrnement fort et national.

From Lord Ebury

February 13th—I cannot recollect anything about Charles Greville's pamphlet on Ireland, though I imagine I must have read it at the time. Can one get it now to look at it? or are things so much changed by the march of events since that its interest has passed away? I re-read Gustave de Beaumont's marvellous work, with which no doubt you are acquainted. I confess it rather staggered me when it first came out; and how the prophecies it contained are accomplished, almost to the letter! I remember calling the old Duke's attention to it; especially to that strange phrase-speaking of the then Irish landowners—'C'est une mauvaise aristocratic; il faut la detruire.' Was it ever reviewed in the 'Edinburgh'?

When will this horrible Government be overthrown?

To Mr. T. Norton Longman

Rutland Gate, March 29th—From what I learned yesterday as to the probable course of proceeding in the House of Commons, I am strongly of opinion that it will be necessary to accelerate the publication of the 'Review' by two days, instead of postponing it, as we had proposed to do. The 'Review' would be of use in the debate which will then be going on, and will probably be noticed; whereas, after the division on leave to bring in the Bill, it would be less opportune. The article on Ireland is complete, and it would be premature to speculate on the details of an unknown measure.

The 'Review' was published on April 13th, and, as Reeve had expected, the article on 'England's Duty to Ireland' was in everyone's mouth. It was a powerful appeal to the Liberals, as distinct from the Gladstonians, which may even now be read with advantage as a lucid exposition of the principles of the Union.

From Lord Ebury

April 14th.—Thank you for so speedily answering my question: also for pointing my attention to the concluding article of the 'Edinburgh'—just published—written by yourself. I have just finished its perusal, and am very much pleased with it. No doubt you have had a certain advantage in seeing what has been already said upon this insane proposition of Gladstone's; but I have hitherto seen nothing which so completely exposes the dangers that threaten us, and gives so much historical information to guide opinion upon the subject; and you have put forward a subject which to my astonishment has not (or scarcely) been noticed at all. I mean the danger to the throne of England. I see you dismiss with scarcely a remark—which, indeed, in your province, would have been injudicious—the responsibility of those, our grandees—I won't mention names—who have assisted in giving the G. O. M. power to do the almost irreparable mischief he has perpetrated.

The Journal here has:—

April 17th.—To Foxholes. On the 29th, Unionist meeting at Christchurch; Lord Malmesbury in the chair. I read an address [which was printed and circulated as a leaflet]. This was one of the first Unionist meetings in England.

May 3rd.—To Portsmouth, on a visit to Captain Bridge, on board the 'Colossus.'

On May 10th Gladstone, in moving the second reading of his 'Home Rule' Bill, seemed to accept the truth of the maxim that 'Speech is given to man to conceal his thoughts,' and led someone—commonly believed to be Mr. Labouchere, who made no attempt to hide his own opinions—to say, 'How is it possible to play with an old sinner who has got an ace up each sleeve, and says God Almighty put them there?' What Gladstone wanted to do was, in fact, never exactly known; all that could be made out was that he was prepared to grant whatever the Irish Nationalist party demanded. It was for Mr. Parnell to speak; for him to obey. Such an attitude was revolting to a very great many of the Liberal party. They maintained—they rightly maintained—that the name 'Liberal' belonged to principles, not to men; and that those who sacrificed their principles to follow the lead of one man, even of Gladstone's eminence, ceased to be Liberals, and could only be called Gladstonians. The Bill was discussed for many days, and on June 7th it was negatived by the House of Commons in the fullest division ever known; the numbers being:

Against the Bill. For the Bill.

Conservatives. . . . 250 Gladstonians. . . . 230 Liberals. . . . . . 93 Nationalists. . . . 83 343 313

Majority against the Bill, 30.

Reeve was triumphant, and wrote to Mr. T. Norton Longman the next day, 'What a triumphant division! What a defeat for the G. O. M.! Even he must believe this. I think his colleagues will hardly agree to dissolve. If they do, they will be annihilated.'

They did, and they were. The General Election held in July fully ratified the vote of the House on June 7th, and left the Gladstonians and Parnellites combined in a minority of 115.

To Mr. T. Norton Longman

C. O., June 23rd.—Sir Francis Doyle's Epilogue [Footnote: The last chapter of Doyle's Reminiscences and Opinions (8vo. 1886). It is more than 'invective;' it contains much sound argument and admirable illustration.] is a powerful piece of invective; but it is essentially addressed to Gladstone's public career and conduct, and if he likes to publish it, I see no objection. Doyle was at Eton with Gladstone, and is one of his oldest and most intimate friends—or rather, was so. What he has written is not stronger than what George Anthony Denison has published on Gladstone, he too being a friend of forty years. I do not remember another instance in which a man's best and earliest friends have turned upon him, to unmask him, and that without any motive of personal resentment. It is the noble motive which led Brutus to strike Caesar.

If this is to appear, it should be published immediately, as it relates to the affairs of the day.

C. O., July 21st.—I think Gladstone has fulfilled all my predictions and completed the ruin of the Liberal party and his own. The net result is that he has brought in the Tories for several years.

Whilst this tremendous storm was raging in the political world in England, France also had been much excited. The letters of the Comte de Paris have shown that he was, in point of fact, conducting an intrigue for the subversion of the republic, the re-establishment of the monarchy; and it is not surprising that the Government, more or less cognisant of what was going on, struck in defence of the constitution under which they ruled. Their action was said to be illegal; but in time of war the laws depend on, are upheld by, and interpreted by the greater force; and on June 23rd the Comte de Paris, with his family, was ordered to quit France, and the Orleanist princes, including the Duc d'Aumale, were deprived of their rank in the army, their names being erased from the army list. On June 29th Reeve noted in his Journal, 'To Tunbridge Wells, to see the Comte de Paris, exiled the week before;' but that is all; the home interest was too absorbing, though even of that the only trace in the Journal is on July 5th, 'Unionist meeting at Tuckton. I took the chair. Election.'

To Lord Derby

C. O., July 10th.—I am much obliged to you for the copy of your excellent speech. In this remarkable debate coram populo, it seems to me that the defeat of the Home Rulers in argument has been even more complete than their rout at the polling booths. The people have shown more serious intelligence than I had given them credit for. I saw this even in our Hampshire bumpkins.

On July 20th the Gladstonian Ministry resigned, and before the end of the month the new ministry was formed under Lord Salisbury as premier and first lord of the treasury. The Journal is occupied with personal and family affairs of special interest.

July 25th.—To Antwerp by the 'Baron Osy.' Forty-seven Americans on board. Aix very dull. Back to London on August 11th.

August 18th.—Letter from Hopie announcing her intended marriage.

September 6th.—Hopie married at Kirklands to Thomas Ogilvie of Chesters.

Chesters is in the immediate neighbourhood of Kirklands, and the friendship between Miss Reeve and Mr. Ogilvie was of many years' standing, though the determination to marry was rather sudden, and the engagement very short. Mr. Ogilvie was a man of good family and property, and though several years older than his bride, Reeve appears to have been very well satisfied; his relations with his son-in-law were always cordial, though the distance at which they lived restricted the intercourse, and the formed habits of both prevented anything like intimacy.

Amidst the political excitement and the family interest of the summer, the following comes in almost like the Fool in 'King Lear' or Caleb Balderstone in the 'Bride of Lammermoor.' It refers to a proposition—surely one of the strangest ever submitted to a publisher—which, in ordinary course, had been sent to Reeve for an opinion. And this is what Reeve wrote:—

To Mr. T. Norton Longman

Foxholes, August 24th.—Your correspondent is the coolest fellow I ever heard of. He not only proposes to complete Macaulay's 'Lays' by some new ones, but to re-edit and correct the original Lays, which, he says, 'are very irregular.' His own verses have not a spark of poetry or fire in them; they are mere trash, and he is an impertinent fellow.

Here the Journal has:—

September 7th.—Went to Exeter with Christine; 8th, to Chagford and Dartmoor; 10th, back to Foxholes.

29th.—To Holyhead and Penrhos with Christine. Bad weather at Penrhos; gout in hand came on.

October 2nd.—To Knowsley; Lord Lyons there.

6th.—To London and Foxholes. Christine went on to Chesters. On the 20th, Mrs. Ogilvie came from Scotland. November 2nd, James Watney died.

From Count Vitzthum

Paris, November 7th.

Dear Mr. Reeve,—I beg you to accept kindly a copy of my memoirs 'St. Petersburg and London,' 1852-1864, which Cotta will send you from the author. Please to remember, if you find time to read these two little volumes, that it is a German book, written for Germans, by one who is neither Whig, nor Tory, nor Red; who is very fond of Old England,, but has nothing to do with your party feelings and prejudices. I see men and things, not from the English, but from the European standpoint, and leave it, as far as possible, to the leading men of the day to tell their own tale. If you find time, read the book and tell me what you think of it.

Yours very truly,

VITZTHUM.

To Mr. T. Norton Longman

C.O., November 12th.—My old friend, Count Vitzthum, formerly Saxon Minister in London, has sent me his 'Reminiscences of St. Petersburg and London from 1852 to 1864' in German, 2 vols. This is a book of extraordinary interest to the English public, full of conversations and confidential details of Prince Albert, Lord Palmerston, Lord Clarendon, Disraeli, &c.—quite a contemporary political history, as amusing and interesting as Greville himself. Vitzthum knew this country well, and all its society.

I shall write on Monday [15th] to thank him for the book, and I propose to ask him whether he has made any arrangements for the translation of it. I am not much in favour of translations; but this book is of such peculiar and exciting interest that I should strongly recommend you to secure it if possible. I think the Taylors, who did Luther, would undertake the translation.

I think this an important affair.

November 15th.—I am afraid you are out of town, but it is of great importance to come to an immediate decision about Count Vitzthum's book. It is a work of the greatest possible interest and importance, and contains many entirely new facts and anecdotes as to contemporary history. You will perceive this from the enclosed notice of the book which appeared last week in the 'Daily News.' [Footnote: November 6th, 'From our Berlin Correspondent,' a notice mostly made up of extracts from the book, then described as 'just about' to be published by Cotta of Stuttgart.]

The Queen has seen the sheets and approved them.

The result of this notice was that three English publishers at once applied to Cotta for the right of translation; but the Count has retained that in his own hands, and he says that, if you will publish the translation on suitable terms, and if I will edit the translation with my name, and write a preface to it, he will make an arrangement with us. This I am ready to do, and I shall tell him so to-day. There is not a moment to lose; and as you appear not to be in town, I must act myself in the matter. I want to know as soon as possible what terms you would offer. I think the Count would accept either a sum down or a share of the profits; you might propose either alternative. The Taylors would execute the translation promptly and the book would appear in May. I do not suppose that you will hesitate to agree to so important a proposal; but if it does not please you, I am certain that Murray or Macmillan would jump at it.

C.O., November 17th.—Max Mueller has written to Count Vitzthum, to make exactly the same suggestion I have done. He highly applauds the book and recommends the Count to make arrangements with you for the translation. I have seen Fairfax Taylor. He will undertake to complete the translation by the 15th or 20th of February. The printing can go on when he has got some copy in hand, and the book can be brought out early in April, which is a very good time. I have given him my copy of the first volume to begin upon. Pray get another copy of the book.

November 18th.—Count Vitzthum accepts your proposal. He asks me whether he should write to you; but that is unnecessary. Four other English publishers have applied to him for the right of translation.

November 23rd.—It will be necessary that the translation of Vitzthum's book should be set up in slips, in order that he and I may have an opportunity of adding notes or making omissions.

At this time the question of having him elected as a foreign member of the Institute was mooted by Reeve's friends in Paris. It is to this that the following letters refer. Though not successful on this occasion, because—as Reeve was afterwards told—two out of the six foreign members were already English, they carried their point some eighteen months later, on an English vacancy.

From M. Jules Simon

Paris, 18 decembre.

Cher Monsieur,—J'ai en effet exprime a notre ami commun, M. Gavard, le desir que j'eprouve de vous attacher plus completement a notre Academie. C'est line operation assez difficile, car les associes etrangers pouvant etre choisis indistinctement dans tous les peuples du monde, il y a rarement disette de candidats. A chaque vacance, une commission est nominee au scrutin. Elle presente trois noms a l'Academie, qui consacre une seance a les discuter, et vote dans la seance suivante. Nous devons elire tout a l'heure le successeur de Ranke. Parmi les deux noms qui ne sortiront pas de l'urne, il y en a un qui pourra bien reussir quand on elira le successeur de Minghetti. En general on est porte deux ou trois fois avant de passer. Vos amis s'occuperont d'abord de vous faire figurer sur la liste. Il faut pour cela qu'un d'entre eux ait la liste exacte de vos ecrits, et de tous les titres que l'on peut invoquer en votre faveur. Les debats ne sont pas publics; les candidats n'ecrivent pas de demande; celui qui les propose parle en son propre noni, ct est meme cense les proposer a leur insu. Enfin, le public ne connait que le nom de l'elu. Je crois que vous avez envoye a M. Barthelemy St.-Hilaire les renseignements necessaires. Si cela n'est pas fait, faites-le, je vous prie, sans delai. Vous pouvez, si vous le preferez, les envoyer a M. Gavard, qui me les remettra, ou m'ecrire directement. Je vous prie, cher monsieur, de croire a mes sentiments cordialement devoues.

JULES SIMON.

From M. Leon Say

Paris, 25 decembre.

Mon bien Cher M. Reeve,—Je ferai naturellement tous mes efforts pour vous rapprocher encore plus de l'Institut, et vous y donner un rang digne de vous; mais je ne dois pas vous laisser ignorer qu'il y aura lutte. Je ne sais s'il vous conviendra que votre nom soit discute. Pour vous eclairer sur ce point, je vous envoie a titre confidentiel un billet que me fait parvenir M. Aucoc pour faire suite a un entretien que j'ai eu avec lui.

Je vous prie de croire a mes sentiments les plus distingues et les plus affectueux.

LEON SAY.

Jules Simon m'a promis une note qui me servirait a soutenir vos titres, et me permettrait de dire aux Francais de ma section, passablement ignorants de l'etranger, avec exactitude ce que vous avez fait.

Meantime the Journal notes:—

December 7th.—Meeting of the Liberal-Unionist party. On the 11th, dinner at home. Duc d'Aumale, Froude, Carnarvon, Lady Stanley, Colonel Knollys, F. Villiers, Lady Metcalfe, Newton.