You will see the tone assumed by the Courier to-night is obviously with the intention of forcing the Orange part of the Government into action. A Cabinet will be held to-morrow, when I think the matter cannot fail to be brought forward.

Wellesley has played his cards wretchedly, particularly in not communicating with anybody. I really believe that by a contrary course he might have carried Peel with him. He has not even, I understand, written to the King, whom he ought to have treated as his sheet-anchor.

The information which you give me of the ascendancy of the Orange faction in every department of Government, is strongly confirmed by Plunket. His view is, that if the Act against secret and affiliated societies is passed, it should be considered as the manifestation of the resolution of Government, and be followed up by a private communication that all persons in office who endeavour to evade it and continue members of Orange Lodges, should be dismissed.

Canning appears engrossed in his own department, and certainly does not seem to place confidence in any of his colleagues but Liverpool. With Peel I have made much progress, and find him in general more fair, more manly, and more statesmanlike in his views than I had at all hoped.

I think it clear that either Lord Wellesley or Lord Manners must be recalled. I still hope it will be the latter, but either way it must decide what the future character and bearing of the Administration is to be, and drive out one part of it.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. WILLIAMS WYNN.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

House of Commons, Feb. 18, 1823.

MY DEAR B——,

In consequence of the very agitated state of Ireland, and the certainty that the debate, instead of relating to the Catholic question, would have wholly turned upon the late proceedings in Dublin, it was generally thought at a meeting which this morning was held at Plunket's, that it would be advisable to postpone it till after Easter, and in consequence, Plunket, on the application of Newport and Canning, has just deferred it till Thursday, the 17th of April.

The paragraph in the Courier is disclaimed by everybody, and will, I trust, lead to the breaking off of all connexion between that paper and Government.

I have heard nothing more on the subject of Ireland, but have talked with some of my colleagues, who seem to feel as strongly as I do the necessity of the removal of the Chancellor. You shall hear when I know anything more.

Ever yours,

C. W. W.

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

House of Commons, Feb. 19, Four o'clock.

MY DEAR DUKE,

The difficulties of Ireland are complicated in every way, but I am quite sure the Government must stand firm to Lord Wellesley on the present occasion. The recalling him would be such a complete victory to Orangeism, that it would of necessity break up the Government; but I understand the Cabinet have no difference on this point, and in admitting "that in no instance has Lord Wellesley exceeded his instructions." Whether he has fulfilled them judiciously, is another question. Again, if Lord Manners is recalled, the difficulty of fulfilling the engagement to Plunket, of giving him the Seals, is almost insurmountable, for it would then be a complete victory to the Catholic; and if any other man were named, it would be a complete quarrel with Plunket; so that altogether it is a fine mash; and in my opinion will only be got over by leaving them both to reconcile their differences, and giving Plunket a good opportunity, which he will not fail to avail himself of, to make his statement of the whole of his proceedings to Parliament. I have little doubt that this will set up Lord Wellesley again. At present he is run down with the greatest activity by every hanger-on and agent of the Protestant part of the Government. I hear Peel behaves very well indeed, and is perfectly moderate and well-judging upon the whole question.

We expect a desperate attack to-day, but I have no doubt we shall have a good division. Notwithstanding, entre nous, it appears to be an infernal job.

Ever most faithfully,

W. H. F.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Office, Feb. 19, 1823.

MY DEAR B——,

It gives me great pleasure to hear of your coming to town, but it is fair to say that when I wrote on Monday, I attached an importance to the article in the Courier which I am since convinced it was not entitled to, and that it is equally disapproved by all the principal members of the Government.

Still this will not be known in Ireland, and its effect there will be most mischievous. I think the result will be the removal of the Chancellor; but Peel, with whom I have had most conversation, complains extremely of Wellesley's not having written to him a line, or I believe to any other person, on the state of Ireland or any of the late events. He says most truly, "The Lord-Lieutenant has a clear right to dismiss any of his household with or without a reason, but can we from that infer his feelings respecting the Chancellor, or can the Government take any steps on mere newspaper reports?" From Plunket's report I believe that the Lord-Lieutenant and Chancellor are on as bad terms as possible, and that it is notorious to all Dublin. The public good demands that decisive measures should be taken, but it is really hard upon the English Ministers to expect them to originate them without a request or intimation from the person in whose department they are, and who is most directly responsible.

If anything is now done, he [Lord Wellesley] will, you well know, make a merit of his not having complained against Lord Manners, and declare that he never wished his removal.

Ever yours,

C. W. W.

The Duke of Buckingham thought it necessary to write to Lord Wellesley in a friendly spirit, on his recent proceedings, to which the Lord-Lieutenant made the following reply:—

THE LORD-LIEUTENANT OF IRELAND TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Phoenix Park, Feb. 21, 1823.

MY DEAR DUKE,

I received with the utmost degree of gratitude and satisfaction your Grace's most kind and generous letter, which my long (but as you know) involuntary silence did not merit.

Your Grace's reasoning is most just, and all your observations judicious and useful. In a few days I hope to be able (by a safe hand) to send a more full and explicit answer to your letter. In the meanwhile, I will shortly state that I hope the extension to Ireland of the provisions of the Act 38th George III. will not be delayed: that the removal of some officers of the household was absolutely necessary for the maintenance even of my private honour. V—— is an old offender, and had received menaces of dismission several times for disrespect to the King, Lord Cornwallis, Lord Whitworth, Lord Wellesley, &c.

A great military commander made such explanations at a private audience granted to him at his request, that it would be impossible to complain of his conduct. He is not very quick of comprehension, and probably was not apprised of the intention to insult. A great law officer was with me, and now declares that he never arraigned the legality of any of the late proceedings from October to the close of the trials, but did not approve the policy of those proceedings.

It is not just now the moment for investigating his conduct. The first objects are a full discussion and judgment on the conduct of my Government during the time which has elapsed from 1st January, 1822, to the present hour, and an extension of the 38th of the late King to Ireland.

I am most happy to hear that our dear and inestimable friend Lord Grenville recovers so rapidly.

Ever, my dear Duke,

Yours with true affection,

WELLESLEY.



CHAPTER XII.

[1823.]

NEW APPOINTMENTS. LORD WELLESLEY'S REPRESENTATIONS RESPECTING THE STATE OF IRELAND. THE GOVERNMENT SUPPORT THE LORD-LIEUTENANT. MR. PLUNKET'S EXPLANATIONS. ILLNESS OF THE KING. THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON'S SUGGESTION. AN IRISH QUESTION. TRIUMPH OF MR. PLUNKET. PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES. QUARREL BETWEEN MR. CHARLES W. WYNN AND MR. PEEL. THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON'S OPINION OF MR. CANNING. HIS GRACE A PEACE-MAKER. BOASTFUL SPEECH ATTRIBUTED TO MR. PITT.



CHAPTER XII.

The changes that had taken place in the Government this year comprised the appointment of the Right Hon. Frederick John Robinson as Chancellor and Under Treasurer of the Exchequer, the Right Hon. William Huskisson as Treasurer of the Navy, and the Right Hon. Nicholas Vansittart as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, he was also raised to the Peerage by the title of Baron Bexley. Mr. Henry Watkin Williams Wynn had also been gazetted Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to the King of Wurtemberg. The debates in the two Houses of the Legislature did not indicate any pressing necessity for more important alterations, the principal subject being the reduction of the National Debt, the Tithe System in Ireland, and the Irish Volunteer Corps; the last two giving occasion for attacks on the proceedings of the Government in Ireland. On these points the President of the Board of Control will be found sufficiently communicative.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Office, March 4, 1823.

MY DEAR B——,

Lord W——'s answer has at length just arrived, and is rather an extraordinary one. He professes himself still decidedly of opinion that the extension of the Act against secret societies is necessary, but indifferent as to the time of its being brought forward. He dwells, however, much on the importance and utility of Abercromby's motion, and urges a full Parliamentary inquiry into the condition of Ireland, the nature of the Orange societies, and of the impediments his Government has met with. In short, if instead of a private it were a public one, I should think that he was making a preparatory case of grievance prior to resignation, to be hereafter moved for in Parliament.

Nothing was decided in the Cabinet yesterday, which in the hope of receiving this despatch was adjourned till to-morrow; but I flatter myself the result will be to announce that we are prepared to bring forward the proposed measure, though I fear this notice will be accompanied by explanations from P—— which will provoke a debate, and make it necessary for each of us to state his separate views. I regret the discussion on general grounds, but most on account of Plunket.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

I conclude, among so large a party as that at Strathfield-saye, you will have had little opportunity of conversation with your host.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Office, March 5, 1823.

MY DEAR B——,

Just returned from Cabinet, and going to the House. The determination, unanimous and quite satisfactory, to announce our own intention of bringing forward, immediately after Easter, a Bill to enforce the laws against secret societies, founded on the Lord-Lieutenant's despatches of November and January last, and fortified by what has since passed, and a general declaration of support to the Irish Government.

Ever yours,

C. W. W.

The letter I mentioned yesterday recommended inquiry and public discussion, for the purpose of placing in the broadest light the condition of Ireland, the nature of secret societies, the whole conduct of the Government, and of those who have thwarted and opposed it!! The two brothers strongly condemn the conduct of the third.[110]

[110] The Duke of Wellington, Lord Maryborough, and the Marquis Wellesley.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

March 6, 1823.

MY DEAR B——,

My letter of yesterday will have prepared you for the debate, of which you will read the account in the papers. Undoubtedly the best course would have been to have given the notice of our intended Bill in the first instance, and so have precluded the debate, but P——[111] would not then have had the opportunity of making his explanation, to which he attached much importance.

Part of his speech was good, but he showed too much anxiety to justify himself and prove his own consistency, and a sort of soreness which conveyed, I find, pretty generally, the idea that he was acting on compulsion, which the Purple (Orange is not an epithet strong enough) speech of his brother-in-law and Under-Secretary strongly confirmed.

Canning expressed well and decidedly the concurrence and union of the Governments of England and Ireland. Altogether we have got through the business so far, more smoothly than I had anticipated. I remained silent, as you advised. When I spoke of unanimity yesterday, I should have excepted W. W. P——,[112] who was too apprehensive of the consequences of the measure in the north, to be swayed by paternal regard. Plunket continues to look wretchedly ill, and from his own account of constant headaches, &c., I cannot help feeling uneasy about him.

We have not for some time had any discussion on foreign politics, but I quite concur in the view which my uncles, the Duke, and you all take of it, except that I could not swallow any permanent occupation of Spain by France without great difficulty.

Ever yours,

C. W. W.

[111] Mr. Plunket.

[112] William Wellesley Pole, created in 1821 Baron Maryborough.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Office, March 7, 1823.

MY DEAR B——,

It is true that there be many things which may arise between this and the end of the Session, but at present the one point upon which all the House of Commons seems to agree is, that we are the best and WISEST Ministers since the days of Lord Burleigh, and we only stand in need of fans to hide our blushes when our modesty is so severely put to the proof by the compliments of the opposite side.

Seriously, the effect of the two last nights' debates, if properly taken advantage of by Wellesley, ought to place his Government for some time upon velvet, particularly when accompanied by the humble Palinodia of the Chancellor to the beef-steaks, which, I must confess, in despite of all regard for an old friend, seems somewhat contemptible. W—— has again the cards in his own hand if he knows how to play them, but the next revoke will be fatal to him if it soon occurs.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Office, March 12, 1823.

I have little now to tell you, my dear B——, but that on Monday a private letter was written to W—— by Peel, with the concurrence of the Cabinet, containing strong assurances of support, but stating at the same time an opinion that the evidence did not warrant the committal for an attempt to murder, or the language of the addresses or answers, and terminating with a recommendation of endeavours to secure the co-operation of persons of influence and consequence, whatever their persuasions or opinions might be. Altogether it had too much the tone of a lecture, but was so strongly supported by the brethren, that as there was no particular part I could say that I disapproved, after some modifications which I suggested, I acquiesced in it. The accounts which you give me of the D——'s language certainly seem to tally with his conduct, but yet I cannot conceive what possible arrangement he can look to to remove him; to recall him would really be a signal of civil war; and I do not see to what place he could be removed, but to the Cabinet or to Paris. For the latter, he would be particularly unfit, and it would not be easy to make room for him in the former but by removing Westmoreland, which I conclude the Lowthers, &c., would resent in a manner which would be inconvenient.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

Although the current of politics seemed to be getting smoother, much uneasiness existed at Court in consequence of the King's state of health, which is thus described:—

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Brighton, April 4, 1823.

MY DEAR DUKE,

I came here for a few days during the Easter, fortunately after the Pavilion party had broken up, or probably I should not have found a room at the hotel. I merely write to give you the gossip of the King; the papers would make you believe he is quite well, but tout au contraire, he has appeared not more than twice or three times, and for the last three days has been in his bed. He held his Council yesterday in bed, and during this last visit of the Duke of York, he has never been out of his bed or bedroom. You may rely upon it he is most extremely unwell, and I take it to be a complete break up; he is low to a degree, and his expressions yesterday, while the Council were sitting in his bedroom, were most melancholy. The Council consisted of Lord Bathurst, Colchester, Conyngham, Becket, and Vice-Chancellor, who was here by accident. I suppose if they had wanted another they would have sent for me. There is no party at the Pavilion, and everything looks glum and melancholy.

Ever, &c.,

W. H. F.

THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

London, April 10, 1823.

MY DEAR DUKE,

I imagine that Lord Liverpool's statement of Monday will scarcely be allowed to pass off without reply. Indeed it will afford a fine opportunity for dealing in general assertion and declamation. But if it should, I imagine that the Opposition will be the side to fix upon the time and nature of any ulterior proceeding. We don't propose to make any further proposition. Indeed, I doubt the expediency and propriety of doing what we are about to do without previous motion.

I don't recollect Mr. Henry Murray. But that is not surprising, considering that there are so many in the same situation who apply to me.

I hear that the King is now better. Could you not write to Sir W. Knighton, and recommend to his attention your course of regimen, &c.? He is not now the King's medical adviser; but he is not a person to mount his horse upon such a letter being written to him; and I am certain that such a letter from you will be received as an affectionate attention, even though it should not produce any other effect.

Believe me, ever yours most sincerely,

WELLINGTON.

The smoothness of the political current did not long continue; a passage in one of Mr. Charles Wynn's numerous communications thus describes its disturbance:—

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

April 10, 1823.

It is a time when it is necessary to press for all the exertion to which Lord L—— can be spirited up to resist the motion of Brownlow on Tuesday next, which will receive a most formidable support from the Opposition, the Irish Orange members, and the irritated English Protestant country gentlemen.

Macnaghten has already tendered his resignation (but now says he will wait to hear Pl——'s explanation), which, connected as he is with Lord Hertford, is somewhat ominous. O'Neill is expected to do the same.

Opposition, notwithstanding a considerable schism among themselves, are, I hear, elated with the expectation of carrying the question. Lord Grey and the Mountain are most eager. Mackintosh, on the contrary, promises to attend and speak. Calcraft, Michael Angelo [Taylor], Grenfell, Ricardo, Newport, Rice, and some others, will support Plunket. Abercrombie is, I hear, undecided. But what is material is that it should be considered that all who vote with Brownlow are declaring direct hostility against the Government, and that a censure upon the Irish Administration is a censure upon the English, which supports and continues it.

I think we shall certainly have a good deal of desultory debate on Monday, when the papers are produced, after Canning's detailed explanation and statement; but as Lord Althorpe's motion for the repeal of the Foreign Enlistment Bill stands for Wednesday, that will open a better vent for the comments upon the papers when they have been read. I feel little doubt, however, that the Opposition will originate some question in both Houses upon them, especially when they are accompanied with the news of passing the Bidassoa.

The Duke of Norfolk is, I hear, very indignant at the intention of Opposition to vote against Plunket, and threatens to break with them.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

Mr. Fremantle wrote the next day as usual, de omnibus rebus.

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Office. April 11, 1823.

MY DEAR DUKE,

I find we are in a great fright about Plunket's motion on the 16th. The Opposition are fortunately split upon it, but our country support is very slack upon it, and if Plunket don't make a better case than he did before, we shall be in a scrape—in fact, it will come to the question of whether the Irish Government is to stand or fall, or whether the Catholic or Protestant is to have exclusive powers.

You may be assured the K—— is breaking up. He may rally for a short time, but he has no stamina to resist attacks of the gout constantly prevailing in his habit. I have this from an authority I cannot doubt. He was in his bed the whole time I was at Brighton, from Wednesday to Monday, and I believe has not been out since. I am assured here that the markets are rising, and along the coast where I pursued my trip—I mean at Hastings, E. Bourne, &c.—the markets were improving greatly, and the corn rising. If you are not in town on Monday, I will let you know what passes in Canning's explanation.

The Duc d'Angouleme is thought to have started well, as far as his orders go, but the impression in town is still that France cannot succeed. I have not seen or heard what Fitz Roy Somerset says upon it, but he gives the most lamentable account of the state of the Constitutional Spaniards' preparation. Never was anything so disorganized, so wanting altogether in preparation, concord, or means.

Ever most truly yours,

W. H. F.

P.S.—I cannot get you Canning's papers before Monday, for there is so much erasure, and change, and discussion in them, that you may depend upon it they will not be ready till the moment of their presentation.

To these extracts may be added the following communications:—

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Office, April 14, 1823.

MY DEAR B——,

We continue to be most nervous about the result of to-morrow. There is a disinclination to attend among the friends of Government which is alarming. The resignations of Barry and Macnaghten, the latter in particular, who is supposed to be as fond of money as any man, are strong indications of the violence of Orange feeling.

P—— has with great difficulty kept his beau frere, Dawson, from pursuing the same course. At the same time, he and Lord G. Beresford have done all the mischief they could by their conversation and language.

Lord Grey has been particularly active to stimulate the Opposition to violent hostility and censure, but it was supposed yesterday, that in order to avoid the hazard of a permanent and acrimonious split, they would all unite in favour of inquiry as a mezzo termino. Should this be the case, it is almost certain we shall find ourselves in a decided minority; still, the infinite evil attendant upon an inquiry, the irritation which it would create in Ireland, are considerations so weighty that we all think it better to be beaten on such a question than to concede it.

We are trying in secret to stimulate Wilberforce, Wortley, Acland, &c., to take the line of rising immediately after Plunket has concluded his defence, deprecating discussion as likely to exasperate and prolong the inflammation of both parties, and then proposing an adjournment. This I think is a course which the country gentlemen in general would be disposed to fall into, and which would be adopted by several of those who are equally disposed to avoid offending their Orange constituents and the Government.

It is in itself far from desirable to meet a censure by anything but a direct negative, but I think that such an expedient is, on the whole, preferable to the chance of defeat either on censure or inquiry.

The papers were not ready yesterday. We had some of the proofs at the Cabinet yesterday, but they were not then arranged or in any forwardness. I think it so likely that they may not be sent to the House of Commons till too late for the post, that I have desired Fremantle to go to Planta and beg that a copy may be sent down to you from the Foreign Office. I cannot conceive that any regular debate can take place to-night; some observations may be made, but it is obvious that they must wait till they have read the papers and compared them with Canning's speech, before they can really proceed to any discussion of the conduct of Government.

Ever most affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Office, Wednesday.

Nothing, my dear B——, could be more satisfactory than the result of last night. The triumph of Plunket was complete. He addressed a House evidently unfavourably disposed to him, and for the first hour we could scarcely raise a decent cheer to encourage him. It then became evident that he was making progress, and he proceeded till the applause fairly rung from every part of the House, and his adversaries, who had every reason to expect a majority, found it impossible even to venture on a division. On his account I wish more confidence had been placed in the effect of his speech, and that it had been determined to meet the motion with a direct negative, but the extreme reluctance of the majority of the friends of Government to pledge themselves beforehand to any course more decided than the orders of the day, would have made it too hazardous. In one respect the line adopted is fortunate, as it enables us the better to resist Burdett's motion for inquiry on Tuesday.

Canning's speech on Monday would have been a very good one for an independent member who spoke his own sentiments only, but ill suited the character of a Minister for Foreign Affairs. Such a speech in the Chamber of Deputies from Chateaubriand with regard to England, would at some periods disable an English Administration from maintaining neutrality. I conclude that the discussion of the papers in the House of Lords, of which Lord Grey gave notice, will bring you to town.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Office, April 16, 1823.

MY DEAR DUKE,

I find you do not come till Thursday or Friday, I therefore send you a few lines to say how triumphantly the business went off yesterday. Brownlow made a very eloquent and able speech, but Plunket's explanation was perfectly satisfactory and convincing to the House, and the general feeling was decidedly in favour of crushing all further discussion upon it. The friends of Government had been summoned in the morning by Canning, and then a very calm and friendly communication took place, in which the violent Orangeists, I mean Sir George Hill, Dawson, &c. &c., all concurred in the propriety of preventing, if possible, any decision being pronounced upon the question, which could only go to the increase of the irritation and violence now existing, and could be of no advantage, but on the contrary the greatest disadvantage, to Ireland; and accordingly the motion of Courtenay's was suggested and unanimously approved; I must, however, do Peel the justice to say, that he distinctly stated that if the result of the debate was to be an opinion on Plunket's conduct, he should not hesitate one moment in giving his heartfelt and sincere opinion in favour of the proceeding he had adopted.

In the House, Plunket laboured, I think, a good deal in bringing his precedents to bear on the subject, and showed infinite dexterity in all this part of his argument; but when he came to the whole of the proceedings of the Grand Jury and the High Sheriff, he carried the House along with him, and ended his speech with the unanimous feeling of the House in his favour; indeed, I am not sure but that we might have carried a decided negative; however, altogether it is better as it is, more particularly as Plunket is equally satisfied.

The King comes to town to-day, and I understand has made up his mind to hold a drawing-room, and sit during the time; I doubt even his ability to do this, if he has not greatly mended since I left Brighton. We shall lose the Catholic question to-morrow, at least this is my opinion; the state of Ireland, and of parties in that country, has made a great alteration in opinions of those who were not very stout upon it before.

The papers which have been presented to Parliament regarding the negotiations at Verona, and Paris, and Madrid, are considered so far satisfactory as to meet the feelings of the country in maintaining a neutrality—that is, in avoiding to commit England to any share in hostilities; but I should say that they have given an impression that we were duped by the French Government up to the moment of the King's Speech, and even afterwards, and that the tone maintained by England throughout the whole of the proceedings was not sufficiently high and commanding. There is also throughout the whole of the negotiations, a continued exertion on the part of England to induce the Spaniards to give way by some modification of their constitution, without a corresponding attempt to induce France to remove her army. The Opposition think that the papers altogether afford them a very good case; no notice is yet given in the House of Commons upon the subject, but probably there will to-day or to-morrow.

Adieu, my dear Duke,

Ever most truly yours,

W. H. F.

P.S.—I fear poor General Grenville cannot last many days, he is considerably worse.

General Grenville died a short time after the date of this letter. He was the younger brother of Lord Glastonbury, and therefore the second son of Mr. James Grenville.

The state of our foreign relations began to create some uneasiness in the public mind; indeed, a grave complication was arising, that demanded the exercise of the profoundest statesmanship to treat in a manner worthy the reputation of this country.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Office, April 17, 1823.

MY DEAR B——,

My letter of yesterday will show you that we do not disagree in principle as to the speech of Monday night. I cannot conceive a course more derogatory to the dignity or contrary to the interest of two great nations, than for the Ministers of Foreign Affairs to animadvert on the conduct of each other's Government, as those of England and France have done.

Still, I am very far from viewing it in the light which it has on the first impression appeared to you, nor can I participate in your apprehensions of its leading to the withdrawal of the Minister of the Court of France, or that it will be considered tantamount to a declaration of war.

Lord Grenville concurs in disapprobation of the speeches, but not to the degree which you seem to feel, and expresses his opinion that "the papers are, on the whole, satisfactory, and the last instructions good."

You have not stated what your objections to them are, and therefore it is impossible for me to address myself to meet them.

Ever most affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

I fear that we have not a chance of success to-night.

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, April 18, 1823.

MY DEAR DUKE,

You will see by the papers the turbulent discussion we had last night. I was not in the House till afterwards, and therefore can only give you what I heard of the impression made, which was altogether favourable to Canning. His want of temper was condemned in the first instance, but at the same time it is thought that it will be most beneficial in stopping those strains of invective and abuse which are daily increasing, and likely still more to increase if not put down. The fact is, that the Opposition have been buoying themselves up with the hope and expectation of connexion and friendship with Canning—they now see this to be visionary, and are determined to try and drive a dissention in the Cabinet by violence; and in this they are encouraged by the language held, and general conduct of the Chancellor.

Wynn made an indiscreet speech, as far as it regarded Peel, but I hope nothing will arise from it—indeed, there is no reason to fear there may, as the explanation was perfectly satisfactory. As to our Catholic question, it is gone to the d——l, and what is to be the result of this I have not a guess.

With regard to the negotiations, I perfectly agree with you that nothing can display greater weakness than the papers do; but the feeling in the country is so strong in favour of neutrality and of the Spaniards, and also the feeling of Parliament, that you may rely on it the Government will come out of the discussion triumphantly. I do not entertain the smallest idea that France will carry her resentment so far against Canning's and Lord Liverpool's speeches as to recall her Minister, or to think of quarrelling with us. I can understand your feeling with regard to their declarations in favour of the revolutionary Spanish Government; but however you may feel, depend upon it no Minister, no Government, and no man is powerful enough in this country, either in political or personal character, to stand up to fight the battle of the Ultras. I should say that the King and the Duke of York would do so if they could find the means, but these are impossible, and the public odium which would follow such an attempt would be fatal to any man or set of men.

There will certainly be a Levee on the 21st, and I suppose a Drawing-room. I take it for granted some notice will be given to-day in our House of a motion on the papers. As I shall see you so soon, I will add no more.

Yours truly,

W. H. F.

The relations between France and Spain continued to attract very great attention, both in and out of Parliament, and not only were suggestive questions asked of the Government as to this country being bound by treaty to support the Bourbons in France, but the Earl of Liverpool in the House of Lords, and Mr. Canning in the House of Commons, while producing papers illustrating the late negotiations at Vienna, Paris, and Madrid, gave an exposition of affairs that strongly reflected on the conduct of the French Ministers. A still more important debate on the same subject came on on the 24th of April, in which Lord Grenville and the Duke of Buckingham spoke in favour of Ministers.

The question of the Catholic claims came on for discussion in the House of Commons on the 17th of April, but Mr. Plunket went through the usual arguments in favour of the Catholic claims with less than the ordinary amount of success, and the last of these motions of adjournment was carried by 333 to 111. In a subsequent debate, a misunderstanding between Mr. Peel and Mr. Charles Williams Wynn, as to the system on which each considered Ireland was to be governed, threatened serious consequences, according to the following representations:—

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Office, Ten o'clock.

I have been here from ten, and am going to the Aylesbury Commission, or should have called on you. I met the Duke of Wellington yesterday in the Park, who had been sent to by Lord Liverpool in the morning, to discuss the question regarding Wynn and Peel. He threw the whole blame on Lord Liverpool for not having originally shown the papers to Peel, but said that it could not lead to ultimate quarrels—that Lord Liverpool must interfere, and that he, the Duke, was to see Peel this morning. It appears to me, from the Duke's language, that the discussion and the settlement of the difference must now proceed from Lord Liverpool, as it is the complaint of Peel against him for not being apprised of the terms on which we came into the Government. The Duke appeared to entertain no doubt of settling it amicably, but my object, pressed upon him, was to take care it should be done speedily, and that no public appearance of difference should be manifested in the House of Commons. Probably you have seen the Duke of Wellington before you receive this. A good speech from you in the House of Lords to-night would be more likely to strengthen us and set us right than anything else.

W. H. F.

The Duke of Wellington had never seen the correspondence till yesterday, when shown to him by Lord Liverpool.

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, May 31, 1823.

MY DEAR DUKE,

I met the Duke of Wellington this morning, and had a great deal of conversation with him of a most confidential nature. He began it by asking if you had left town, saying he had received your letter, and had taken immediate steps for bringing matters right between C—— and W——.[113] That "I knew perfectly well how ticklish a gentleman the former was, and how difficult to manage, and with how little ground he was in the habit of taking exception; that in this case he knew he could have no ground, but on the contrary he (C——) ought and must know, that he owed W—— every attention and kindness for the manly and decided manner you had acted on the proposal of taking him into office after the death of Lord L——."[114] I found evidently that the Duke of W—— disliked C——, for he could not resist the pleasure of attacking and condemning him in many points of his conduct since he has held the Seals, and entered at large into it in a manner that I cannot well detail in a letter, going through his quarrel with the Chancellor, and what had since occurred in an attempt which the Duke had made to reconcile them, and in which he thought C—— had behaved with great want of judgment and temper; again, in his conduct about Spain, and on the questions regarding Ireland; but with all this (admitting of course), his value to the Government, and the necessity of keeping him in good humour if possible. It was most satisfactory to hear him say, that the whole of Wynn's conduct in the Cabinet since he had belonged to it had been uniformly conciliatory and temperate, and such as had universally given satisfaction, and that he could not understand why C—— had taken the exception.

I see evidently from all this that the K—— still continues to feel indisposed to C——, for I am quite sure the language the Duke holds is the same held by his Royal Master; and there is another view which is not less satisfactory, namely, that he (C——) is not sufficiently strong with the Cabinet to carry everything his own way. All I should recommend to W——, and which I shall speak to him about, is to follow the Duke of W——'s advice in going on, not pretending to see the coolness, and leave C—— to amuse himself with his own ill-humour.

I was delighted to hear from Wynn of his Majesty's gracious language about you, and at the manner in which he was received, and that you have judged quite wisely in writing to express your feelings upon it; at the same time I would recommend you not to press it further at present, but to see how matters go on, and whether anything occurs previous to the prorogation. I still think the Chancellor will go when this takes place, but not before, but I doubt of the manner in which the law arrangements are to be made. The Government are determined to get the Irish Tithes Bills through if they can, and Canning told me he thought nothing could be so dangerous or desperate as to leave them still hanging over.

You shall hear from me whenever I hear anything further.

Ever most faithfully yours,

W. H. F.

[113] Canning and Wynn.

[114] Lord Londonderry.

The Duke of Wellington, who undertook the office of peace-maker between Mr. Canning and Mr. Wynn, refers in the course of the following communication to the well-known verse—

"I do not like thee, Dr. Fell, The reason why, I cannot tell, But this, in truth, I know full well, I do not like thee, Dr. Fell."

THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

London, May 30, 1823.

MY DEAR D——,

I received your letter of the 28th, and took steps immediately to effect your object. Although not so important as the affair of the same description I settled before, it is not so easy, as the disposition and manners of the men are very different, and it will take more time. But I am at work upon it, and have communicated with Lord Liverpool, who agrees with me; and I recommend that Charles Wynn should act as usual, and take no notice either of the continuance of the contrary state of things, or of any change which we may produce. I know there is no reason for the conduct complained of, excepting it be the same that was given for the dislike of Dr. Fell.

I will let you know anything that may pass upon this subject; and I beg you to

Believe me,

Ever yours most sincerely,

WELLINGTON.

The state of our foreign relations elicited from Lord Grenville the following characteristic communication, referring to a boastful speech often attributed to Mr. Pitt.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dropmore, Tuesday.

I send the petition by the coach. I believe I mentioned to you my wish that nothing should be said upon it, except that you present it in my absence on account of illness.

As I do not at all partake in the virtuous enthusiasm for the cause of Jacobinism in Spain, I allow myself to hope that things there are going on well. I am entirely of opinion that the war is a most unadvised step on the part of France, and that nothing could be more impolitic, except our having the folly to mix ourselves in the squabble either way by word or deed.

Some wiseacre in the House of Commons has said that Lord Chatham declared that not a gun should be fired in Europe without his leave. Lord C—— came into office when this country was involved in a war in which she had so much the worst of it, that all men despaired of the issue. He went out of office before the peace was made, and his merit was that he had by his successes in the war secured the means of making an advantageous peace. Secondly, in which part of his administration did any power of Europe take out a licence for shooting from him? Yet this is the sort of nonsense that passes current. Adieu.



CHAPTER XIII.

[1823.]

IMPORTANT DEBATES. EXPENSES OF THE CORONATION. STATE OF THE PENINSULA. MR. PLUNKET'S DISAPPOINTMENT. CONDITION OF IRELAND. DESPATCH FROM THE LORD-LIEUTENANT. THE KING OF SPAIN AND THE CORTES. MR. CANNING IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. LORD NUGENT'S BILL FOR RESTORING THE FRANCHISE. FESTIVITIES AT CARLTON HOUSE. THE MARQUIS OF HASTINGS. THE FRENCH IN SPAIN. LORD ELDON. CANNING. PEEL AND ROBINSON. THE PRESS IN INDIA. THE KING AT "THE COTTAGE". IRVING AND THE HEAVENLY PAVILION. POLICY OF AUSTRIA. THE KING IN COUNCIL. SCHISMS IN THE FRENCH CABINET.



CHAPTER XIII.

Lord John Russell brought forward in the House of Commons his motion for a reform of Parliament, on the 24th of April, which, after an animated discussion, was negatived by a majority of 280 to 169; but a more important debate was that which arose out of a motion made by Mr. J. Macdonald, for an address to the Crown censuring the conduct of Ministers in the late negotiations with foreign powers. It continued for three days—28th, 29th, and 30th of the same month—and gave occasion for the delivery of several effective speeches, particularly those of Sir James Mackintosh and Mr. Brougham against the Government, and of Mr. Peel and Mr. Canning in its defence. In the end, however, the policy of Ministers was endorsed by Parliament, the division being in their favour by a majority of 372 to 20. A few days later, the attention of the House was taken up by a charge preferred by Mr. Plunket against Mr. Thorpe, the High Sheriff of Dublin, for having caused the bill of indictment against the rioters at the Dublin Theatre to be ignored. Debate followed debate on this subject, till the House adjourned about the middle of May. But the subject was resumed on the 23rd and on subsequent days, when a fierce attack was made by Opposition members on the conduct of Orangemen and on the system they supported. On the 26th, the motion was rejected in a small House by a majority of 131 to 77, when Mr. Plunket voted in opposition to Ministers.

We now resume the correspondence. The first paragraph refers to the state of affairs in the Peninsula, a complication regarded in England with increasing anxiety; but the writer, as will be seen, soon passes to a subject that excited at the time a good deal of interest among the economists—this was the expenses of the Coronation, some of which, it is plain, were open to objection. Subsequently, Irish politics—that had been rendered more interesting since the appointments of the Marquis Wellesley and Mr. Plunket to two important offices in the Government of Ireland—began to assume larger dimensions. From these causes Mr. Canning's position had become anything but a bed of roses.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Office, June 11, 1823.

MY DEAR B——,

All the accounts from Spain speak of the enormous expense to the French, and that the most effectual means resorted to to resist the invaders consist in the patriotic spirit with which their friends draw upon them. They are also distributing money very largely to the Portuguese insurgents.

The spirit of reaction and the cry for the Absolute King, with the Inquisition, mean time greatly embarrass them. They have increased the columns detached to the south to 20,000 men. Scarcely anything is known of what is passing at Seville, and much apprehension is entertained for the King's life.

Hume has given notice of a motion for a committee to examine into the Coronation expenses, which is most embarrassing. It must, I suppose, be resisted; but true it is that the crown, made up of hired jewels, was kept till within the last three weeks, so that there will be twenty-two months' hire to be paid, which might have been saved, amounting to 11,000l. The charge of 24,000l. for robes is also terrible!

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, June 14, 1823.

MY DEAR B——,

The Duke of Devonshire's motion on the state of Ireland certainly comes on on Thursday, but what is to be its precise nature is not yet known, probably even to himself. Plunket went to Ireland on Thursday, much out of spirits, anticipating all evil from the irritation of the two factions, and I fear from the want of energy and vigour in him who ought to control them. You will see the violent proceedings of the Catholic meeting, and their talk about physical strength, &c. I am glad to find that Blake, the Catholic barrister, is appointed by Lord Wellesley, Deputy Remembrancer of the Exchequer, as I think he will be of use in Ireland, and will strengthen Plunket's influence.

I do not wonder that in this weather you are averse to quit the country, but I think you are quite right in coming for such an occasion as the present, upon which an explanation of your views may be extremely useful.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

If you can, pray come on Wednesday. Brougham is on that day to move in the House of Commons on presenting the R.C. Petition, and in case I should wish to speak, I should particularly like to have talked the subject over with you previously, in order that we may chime in as far as may be.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Office, June 17, 1823.

MY DEAR B——,

You must not wonder that Plunket did not stop to visit you in his way. He has now been four months absent from Ireland, suffering all the while from vexation and indifferent health, which have produced the effect of making him low and hypochondriac about himself. He was convinced nothing but the native breeze of the potatoes could revive him, and he was besides not a little uneasy as to the consequences of this absence upon his professional business, and very anxious again to see his family. Nothing else could, I will not say justify, but excuse his turning his back upon the Tithe Bill while in the Committee, which I must say it was his duty to have stayed if possible to have fought through; but he is thoroughly dejected, and often talks of the probability of his being obliged to retire.

Lord Hastings, I apprehend, returns only to see whether he can get any better appointment than the mission to Naples, which, as he intended to go to Vienna, not a little disappoints him. I am going to Cabinet, and if I hear any news, will add it.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

Accounts from Paris mention that an agent has been dispatched from Madrid to Seville with arguments to persuade the Cortes to join the Royal cause.

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Board of Control, June 25, 1823.

MY DEAR DUKE,

We are getting on, though very slowly. It is thought the session will close in three weeks, which I think most probable, as everybody is going out of town, and they will not be able to make houses. Ireland still hangs upon us, and every day makes it more and more alarming. They can get no communication whatever from Lord Wellesley. He will not write, and this adds to the perplexity of the Government. I have not the least doubt whatever but that in a very short time you will see a decided rebellion. It can hardly be called less than a general insurrection now. Plunket is gone back very sore and very desponding.

The King is quite re-established, and I hear in very cheerful spirits. He has put off the match between Lady Elizabeth Conyngham and Lord Aboyne. He does not go to the sea, as I understand, till the end of July, and has not yet decided what day he comes to town.

Canning does nothing in the House, and I think suffers Peel to take completely the lead. The Spaniards must ultimately give way, and the greatest ridicule is thrown on this subscription and ball now going forward. It is exclusively with the Opposition, and will fail. It is curious now to observe how those who had not courage at the time to support your opinions against the revolutionary Government of Spain, are now coming forward and applauding your language and opinions. What Canning is doing about it I know not, but he is very busy with the diplomacy there. He is disposed to appoint Hervey to some other station, in order to get rid of the anomaly of a Secretary of Embassy to a Minister (not with the rank of Ambassador), but he has great difficulty, having neither pension fund nor vacancy at an ambassador's court; therefore, what he will do remains to be seen. He cannot remove him without provision, and Hervey is ready to return, if required. Lord Salisbury is succeeded by Lord Verulam in the Lieutenancy of Hertford. I don't know who comes in for Hertford. I cannot tell you how things are going on with Wynn, &c., not having had the opportunity lately of observing—but I should hope better. I think Canning loses ground greatly. He is anything but a leader of the House of Commons.

The Lords have decided on appointing a Chairman to hear Scotch appeals only, with a salary—this Chairman to be some eminent Scotch judge. The question for the Commons to decide will be the salary, which the Lord Chancellor will not pay, but which I think the Commons will be disposed to fasten upon him.

I have not heard from Freeling.[115] I take it for granted he will not stir a step with regard to the mail coach, without first apprizing me, or making some communication to the country.

Ever, my dear Duke,

Most faithfully yours,

W. H. F.

The Lords' Report on this Appeal Committee has been called for by Kennedy. I believe Canning, when he heard of it, called a Cabinet to remonstrate, and whether he was outvoted, remains to be seen. I think they will not venture to move upon it this session.

I hear Lord Bath gets the blue riband. This will be a severe blow to Lord Harrowby.

[115] Mr. Francis Freeling, in 1828 created a Baronet—Secretary to the Post Office.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Office, June 26, 1823.

MY DEAR B——,

We have at last a despatch to-day, assuring us that he[116] considers the alarm as groundless, and to the extent to which it at present prevails, perfectly absurd. He admits the general expectation of rising, but has not been able to ascertain any facts to justify it. He denies the increase of the guards of Dublin to any material degree, and expressly disclaims any wish for further legislative powers, or, as things now appear, for any additional military force. He laments the mutual exasperation between the two parties, and complains that the leaders of each will not unite in a system of conciliation.

More arrant fudge could scarcely be found if Dr. Burdock's copy of verses had been recorded by Miss Amelia Wilhelmina Skeggs in "The Vicar of Wakefield."

I hope, however, he is right in his want of apprehension of danger, and may not be waked to it by such an affair as that in Thomas-street, of 1803. He speaks of the concurrence of Lord Combermere and of the Solicitor-General, which does not quite tally with what I have heard of their sentiments; but this is of little importance, heaven knows, either way.

Your scandal is good indeed—I should have thought too much so to be true.

Respecting the fate of the two Bills in the Lords, I apprehend the first half of George's (granting the elective franchise) will pass, the other miscarry. I can hardly think it possible that the Tithe Bill should, notwithstanding Liverpool's eagerness upon the subject.

Out of eighty-four days which we had sat, up to Monday last, forty-nine have been occupied in Irish business! We now begin to be heartily tired, and therefore may, I hope, be expected to travel au galop.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

[116] The Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Office, June 30, 1823.

MY DEAR B——,

A'Court has, as you will have already learnt, very properly declined the invitation of the Regency to Cadiz. He is directed to proceed to Gibraltar, unless he shall find that the King, after being, as intended, restored to nominal liberty and sanity at Cadiz, shall press his going there as affording a certain degree of protection to his life.

The removal to Cadiz I take to have been a mere act of desperation. Many members of the Cortes have slipped away, and it is a fact that the Regency could not get any individual to hold office ad interim under them, or even a clerk to countersign their letter to A'Court. They may have in Cadiz, it is said, possibly from 10,000 to 12,000 men.

Harrowby's disappointment seems to sit easy upon him.

I enclose a letter just received from P——.[117] I do not know what foundation he has of the report of dudgeon in the Home Office. It is perfectly true that his objection to reversal of attainders was supported by no one. Both he and his man complain much of being left to carry through the Tithe Bill unassisted by Plunket, and I think not without reason.

It certainly is odd that a measure for getting rid of tithes should fall into the hands of the members for the Universities of Oxford and Dublin, and of a candidate for that of Cambridge.

It is quite determined to carry it through in the present session.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

[117] Not preserved.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Camelford House, July 3, 1823.

I most heartily join with you in taking joy at what I consider as the triumph of the cause of freedom in the Peninsula;—having read enough to know, and having seen enough to observe, that of all possible tyrannies—and I cordially hate them all—the most contemptible, corrupt, and cruel is the tyranny of absolute democracy, most especially when resting, as in Spain and Portugal, on that new instrument of freedom, a mutinous and self-governed army.

Your friend Sir Robert[118] makes a pretty figure in this puppet-show!

[118] Sir Robert Wilson.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Office, July 3, 1823.

MY DEAR B——,

The last judicial appointment which I made was about a twelvemonth ago, of Sir Edward West, to be Recorder of Bombay. As soon as the Bill for establishing a new judicature there shall receive the Royal assent, he will be nominated Chief Justice.

The elder brother was also recommended to me, among other grounds, on the sacrifice which he had made in voting for Lord Grenville in 1809, being then a Fellow of University College, which had been remembered to his disadvantage by the Chancellor on different occasions. I laid both their names, among others, before the Chief Baron, who is my ordinary legal adviser on these occasions. The result of his inquiries was very favourable to Edward West, but your friend Martin West, though described to be of excellent character, all the cardinal virtues, and meilleur enfant du monde, was allowed by his friends to be unfortunately indolent, which, for the climate of India, is the greatest fault that can be attributed to a public functionary.

You have not returned to me Plunket's letter; pray send it forthwith, as I transmitted to you the very day I received it, and have not yet answered it. The passage you allude to refers to Peel. The question was the reversal of Scotch, not Irish attainders, but he so little pressed his objection, and was so little supported, that I do not think it likely to have been the ground of such serious complaint.

Nugent's Bill for restoring the elective franchise will, I believe, pass the House of Lords; the other will, I conclude, be dropped in the Commons. I still hope we may adjourn to-morrow sevennight, but we must depend for that on the forbearance or fatigue of Opposition, since, if they choose to go on with the system of raising discussions every day, they may prevent us.

Canning has sent out his cards for a Cabinet dinner on the 23rd, so I suppose he does not contemplate the prorogation till about that time. Lord Grenville is in town, looking much better than when I last saw him. He has had no offer for Camelford House, and seems to be making up his mind to retain it and live there, notwithstanding the faults of its situation.

Ever most affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Board of Control, July 9, 1823.

MY DEAR DUKE,

We are now nearly closing the session, and certainly with more success altogether than one could have expected; but one thing has been manifested—namely, that we should have done just as well without Canning as a leader, as with him. He has taken upon himself no authority, either by putting down or assisting questions doubtful or difficult. Robinson and Peel have both risen much beyond him in estimation as general speakers and men of business.

The accounts from Ireland are better, and at last they have got communications from Lord Wellesley. I think the House of Commons have not done well in whitewashing O'Grady, which I think they have done. The King came to town yesterday, and gives a great dinner to-morrow. They say he also gives a ball on Friday. I understand he remains about a fortnight in town, and then proceeds to the Yacht.

Ever most faithfully yours,

W. H. FREMANTLE.

P.S.—Lord Hastings is expected in town to-morrow or next day.

The next letter refers to a measure alluded to in a previous communication, brought forward by Lord Nugent, for restoring the elective franchise to places in which it had been forfeited. Mr. Wynn expected that it would pass the House of Lords, but he found himself mistaken.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

House of Commons, July 10, 1823.

MY DEAR B——,

The defeat of Nugent's Bill, though supported by the speeches of Liverpool, Westmoreland, Harrowby, and Melville, together with the votes of Bathurst and Bexley, by the Chancellor, Duke of York, and Shaftesbury, has produced much sensation. Brougham is now speaking upon the Scotch Appeal Commission Bill, and has been describing the Chancellor as Prime Minister, and constantly denominating Lord Liverpool "My noble coadjutor," "the noble Earl with whom I have the honour to act," &c. &c., with much humour. Sidmouth slunk away without voting. It is most vexatious that the Bill should have been lost, as with common exertion to enter proxies, it might have been carried. You will see the Chancellor denied the possibility of any man who refused the oath of supremacy being a loyal subject! The D—— of Y——, I regret to say, most conspicuously active.

My wife and I are at last going to a dress party to-night at Carlton House.

Thank heaven, to-morrow the House of Commons adjourns, and we conclude with my E.I. Mutiny Bill, which Bobus Smith is to oppose violently.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

Lord Grenville sets out on Sunday on a tour to the Lakes.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Office, July 18, 1823.

MY DEAR B——,

As I am to dine the Lion of the East, Commander of the Faithful, &c. &c., the most exalted Caliph Hastings, on this day sevennight, you will extremely oblige me by contributing towards the gorging of his royal jaws.

I have asked sundry of my confreres to meet him, but I do not think he appears graciously inclined towards us.

We had a very grand party at Carlton House on Thursday last, and a gay ball for the children last Tuesday; so I suppose we are either in favour, or, which is more likely, that the people in attendance have found out the blunders and omissions which they made last year. I hear the absence of all Grenvilles, either in person or proxy, from the division on the Elective Franchise Bill, is much commented upon, and considered as a retaliation for the desertion of Plunket in the House of Commons.

Much apprehension is entertained of the Cortes being driven into desperation by the violence of the Madrid Regency, and bringing the beloved Ferdinand to trial, for which proofs certainly are not wanting.

The French profess the greatest disapprobation of the persecuting spirit of the Regency, but seem to take no steps to control it; and it seems to be encouraged by the other members of the Holy Alliance.

Ever most affectionately yours,

C. WILLIAMS WYNN.

The Prorogation will be on Saturday, notwithstanding a blunder about the Commission, by which we lose to-day in the House of Commons.

Westmoreland is so extremely pleased with his own speech on Nugent's Bill, and so angry with the Chancellor for opposing it, that he only wants a little flattery to make him a good Papist.

Sundry of my colleagues are also angry with said noble and learned Lord, for throwing out the Slave Trade Consolidation Bill, which had been approved and settled by Lord Bathurst, and for leaving out the disputed parts of the Silk Bill.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Office, July 21, 1823.

MY DEAR B——,

I agree with you that my stairs are somewhat narrow for the whole full-blown dignity of the Caliph to ascend. If he would engage to remain in England till the autumn, I would receive him in a better house, and would provide a grander assortment of company to meet him; but, unfortunately, I have found all my colleagues engaged, and must make my table up with directors, military men, and such like second chop.

The Chancellor's[119] language is exactly the same as he held in 1808, and has continued to hold at the close of every Session since. He certainly has been obliged to swallow some pills contre coeur, but has his own way infinitely too far. I am not surprised that he is somewhat angry at the silence with which Brougham's attack upon him was received by the Treasury Bench in the House of Commons. Peel continues very glum and sulky.

As to Spain, if one can judge from our accounts, the French are more embarrassed than ever. They are obliged to find money for everything, for not a single dollar can the Spaniards muster, and they find that they have less weight, notwithstanding, with the Regency than the Russian Minister, who encourages them in all their violent measures. The Regency have actually refused to treat with Cadiz, though there are many there who are much disposed to it. The force which occupies it is almost entirely militia, and, therefore, cannot be expected to hold out long when there shall be a naval force to co-operate.

Duc d'Angouleme is completely sick, and the present plan is, that if they can get the King at liberty, he is to convene a general Cortes, and the French are to leave them and him to make a constitution, withdrawing all their troops ... except 25,000, who are to form an echellon of communication between Bayonne and Madrid. This seems to me most infernal nonsense, too absurd to be ever entertained by the French Cabinet, though they think it may pass upon us, and therefore hold this language to Stuart.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

You have, of course, long heard of Lord Fitzwilliam's nuptials. I wonder how they have kept out of the newspaper.

The appropriate remark is that "it is a very sensible marriage;" to which it is to be replied, "because the senses have nothing to do with it."

[119] Lord Eldon.

On the 16th of July, during a debate in the House of Commons on the subject of Scotch Appeals, Mr. Brougham afforded great amusement to that assembly by drawing a vivid but somewhat sarcastic picture of the state of the Government. "As to Lord Liverpool being Prime Minister," observed the learned gentleman, "he is no more Prime Minister than I am. I reckon Lord Liverpool a sort of member of Opposition; and after what has recently passed, if I were required I should designate him as 'a noble lord in another place with whom I have the honour to act.' Lord Liverpool may have collateral influence, but Lord Eldon has all the direct influence of the Prime Minister. He is Prime Minister to all intents and purposes, and he stands alone in the full exercise of all the influence of that high situation."[120]

[120] Hansard.

In this strain the orator proceeded, claiming Lord Liverpool as a coadjutor because both opposed the measures of the Lord Chancellor. Lord Eldon did not at all relish the joke, perhaps because it was not at the expense of the Grenvilles, and soon afterwards again expressed his intention to resign. This had been repeated so often that it elicited the following squib:—

"The Chancellor vows he'll depart, as they say (So Derry sometimes, if his crew disobey), But when his resigning a minister mentions, We think how hell's paved with mankind's good intentions; For still being in, though so oft going out, We feel much inclined, like his lordship—to doubt."

Parliament was prorogued on the 19th of July, apparently equally to the relief of the Government and the Opposition. A great variety of subjects had been discussed, including the pretended claims of Olivia Serres, self-styled Princess of Cumberland, but little practical good had been effected, and the Ministers were not gaining the confidence of the country or strengthening their own position. The King, too, was losing the popularity he had gained since the Queen's death, by his endeavours to remove himself as much as possible from the public gaze. The Duke of Buckingham's correspondents kept him fully informed on these and all other topics of interest.

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, July 27, 1823.

MY DEAR DUKE,

I perfectly agree with you in thinking that Canning only waits the opportunity of tripping us up, and this is only to be resisted by a steady line of conduct on our parts, pursuing and maintaining the system as it is now carrying on towards Ireland, until we see the opportunity, by the accordance of other members of the Government, to meet him with the certainty of success. The complete ascendancy which both Robinson and Peel have acquired over him in the House of Commons, but more particularly the former, must weaken his means of playing us a trick, which I am satisfied he is fully disposed to do whenever he can find the opportunity.

I don't agree with you at all about Lord Hastings; be assured there is not the most distant idea of sending him to Ireland. I am quite sure Canning distrusts and hates him too much to employ him if it be possible to keep him out, and I do not understand his reception at head quarters has been such as to satisfy him, or give him the hopes of employment. He is very low and disappointed, and is immediately going out of town. He has been profusely civil and attentive to Wynn, but is not come in the highest odour either with the Government or Court of Directors. His conduct about the Press in India has been flagrant, and since his departure Adams has sent home the editor of the Calcutta paper, who has been bullying them for the last five years, and whom Lord Hastings has never had the courage to resist, but, on the contrary, has frequently defended him against his own colleagues in council. This will make a very considerable and difficult discussion in Parliament next year, and I much fear that our Cabinet at home will not have courage to fight the battle manfully; I have no hesitation in thinking with Adams that the fate of India depends on the power of checking the press in that country.

The King has had a party with him for the last two days at the Cottage here, and by all accounts is well in health, but most averse to going to sea; whether they will persuade him or not remains to be proved. Lady C—— is very anxious he should, in order to get some holidays, and I believe Knighton likewise presses it. In the meantime he is injuring himself greatly in public opinion by his seclusion; he professes to be so ill he cannot go to his Parliament or stir out in public in London, and then comes here, and sees forty or fifty people, and is driving all day in the park. The real fact is, they cannot manage him; his mind becomes daily more capricious, and his indisposition to public display or communication of any kind, increasing upon him to an extreme degree. The people at Windsor are outrageous; for he has shut up the terrace and all the public walks, and is doing everything to render himself unpopular with them.

Lionel Harvey is going on a secret mission to Mexico. What is to be derived from it I have little guess; but there is every reason to believe that France has sent somebody there, and there is no doubt that America will endeavour, or has already got, the start of Europe upon it. Canning is very anxious not to lose the moment; and I suppose that this must be the prelude of our admitting the independence of South America; however, the mission is secret, but he is commissioned, and has the rank of Minister Plenipotentiary. It is a long and desolate prospect, but the scene will be new. He is not quite reconciled to it, but having no better prospect, I think he has done wise in accepting it; they give him two secretaries. I would not wish you to mention this appointment. I find Canning is by no means of opinion that France has or will succeed in her efforts in Spain; at least, this was the tone of his language to Lionel, who saw him yesterday. I hear from Wynn that the grand attack on Cadiz was expected to take place between the 25th and 30th July.

Ever, my dear Duke,

Most faithfully yours,

W. H. FREMANTLE.

Mr. Thomas Grenville was one of the most liberal collectors of rare books at a time when bibliomania was much more in fashion than it is now. The following is a characteristic specimen of his powers of observation when directed to his favourite pursuit:—

THE RIGHT HON. THOMAS GRENVILLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Cleveland Square, July 30, 1823.

MY DEAR DUKE,

I have just been collating two copies of the "Sacra Exequialia in Funere Jacobi II.—a Carolo de Aquino. Fol. Romae 1702." Whether you have this book or not, you certainly have in your Granger the famous print (belonging to this book) of a head of the Pretender, by Edelinck, aetatis suae 12. In one of my copies (the presentation copy to the King of France or one of the French Royal Family) below the head, upon a tablet, is engraved "Cognoscunt mei me," and in the corner of the tablet "aetatis suae 12;" and on each side of the tablet is a circular medallion, one of which is a library with "Litteris Insignis" round it. The other medallion is a man firing at a wild boar, with "Et Armis" round it. In the centre of the large circle which surrounds the head, and just above the tablet, is a large medallion, with the sun behind a cloud, and round it "Et latet et lucet." In the other copy, the same print (with Edelinck's name and "aetatis suae 12," in the corner of the tablet, like the other), has these variations.

The large medallion above the tablet has the "Arms of England with a crown."

The tablet has no inscription, but is left blank, except that it has in the corner "AEtatis suae 12."

The two small medallions have, one of them, the Prince's plume, with Ich dien; the other, the Order of the Garter, with Honi soit qui mal y pense.

These differences are remarkable, and as I have found no account of them, and understand the print is rare and dear, I send to you for information about them.

In my "royal copy, with the French royal arms," the impression of the head seems much finer than the other, which has the English emblems in the medallions. Perhaps they were subsequently inserted; but why, then, was "Cognoscunt mei me," taken out and the tablet left blank? Was it intended perhaps to insert his royal titles, and if so, why were they omitted, when the English arms were substituted for the allegorical medallions? I know, when you are among your prints, these inquiries, however minute, are interesting to you.

I know no news except the Spanish and Portuguese finale to their revolutions, which, inasmuch as they were both military and not civil revolutions, I could not wish success to, though I feel as adverse to the French dictation and invasion as any Spaniard could do. Love to your dear wife.

Ever most affectionately yours,

T. G.

Miss Poyntz has just refused Lord Apsley; who the deuce will she marry?

Mr. Canning had by this time made good his position at Court, by coming to an understanding with the most influential channel of Court favour. The Scottish preacher, Irving, the Spurgeon of his day, indicated her presence among his fashionable audience by a very delicate piece of flattery. "All the world here," writes the indignant Lord Chancellor, "is running on Sundays to the Caledonian Chapel in Hatton Garden, where they bear a Presbyterian orator from Scotland preaching, as some ladies term it, charming matter, though downright nonsense. To the shame of the King's Ministers be it said, that many of them have gone to this schism-shop with itching ears. Lauderdale told me that when Lady —— is there, the preacher never speaks of an heavenly mansion, but an heavenly Pavilion. For other ears mansion is sufficient."[121]

[121] Twiss's "Life of Lord Eldon," vol. ii. p. 86.

"The appointment of Lord Albert Conyngham in the Foreign Office," we are assured by the same writer, "has, by female influence, put Canning beyond the reach of anything to affect him, and will naturally enable him to turn those out whom he does not wish to remain in. The King is in such thraldom that one has nobody to fall back upon."[122]

[122] Ibid., p. 87.

The autumn did not bring any very important changes, as may be gathered from the text of Mr. Williams Wynn's next letter. Towards the conclusion the writer refers to communications from Count Nugent to the Duke of Buckingham, and to a reply which the Duke had proposed sending, evidently referring to Austrian policy, and written with the view of being laid before the Emperor.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Llangodwin, Aug. 20, 1823.

MY DEAR B——,

I certainly cannot conceive from what source the article in the Courier so tallying with my language can proceed, unless it should be from Phillimore or Courtenay; for there are no other persons besides you and the Duke of Wellington and Lord Liverpool, with whom I have had any communication on the subject; and the two latter are much too well inclined to Lord Hastings, or to anybody whom they think the King feels any interest for, to have expressed those sentiments to any one who might transfer them to the Courier.

I have had no politics since I have been here, and not one word even of news except a line from Robinson in answer to an inquiry respecting the last Cabinet, which he did not himself attend, but, as he tells me, was called at the instance of the D—— of W——, on the subject of the former one, held the day before I left town, on the Portuguese application for military assistance. However, no alteration was made in the determination.

I fear that I cannot supply you with much intelligence as to Austrian policy. The general language which she holds, tallies very much with Nugent's letter—great desire to draw her ties closer with this country—implied rather than positive approbation of our course, but great unwillingness in any respect to commit herself, I will not say in opposition, but even to any different views from those of Russia.

I am also quite unable to tell you whether Nugent be Prince or still only Count; I rather think the former.

It is now above a month since I have seen any Austrian despatches, and I doubt whether at the time they were written she could be aware of the probable course of events in Spain, and the different objects of French and Russian influence in that country.

I should not myself imagine that she can be favourably disposed to the extension of Russian influence in the Mediterranean, and therefore would be more likely to join in the views of France; but I have not the means of forming any opinion beyond mere speculation.

Pray tell me whether you hear anything respecting the Buck-hounds,[123] and, which is more material, what Neville gets by Lord Cornwallis's death.

Will it not be advisable that you should communicate Nugent's letter and your answer to it to be written to Liverpool?

I certainly agree with Burke in the propriety of the old practice of communicating to the King's Government any intercourse which you may hold with a foreign sovereign, whether direct or indirect, which in any way refers to public subjects; and as there are obvious and numerous reasons for not making this to Canning, who would naturally be the proper channel, I think Liverpool would be the fittest. If you do not like to do this personally, I should, of course, be happy to do it for you.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

[123] Lord Maryborough succeeded the Marquis Cornwallis.

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, Aug. 21, 1823.

MY DEAR DUKE,

I am just come from Windsor, where I was summoned to attend a Council. Nothing occurred worth telling you excepting that Lord Maryborough, I learnt from himself, had got the Stag-hounds vacant by Lord Cornwallis's death. This was given in the most gracious manner by the King in a letter written with his own hand. I think Wellesley Pole has been pretty well paid altogether. The Mint, the Cabinet, a Peerage, and now the Stag-hounds. Lord Liverpool, Canning, Peel, Lord Maryborough, Charles Long, and myself, formed the Council. His Majesty looked really remarkably well, and walked up and down the large state stairs without a stick, and about the apartments after the Council extremely well, much better than I had the least idea he could have done. You may judge how he shuts himself up when I tell you that this was the first time I had seen him since I have been here—now upwards of a month, indeed, six weeks. I should say from what I observed that the Cabinet were in high spirits, but nothing passed in private conversation to give me information.

Canning was on his way to Liverpool, and Peel made it in his way from Dorsetshire to town, and he was to return in a few days.

The state of Ireland improves greatly, and I suppose till the long nights commence, we shall not have the full state of alarm renewed.

The Duke of Wellington is gone on his tour, and all business will be at a stand for the next six weeks.

Ever, my dear Duke,

Most faithfully yours,

W. H. FREMANTLE.

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, Aug. 22, 1823.

MY DEAR DUKE,

Since my note of yesterday I find Lord Maryborough resigns the Mint and Cabinet, and takes the Stag-hounds as a retirement. I believe Wallace succeeds to the Mint, though some say Lord Granville; the former I say, and either Lord Granville or Huskisson come into the Cabinet; I should suppose the latter. They are angry with A'Court for having gone to Gibraltar; he was afraid of the yellow fever. The consequence is that we have at present no British Minister with the King of Spain, and the difficulties arising from this in case of change or negotiation (which latter must be daily expected as actually proceeding) so obvious. They talk of Fitzroy Somerset going again, and Canning does not return from his excursion under three weeks.

Ever truly yours,

W. H. F.

The Grenville section of the Government had many reasons for wishing to have the Duke of Buckingham a member of the Cabinet, and it will be seen that Mr. Williams Wynn once more strove to induce the Duke to quit his dignified retirement for the purpose of taking a share in Ministerial responsibilities.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Llangodwin, Aug. 28, 1823.

MY DEAR B——,

The recommendation which was contained in my last, of sending a copy of your letter to Lord Liverpool, arose from my concurring in the old principle that it is unfit for any British subject to hold communication with any foreign sovereign, particularly on any political question, without the knowledge and permission of the King's Government. You will see this adverted to, I think, in Burke's letter to the Duke of Portland. Assuming this to be correct, I do not think that there is any material difference whether your correspondence is directly with the Emperor of Austria, or with Count Nugent to be laid before him; and I should certainly have given you the same advice in the year 1816, when you were acting in hostility to Government, as strongly as I do now.

With respect to the Cabinet, the frequent complaints which you have heard from me of the single and unconnected situation in which I find myself, these would show you how anxiously I must wish that you could effect your entry there, independent of every motive of personal regard, gratitude, and attachment.

I doubt, however, whether consistently with your own dignity, you could avail yourself of any vacancy but those of the Presidency of the Council, Privy Seal, Admiralty, or Secretary of State. The Mint or Chancellorship of the Duchy would, in the public eye, be entirely below your rank and situation to accept.

I think, therefore, that you should confine your application to the first-named offices, or (objectionable in principle as I always think it) to Cabinet without office. You may, I think, assume the probability of Sidmouth's retirement as a ground for pressing the latter; but at all events it will be desirable to state very clearly and distinctly the prospects which were held out to you by Lord Londonderry. At the present moment you may be assured that there will be much disinclination to admit your claim.

The Protestant party is eager, the Catholic lukewarm and hollow. C——[124] knows not where to look for support, but is afraid that by joining himself with us, who seem his natural allies, he would increase the indisposition of the K—— and D—— of Y——, which he would make any sacrifice to deprecate. Besides this, he has no inclination to any who assume higher pretensions than those of being his followers; and after what took place a twelvemonth ago, he, like all other persons who have been in the wrong in a dispute and advanced unreasonable pretensions, will be personally disinclined to those who were in the right and resisted them, and this will of course be increased by the difference in your former politics. The only person to whom you can look is the D—— of W——. If he thinks you are likely to assist and strengthen him, I have no doubt he could open the door to you; but I freely acknowledge that I do not understand his views and objects. They begin, centre, and end, no doubt, in himself, and on that account he would like to cement an alliance with you; but then how will he manage it with the Protestants? I take it, both from what I recollect of the language of the Horse Guards during the whole of the Peninsular War, and from other circumstances, that there is no real cordiality between him and the D—— of Y——. The latter has, I believe, always been jealous of him. He looks, I apprehend, to Peel and the Chancellor, and to them only as the instruments of his bigotry to resist the Catholic claims.

Robinson, I believe, confines himself to his own business, and Liverpool is indifferent to everything but present repose, and by any temporizing measure to delay the evil hour of rupture and collision. Still, when it comes to the point, you will find him on almost every subject make some excuse for siding with the Protestant party.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

[124] Canning.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Wynnstay, Sept. 9, 1823.

MY DEAR B——,

When you mentioned that you had communicated your letter to Nugent to me in my ministerial capacity, I certainly concluded that it conveyed a clear authority to have extended it to Lord L—— or C—— at my own discretion, but fortunately I had not exercised that power, and certainly shall not.

I am not surprised that Mr. C—— should coax you, even if you had turned your head aside from his daughter, and passed on the other side like the Levite; for he is under a charge of illegally making a loan to the Rajah of Vizianagum, and of having derived therefrom exorbitant interest. Of the merits of the charge I can say little, but common report is by no means friendly to him.

The proposed grant to Lord Hastings has been lost in consequence of an equality of votes, eight to eight, five present but refusing to vote, and three absent—two of the latter hostile. Objection was taken to praise of his integrity or disinterestedness by one of those who refused to vote, stating at the same time he would have supported it if moved on the ground of his poverty.

Canning has shown me the last despatches, by which it appears that there is much schism in the French Cabinet, Villele supporting the Duc d'Angouleme, Chateaubriand the Allied Powers and the Spanish Regency. Magnanimity has instructed Pozzo de Borgo to consider all communications from the latter as if they emanated directly from himself. Metternich takes also strongly the same line, recommending an amnesty, excepting all those who were active in forcing the acceptance of the constitution on Ferdinand. I do not at present apprehend any dispute relative to the blockade, as the French are very scrupulous in keeping the law on their side, and have not yet done anything more than they were clearly entitled to.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Wynnstay, Sept. 10, 1823.

MY DEAR B——,

Canning told me that he had insisted that Huskisson should at all events be taken into the Cabinet at the end of the last Session, whether any vacancy occurred or not, and that the persuasion of Lord Maryborough to make room for him was a subsequent consideration.

Lord M—— is much out of humour at his change of office; which he may well be, as the Mint is 3000l. clear, and the Buck-hounds under 2000l.; indeed, they are said not to exceed 1300l.

My own belief is that the only real and efficient Cabinet upon all matters consists of Lords Liverpool and Bathurst, Duke of Wellington, and Canning, and that the others are only more or less consulted upon different businesses by these four. Huskisson will, I think, be equally in the confidence of Liverpool and Canning.

THE END