On public affairs I have little new to say. We tide on and shall do neither good nor evil without being compelled to it.

Ever most affectionately yours,

C. W. W.



CHAPTER VIII.

[1822.]

SIR WILLIAM KNIGHTON. MR. CANNING BRINGS FORWARD THE CATHOLIC QUESTION. OPINIONS RESPECTING CATHOLIC RELIEF. STATE OF THE KING'S HEALTH. POLITICAL MEETING TO CONSIDER A NEW CATHOLIC MEASURE. MARQUIS WELLESLEY AT THE PHOENIX PARK. COMPLAINTS OF HIS INATTENTION TO HIS DUTIES AS LORD-LIEUTENANT. SPEECH OF DR. PHILLIMORE ON THE CATHOLIC QUESTION. MOTION ON THE APPOINTMENT OF MR. HENRY W. WYNN. CONDUCT OF MR. ROBERT PEEL. LIBELS. ANTI-CATHOLICISM IN WALES. BALL FOR THE RELIEF OF THE IRISH. PROJECTED VISIT OF THE KING TO SCOTLAND.



CHAPTER VIII.

The statement hazarded in the next letter, of Sir W. Knighton's literary incapacity, is, we believe, unfounded. The memoir of this gentleman, edited by his widow, affords ample evidence to the contrary, and he enjoyed a large share of the King's confidence at this date, and subsequently. Lord King's motion for a further reduction of the Civil List, animadverted on in the same communication, was made on the 26th of March, and Mr. Canning's notice of motion for the admission of the Catholic Peers into the Imperial Legislature was given on the 29th; the motion was brought forward on the following day, and carried by a majority of five; on May the 10th, the second reading was carried by an increased majority of fourteen. The interest taken by the Duke of Buckingham in the question may be seen in some of the following letters:—

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Board of Control, April 1, 1822.

MY DEAR DUKE,

Depend upon it there must be some mistake or fumble about your application for the entree. The fact is, there is no distinct person at present to whom the reference is had at Brighton, and I have heard that the King complains bitterly of the inability of Knighton, who is quite incapable of writing a letter; whether this is true or not I cannot absolutely say, but I believe it from the quarter it came; it seems impossible that the King should have received the letter, or it must have escaped his memory on Thursday when Wynn was with him, otherwise he would have made some observation to him upon it. But pray don't hurry any further step: I will desire Mrs. F. to mention the thing to the Duchess and see what is said upon it; I doubt if she is in correspondence with the King.

I did not mention all the jobs for Bloomfield; he is to have a Governorship of Fort Charles, which Lord Stewart gives up to him, and the promise of a foreign mission, in addition to what I before enumerated to you. Lord King's conduct is worse than your brother's, who was not at the moment aware of "his honourable friend's" intention, and really does not know the details of your father's conduct as teller. I find from Charles W—— that Lord Grenville is equally outrageous with Lord King. It is evident that the Mountain are moving heaven and earth to lower you and your friends, but it will not do. I dread all the discussions arising from the Catholic question; Canning consulted no one, and I really believe not a soul was aware of his intention previous to his giving the notice. It will place Plunket in a very awkward predicament, for it must bring on the argument on the general question; you have no reason, however, as far as I can understand it, to complain of a want of communication, for it was Canning's move, and his alone. James Stanhope told me this morning he was coming into Parliament immediately; I think he said it was Houldsworth's seat, but am not quite sure. The Agricultural Report is to be made to-day, and Lord Londonderry gives notice for a motion upon it, I suppose to bring in a Bill after the holidays. We shall get through the Miscellaneous Estimates to-day, and shall have advanced altogether most extremely in Parliamentary business, much beyond the usual proceedings, so as to secure the House being up in time, provided no unforeseen events occur.

Ever most faithfully yours,

W. H. F.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

April 3, 1822.

MY DEAR B——,

If I felt that any one vote was likely to be lost to the general Catholic question in the event of the success of Canning's motion, I should be very much disposed to agree in your view of the impolicy of agitating it. But if there be a reasonable probability (as we have been told) that there are those who, adverse to a measure of general concession, would accede to this, I should anticipate a directly opposite result to what you expect. Supposing the Bill to be carried, or even to meet with an increased support in the House of Lords, upon neither of which points am I myself very sanguine, it could not fail to be a stepping-stone to further success. Independent of the immediate gain of six votes when they are most wanted, there are many who, having once voted for a motion of concession, though not intending to proceed further, would feel themselves drawn in, and perceive that they cannot maintain that if it be safe for a Roman Catholic to exercise the functions of the Peerage, he must necessarily overturn the Constitution if elected to the House of Commons or appointed a justice of the peace. Our adversaries are perfectly right when they say that no breach can be made in the present system without necessarily entailing the fall of the whole of it.

I have, however, already told you that in my own opinion, this is so generally felt that there will be scarcely any difference in the division upon the particular and the general question. That it will be thought, as it is in fact, merely a new road to attain the same object. At the same time it is perfectly true, that by this means we get rid, or rather postpone, many of the difficult details which we have to encounter; and that the case of the Peers, who are deprived of a vested interest which they possessed without the slightest inconvenience to the public, long after the other Catholics were disabled from exercising their civil functions, is infinitely the strongest which exists.

Altogether, though the motion is brought forward not only without consultation, but even without the previous knowledge of most of the friends of the Catholics, still, my impression of its justice is such that even if I had a much stronger opinion of its impolicy than I had, I would earnestly support it; and I cannot but feel the utmost anxiety that under the particular circumstances in which you stand, the line which Lord C—— has taken upon the subject, and the disposition which exists to represent your conduct in the most unfavourable light, that you would reconsider the matter before you resolve to separate yourself from the rest of those who have so long advocated this measure. Upon questions of right and wrong every man must judge for himself, but on those of policy and expediency it seems to me that the opinion of the great body and the most eminent of those who contend for the same object ought to prevail.

I have just heard that Plunket has returned, and is desirous to see me. If I can have any conversation with him before the post goes out I will write again, if not, to-morrow. I hear that he has no apprehension of any jealousy on the part of the Irish of the claims of the Peers being brought forward separately. He is extremely distressed between the strong wish of Lord Londonderry to keep back, and of the Opposition to force forward the question.

My own opinion is, as I have already told you, that the conversation which passed on Friday in the House when reported in Ireland will produce so strong a feeling in favour of the latter course that he cannot resist it.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Board of Control, April 4, 1822.

MY DEAR DUKE,

I dined yesterday at the Duke of Gloucester's, and, sitting by the Duchess, I had an opportunity of talking to her, and find she has no correspondence at all with the King, and is evidently not in communication with him but when he comes to town; and as I knew she tells every thing on earth to the Duke, and that he gossips again to his friends in Opposition, I thought it better not to say another word on the subject of your application to the King.

I am quite satisfied of the proper way of recurring to the subject, which is that Wynn should mention it to Lord Liverpool as a private hint, and it would be immediately settled; for be assured the King does not object, but that it is owing to some mistake, or loss of letter, and requiring an explanation—through Wynn would be much the easiest mode, and not make it of too much importance; for I think you should consider the thing as a matter almost of course, and not place more importance upon it than that which of course belongs to the incivility of not answering your letter, and this really I cannot but think is unintentional.

Lady J—— is come back from Paris, abusing the K—— most violently, and regretting she ever was such an idiot as to suffer her boys to go to the Coronation. In short, there is nothing she does not say against him—and what do you think for? Because he has conferred the Dukedom of Buckingham on you, when Lord J—— was the proper representative of the title. This is very good, but I am not sorry the King should find these Opposition ladies not quite so disposed towards him.

Plunket still undecided as to his motion, which, for my own part, I hope he will not bring on, for be assured neither his nor Canning's has the chance of succeeding in the House of Lords, and the Lansdownes are only urging it because they see, or flatter themselves they see, the prospect of discussion thereby in the Cabinet.

The Report, as was expected, from the Agricultural Committee, is a miserable performance, concocted by Bankes, and affording no one benefit of any sort or kind, saving this, which in my opinion is valuable—an acknowledgment that Parliament can do nothing for the relief of the farmer.

I think Lord King looks foolish and awkward, as well he ought. His conduct is universally blamed.

Ever, my dear Duke,

Most faithfully yours,

W. H. F.

P.S.—The King comes to town on the 18th to remain for some little time. Does not return to Brighton, but, on his leaving town, goes to the Cottage at Windsor.

The Catholic question as introduced this session by Mr. Canning, created more than its customary amount of political excitement, because, though one in which the Duke of Buckingham, his family and friends, had long taken a consistent interest, it was pressed forward by the Opposition to embarrass the recent coalition and the Government. The reader will shortly see the result.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, April 4, 1822.

MY DEAR B——,

I called to-day upon Plunket, and found him still in great doubt as to the course which it might be expedient for him to pursue on the Catholic question during the present session.

The bias of his own mind is evidently to defer the agitation of it till the next session, and he dwelt much on the disadvantage which might arise if Lord Londonderry, though supporting the measure, should cool in the active personal exertion to influence votes and to fix the wavering which he exhibited last session. Altogether, he considered the question as too important for him to decide upon singly, and therefore was disposed to request a meeting of its principal Parliamentary friends on Tuesday, the 16th, the day before the Houses re-assemble. In the interim he hoped to hear again from Ireland, and to see Lord Grenville. He would also be very anxious to communicate with you on the subject. It is obvious that if it is to be brought forward, it must be before Canning's, as it would be absurd to carry up the general measure after the Lords have rejected the more limited one.

My uncle Tom is very favourably inclined to Canning's proposition, as he thinks that the admission of the general proposition is too great a change to expect at once from the House of Lords, while the proposition of the strongest of the detailed points, one by one, might be more likely to succeed. With this view, he told me that he had himself more than once suggested trying a personal Bill to enable the present Duke of Norfolk to sit and vote, and afterwards for the other peers, leaving the laws as they stand. This, I confess, I should not be so well inclined to. It will be an advantage, if we are to fight it in the proposed shape, that we are at once rid of all the details of oaths, securities, &c., for I conclude the consciences of the Roman Catholic Peers will, if the declaration be omitted, be disposed to swallow the Oath of Supremacy without a single wry face, which will be a most useful example to the other Catholics, and will of itself go far to bring the priests into order. Plunket does not apprehend any jealousy of the limited measure from Ireland, as he thinks that they will consider it as a stepping-stone, and will be much alive to the gain of six votes.

Plunket mentioned confidentially the opinion of Lord Wellesley in favour of deferring the general Bill till next year, for which likewise Lord Londonderry and Lord Melville seemed very anxious. How far what has passed in Parliament, and the eagerness of the Opposition, may drive the Catholics in Ireland forward, he could not calculate, but otherwise conceived them to be content to acquiesce in its postponement. At all events, I am most desirous that, whether you entirely approve of the manner in which the question is brought forward or not, you would acquiesce in the course to be determined upon, which I am sure is of the greatest importance to the public character of us all.

Ever most affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dropmore, April 8, 1822.

You know I have quite done with political speculations, and discussions of every kind. If Canning's motion succeeds (as I conclude it will) in the House of Commons, and comes up to the House of Lords, I can have no doubt of supporting it, as far as my vote, or more probably, my proxy, may extend, because it is one of the points that I have always most strongly urged, and particularly in my speech, even, of last year; and also because it really does seem to me that such a motion follows as a natural and undeniable consequence from any opinion entertained by the friends of the general measure, that next year would be more favourable than this for the discussion of the main question, in so far as it concerns the great body of the Irish Catholics.

The conduct of that body has certainly been often such as to show the utmost blindness as to what was likely to advance or obstruct their cause. But I cannot think them so ignorant as not to see the infinite advantage which the success of such a motion would give their friends in any future discussion.

My own opinion, indeed, is that it is in something of this piecemeal way that their object will ultimately be obtained; and I should not be without considerable hope of seeing Canning's measure carried, even in this year, if I felt quite sure that it would have fair play given it.

As to the prudence of postponing or bringing forward the main question this year I have formed no opinion, and I mean to form none. I have done with such speculations; I have entire confidence in Plunket's judgment and uprightness; and my greatest fear is that of seeing the measure taken out of his hands, to fall into worse, and worse I am sure they will be into whatever hands other than his it can fall. He is coming here on Friday, and if you wish to say anything to him on the subject, you cannot do better than meet him.

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, April 10, 1822.

MY DEAR DUKE,

The note you have enclosed me makes the thing more embarrassing, and I have been puzzling my brain how I can possibly promote the object; but I really know not in what way I could move. I could write a private and confidential letter to Lord Conyngham (whom I know intimately), stating the case, and expressing your embarrassment about it; but I don't know whether you would approve of this, and I cannot think of any other means. Let me know by return of post, and I will act accordingly. Perhaps you would write yourself to him, quite as a private friend (if you know him well enough), but if you had rather I should, only say so. I am quite sure, from Bloomfield's letter, it is meant to be done; but the chief is so strange and inconsistent, and I suppose so perfectly incapable of going through with his business, that unless he has a man at his elbow constantly to jog him on, he is not to be depended on for one moment.

I shall remain here till the day before the meeting. I dread any confusion that may arise from the jumble of the Catholic question. Be assured, whatever one may think of this question, it is not one that the public will go with you upon, in any measure of hostility to the Government, much less of separation, and as to our carrying it, or preventing its being carried, the question rests so entirely on the House of Lords, that it is there and there only that it will be decided; and as long as we have the present Chancellor and Lord Liverpool, it is out of the question, unless the King were to take a part, which he certainly will not. Why, then, what would be the result? We should separate, the Government would go on, and we should have another sixteen years of opposition. I am arguing only on the idea of our taking a line different or more violent than the other best supporters of the measure. I mean Plunket, Londonderry, Canning, &c. &c. My idea is that the latter does not mean mischief so much as the regaining some little character and importance which he has so justly lost.—The King comes to the Cottage here as early as he possibly can after Easter. I believe him to be decidedly ill; his legs swell, and when they are reduced, he has violent attacks in his chest and head. His appetite is bad, and he is very low about himself.

Faithfully yours,

W. H. F.

P.S.—In looking at Bloomfield's letter again, I see he says the King said he had given the necessary orders. Surely this would justify you in writing to the Duke of Montrose to ask the question.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Board, April 12, 1822.

MY DEAR B——,

I yesterday communicated your sentiments on the proposed manner of bringing forward the Catholic question to Plunket, who expressed himself highly flattered by the confidence which you placed in his opinion. He has to-day gone down to Dropmore, and returns to-morrow. The outline of the plan which he is disposed to recommend to remedy the most pressing grievances on the subjects of the tithe, is to enable incumbents to agree for a composition for twenty-one years with the landlords, and the tithes then to be collected as county rates, and the receipts to be good in payment of rent. This is the outline; but the detail must be matter of great difficulty, since, though this may apply to future contracts, I fear that as the majority of the peasantry are for election purposes life tenants, it will not be easy to increase their rent to the landlords by the amount of what will be payable for tithes. As yet this has only been discussed by him with Lord Liverpool and Goulburn, so of course you will feel the necessity of not communicating upon it with any one.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Board, April 16, 1822.

MY DEAR B——,

The proposed meeting on the course which it might be expedient to adopt respecting the Catholic question, took place this morning. As the persons invited to it were only those members of the House of Commons who had last year been named to bring in the Bill, I advised Fremantle not to come, since it would only excite jealousy to see us endeavouring to secure a majority by introducing any one who had not on former occasions been called into council on the subject.

The persons present were Tierney, Newport, Parnell, Canning, Grant, Phillimore, Plunket, and myself.

Tierney expressed a very strong opinion as to the detriment the general question had received from not having been taken up immediately upon the meeting of Parliament, from Lord Londonderry's declaration on the first day against any discussion of it, and from Plunket's language on Canning's notice, but declined giving any advice as to the course to be pursued under existing circumstances at so late a period of the session, and after Canning's notice of the limited motion.

Newport, though agreeing in regretting that earlier measures had not been taken, yet distinctly admitted that the question had so much varied by what had taken place, that it could not now be agitated with advantage.

Grant thought that in the first instance the general motion had better have been brought forward, but that Lord Londonderry's declaration and Plunket's opinion, to which he was disposed implicitly to defer, were sufficient reasons for delaying it till next year. Altogether the result will be that Plunket will declare his decided intention of postponing it till next year.

Canning is sanguine in his expectation of increased support or rather neutrality of former adversaries, but Tierney doubts whether members of the House of Commons will be as ready to come to town on the limited as the general measure. He admitted, however, that the call which has been ordered for the 24th may go far to remove this objection.

I find the Orange party are loud in their abuse of Lord Wellesley for shutting himself up at the Phoenix Park, lying in bed all day, seeing nobody, and only communicating with Secretary Gregory by letter. Indeed, I believe that the latter is more than he often favours Secretaries Peel and Goulburn with.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

Your account of the King's health rather surprises me, as we all thought him, when last in town, to be looking decidedly better than he had been, for some time.

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

House of Commons, Five o'clock, April 18, 1822.

MY DEAR DUKE,

I should have sent your note to Canning, but I have just seen him and put it into his hands, saying that I had been prevented from attending the meeting of Mr. Plunket, or I should have taken that opportunity of explaining to him by your desire your views on his proposed question: that I could not do it better now than by putting into his hands a note which you had written to me on the subject, and which you had since desired me to show him. He immediately read your note, thanked me, and thus the matter ended. He was interrupted by persons coming to speak to him, and sitting behind him (which I did at the time), he could not well have entered into any discussion had he been so disposed, indeed there was not much to be said to me upon it.

I came to town purposely at your desire to attend Plunket's meeting, and had no conception it was a select party till I got a note from Wynn, describing it as such to me.

The King is come to town in bad humour at breaking up his Brighton party, and determined to stay as short a time, and to do as little in the way of public appearances, as possible, and which his Ministers are strongly urging him to do. I suppose you will come up for the Drawing-room if you don't for the Levee. We are in much better spirits, in general appearances and prospects in the House, and though Ireland will create much discussion, and also Londonderry's agriculture propositions, still there is no doubt we shall get the Session much sooner closed than usual. You shall hear from me, if anything occurs, from day to day, before you come up.

Ever most faithfully yours,

W. H. F.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, April 25, 1822.

MY DEAR B——,

It would give me the greatest pleasure to deliver your message to the King, if I could find the opportunity of any other business to desire an audience, but I think, upon consideration, you will think that it might more properly be made the subject of a letter from yourself to Sir Andrew Barnard, as Gentleman-in-Waiting, or directly to the King, than of a note from me.

I am myself such a mere novice in matters of etiquette, that I should not place the least confidence in my own judgment on such a point, but should readily submit to yours, if I had not this morning consulted my uncle Tom, who gave the same opinion which I had previously formed. I have not yet had an opportunity of any conversation with C——, having only seen him last night while I was in labour of a speech, but I shall be very glad to see the paper which you mention.

Grant's speech was excellent, better than I ever before heard from him, but I do not believe you or any other Lord-Lieutenant would like him as a secretary, as his warmest friends admit his inefficiency and idleness. His total neglect of his correspondence with this country, after repeated friendly admonition, was really inexcusable. We are nearly in the same state with respect to Lord Wellesley, which I trust is only owing to his illness. It is very well for a Lord-Lieutenant or Secretary to say that they act on their own responsibility, but during the sitting of Parliament those upon whom that responsibility really and efficiently falls, have a right to expect to know their views of the situation of Ireland and of the course to be pursued. Upon none of the great points of Tithes, Magistracy, Police, &c., have we yet heard a syllable, nor any view of the state of the country, for the last month. Were Lord Wellesley well, I should certainly write to him myself to tell him confidentially the complaint which arises from his silence, but under the circumstances of his illness I had rather that even if you should write to him you should not advert to what I have mentioned. Adieu. I must go down for Reform in Parliament, which owing to Lord Londonderry's hoarseness, would rest on Peel and me, if Canning does not, as I expect, take the labouring oar, and be the grand reformer of the night.

Ever yours affectionately,

C. W. W.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, April 25, 1822.

MY DEAR B——,

I have been to the Drawing-room and brought back for a wonder such a headache that I cannot write to you as fully as I should wish. The King only asked me how I did, but did not give me an opportunity of making your excuses. He looks well, I think, but I certainly have heard reports of dropsy on the chest, which agree too much with yours. The debate last night was very interesting. Rice, Grant, and Plunket, full of information and excellent speeches, the rest very indifferent.

Ellis's furious tirade against the Catholics laid him open to a severe drubbing from Plunket, yet to say the plain truth, I fear that he was but too correct, and that the distinctive feature of the present conspiracy is, that in every part of Ireland it is exclusively Catholic both in its objects and composition.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

DR. PHILLIMORE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, April 25, 1822.

MY DEAR LORD,

I take the liberty of forwarding to your Grace a copy of the speech I made on introducing my Bill to amend the Marriage Act, which I have published at the request of Lord Londonderry and others, who I presume think that the facts alluded to, and the cases cited, may essentially assist the Bill when it reaches the Upper House.

We are, I think, upon the whole going on well in the House of Commons. I confess my mind has been much relieved since the discussion on Sir John Newport's motion on Monday. Plunket's speech was everything that could be wished, and set us quite right with the House as to Ireland; it had also had the effect of indirectly giving a lift to the general question respecting the Catholics.

On my return to London last week I passed a day at Dropmore. I found Lord Grenville inclined to criticise most severely the Report of the Agricultural Committee, but exceedingly anxious on the subject of Canning's Bill. I must say I think the Agricultural Report bad in every sense, but as I apprehend Lord Londonderry does not mean to act in conformity with the spirit in which it is drawn up, I trust it will be harmless as to effect.

I suppose Canning's Bill will pass our House—it will be a severe blow to the cause if it does not; it is reported that Lambton and Co. are anxious to vote against it, because Canning brings it in. In the House of Lords, perhaps, it will have more votes than the general question.

I cannot conclude this party communication without expressing the very sincere regret I feel that your Grace should still be suffering from indisposition, but I trust that you now only want to recruit your strength.

Believe me, your obliged and faithful,

JOSEPH PHILLIMORE.

P.S.—The speech would have been out last week, but the proofs were unfortunately sent to a wrong address to me in the country, and I was some days before I could recover them.

Political partisanship at this time sometimes exerted a pernicious influence over well-meaning men, hurrying them into the avowal of sentiments which under other circumstances they would long have hesitated to express. In this way a distinguished member of the peerage committed himself by some remarks on the conduct of the Duke of Buckingham, which the latter treated with characteristic spirit.

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, April 29, 1822.

MY DEAR DUKE,

I have just seen the Duke of Bedford's answer to your last letter, which leaves you no alternative but to come to town. The whole attack has been a premeditated one, and of the most unjust and illiberal nature. I think the manner you have taken it up is honourable to your character, and what every man who has a proper feeling must commend. The thing does not seem to have been whispered abroad.

I will come to you the moment you come to town, if you will let me know. I shall be in the House of Commons upon Canning's motion. Sir W—— W—— has acted extremely well on the occasion, and really feels as your kindest and dearest friend ought; solely occupied in the whole proceeding by a regard to your honour, and character, and feeling. Nothing, I think, could have been better than the wording of both your letters.

Ever most faithfully yours,

W. H. F.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dropmore, May 3, 1822.

I need not tell you with how deep an interest I received my brother's letter and yours this morning. I think nothing can possibly have passed more properly, or more satisfactorily, and I derive the highest pleasure from it. It is no doubt a painful thing to be reduced to this course, but whatever be the objections to it, surely those are alone answerable for them whose wanton intemperance of abuse places men under the necessity of thus acting, in self-defence. The Duke of Bedford's disavowal, in the conclusion of the business, seems to have been manly and unequivocal, and the only real atonement he could make for the original most unprovoked insult.

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, May 7, 1822.

MY DEAR DUKE,

I am sure it must give you pleasure, as it does me, to hear from all sides, and all sorts of persons, one uniform expression of approbation of your conduct. When one is forced to take a step which places one's character before the public tribunal, it is most gratifying to feel afterwards that the step has been approved and sanctioned; that this is the case, I have not the shadow of a doubt, and I would not say so to you, if I had not received the most unequivocal proofs of it. I hear that even at Brookes' the comparison is greatly in your favour. No one can deny that your adversary has retracted his words, though he has done so in the only manly and honourable manner he could do it. Yesterday Charles Long conversed with me a great deal upon it, and said you had not only done benefit to the general cause of Government, but that you had served to put down that personal and unjust mode of proceeding which was gaining ground every day. He attacked the conduct of the Duke of B——, as being most improper and unjust; he said he had had an opportunity of repeating the same language the day before to the Duke of York, who, although a great personal friend of the Duke of B——, could not but admit that you were compelled to act as you had done, and that you had done so in the most dignified and gallant manner.

I wish I could speak as flatteringly of the general conduct of the Government, but I own every day lessens my confidence in them; there is such a complete want of steadiness, and of an open manly uniformity of conduct, that I see no hopes of its going on.

Although I have sealed my letter, I write to tell you a thing I forgot—namely, that Talbot of Malahide came to me yesterday, saying he considered the question to be of a personal nature, and feeling the highest regard, affection, and gratitude to your family, he could not think of voting upon it. That his party making it a general question, he could not vote against it, but that he should go away, which he did. I thought this a very handsome conduct, and said I should certainly take care to communicate it to you.

W. H. F.

DR. PHILLIMORE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, May 11, 1822.

MY DEAR LORD DUKE,

Lest Wynn or Fremantle should not write to-day (for it has so happened that I have seen neither of them), I just send your Grace a few lines to say that the Catholic cause prospered last night, the numbers being for the second reading of the Bill, 235; Noes, 223. Lord Duncannon told me that he had never known a greater exertion made against any measure than against the second reading of this Bill. There were twenty-seven pairs in the House—i.e., of persons who appeared in the House. My own idea is that all further opposition to the measure in our House will be abandoned. It certainly is most satisfactory to find the House of Commons so steady on this point; but I must own I think the experiment has been a hazardous one; if the measure had failed, the general question must have been damaged. However, the result is most favourable, and I should not be very much astonished if this Bill was to pass your House. The most remarkable incident of last night was the declaration of Mr. Skeffington (Lord Oriel's son), that he had come to the conviction that the Catholic question must be carried sooner or later.

I hear from all quarters that the Duke of York's canvass against the Bill has been most active. Peel certainly took a higher tone than he did last year. You will have heard from Wynn that the Swiss mission, the general question respecting missions, and the repeal of the Act which commuted offices for pensions, are to be made vital questions (as the phrase is). At this I exceeding rejoice. The post is going out.

Believe me,

Your Grace's most faithfully,

J. PHILLIMORE.

The long threatened inquiry into the diplomatic appointment given to Mr. Henry W. Wynn came on on the 14th of May, when Mr. Lennard in the House of Commons moved for a Select Committee to inquire into the diplomatic expenses of the Government. The result is thus described:—

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Friday.

MY DEAR B——,

It was yesterday determined that the motion respecting Henry's mission on Tuesday, and the foreign missions in general for the following day, should both be considered as vital questions, decisive of the existence of the Administration. The case on the former is very strong. Londonderry will state that at the Congress of Vienna it had been decided that each of the great Powers should keep Ministers of calibre (quere, great bores) there. The reason of this was principally with the design of preventing the Cantons from falling back into their former dependence on France, in compliance with which it will be seen that each of them has Ministers there of the same rank with Henry. The general diplomatic arrangement was then laid before Parliament by estimate, in 1815 referred to a Committee, and acted upon. When Stratford Canning came away, the mission was first intended for Foster, then for Clanwilliam; and if Henry had declined, it would have been given to another person.

With respect to the general question, it will be found that the expenditure is reduced 20,000l. below the estimate of 1815, and besides that, there will this year be the 10 per cent. upon all salaries. Lord Londonderry has to-day a meeting of all men in office to communicate this resolution to.

It is singular enough that in each of the three first divisions, upon propositions the most adverse—viz., Webb Hall's, Ricardo, and Althorpe's—the minority should have been 24, 24, and 25, though composed of perfectly different persons.

Peel shows, I think, more spirit and good judgment as to the course which we ought to pursue, than any man in the Cabinet.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, May 16, 1822.

MY DEAR DUKE,

You will probably have heard from others the success of our whip yesterday. Nothing could be better; and, though probably our numbers may not be so many to-day, yet I should hope the relative strength of the division may be equal. The debate was all on our side, as well as the feeling of the House. Lord Nugent told me he should not vote to-day, nor should Lord Ebrington. They show their good taste in this. I understand Neville is very likely to vote with us.

We are in better spirits, though the money question still hangs a dead weight. The South Sea have refused the contract, and Lushington told me last night the Bank would take the contract. I fear this will commit the Government more and more with the Bank, which has too much power already.

Ever yours,

W. H. F.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Board, May 15, 1822.

MY DEAR B——,

I agree entirely with what you say in your letter to Phillimore as to the absurdity of the distinction of vital and indifferent points. All ought to be vital.

This is the course which Peel every day recommends. He has lately taken a much bolder and decided tone both in Parliament and Cabinet, and I have little doubt means to run for the lead of the House of Commons. It appears to me very probable that his object is to break up the Government, in the expectation that it will be impossible for the Opposition to substitute anything which can stand three months, and that he may then mould and form it at his pleasure. He has himself spoken to me of the advantage which would result from our retiring, and the certainty that we must return to power within three months. Does he think that that period would be sufficient for Opposition to pass the Catholic question?

Wilberforce's disclaimer of any intention to reflect on me was ex proprio motu. It is curious that the Morning Chronicle, which not only inserted the misrepresentation, but made it the object of a leading paragraph, afterwards omitted the contradiction. This I was told, but on examination find it is not true.

Report states that we are to have large divisions both to-day and to-morrow, and that all the loose fish come into our net.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

I have stated to Lord Londonderry and Peel, the impossibility of my supporting the Alien Bill, or interfering to persuade my friends to do it, but have assured them that I shall not dissuade them from it. I added that my wish would be to stay away, as I had done on the two last occasions of its renewal, but that I could not absolutely pledge myself to this, since I might be compelled to come down to answer comments on my absence.

Pray tell me whether you have procured any clue which may enable us to patronize a newspaper.

DR. PHILLIMORE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Doctors' Commons, May 17, 1822.

MY DEAR LORD DUKE,

The debate took a turn last night we had not at all anticipated. Warre never mentioned Henry Wynn but in terms of civility and courtesy, and not only disclaimed all personal attack against him, but also every imputation against the arrangements which had led to his appointment. Lord Londonderry followed Warre, and explained the case, &c., &c.; and the only other person who took any part in the debate was Lord Normanby, who distinctly also declared against all allusion to the individual who held the appointment; and he had scarcely proceeded thus far before the House became so impatient that he was all but coughed down. Under these circumstances there was no opening for any of us, which for some reasons I regret, though upon the whole nothing could be more satisfactory than the tone and temper of the debate. I think the abstinence from personal attack must have been the result of previous arrangement, probably the more sober ones refused to concur in the vote on any other terms. A weaker case was never made out. Newport stayed away. Calcraft went out just before the division. Talbot, member for the County of Dublin, sent a message to Wynn by Plunket, to say that he would not vote against his brother. Carew, member for the County of Wexford, made a similar communication to me. Neville, I believe, voted with us; and Ebrington stayed away. Holmes told me that twenty-four came to the door after it was closed, of whom nineteen belonged to us.

The most serious business we have now to look forward to is the new financial arrangement; and I must own that I dread the difficulties in which Van may involve us.

Believe me, your Grace's very faithful,

JOSEPH PHILLIMORE.

P.S.—The whole debate last night did not occupy two hours.

The Catholic Peers' Bill stands for the third reading to-night; it is not to be opposed, at least not by those who have taken the lead against it. I hear that Lords Caledon and Gosford, Gosse and Wilton will vote for the Bill, the two first have hitherto always voted against the Catholics, the two latter have not voted on the question; an Irish bishop is also to vote with us. On the other hand, Lords Camden and Clancarty will not vote, and they have supported always the general measure. The Archbishop of York told me he thought several of the opposers of the general measure would stay away: this, I understand from other quarters, is the course he intends to adopt. Lord Grenville, I believe, will come to London for the debate in the House of Lords. I am afraid that the Bill will not be carried, but I am very sanguine in thinking that the majority in the Upper House will be very considerably diminished.

Wilberforce made a point of staying to vote with us last night.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Board, May 17.

MY DEAR B——,

I am on the whole extremely well satisfied with the issue of the two last debates, as the Opposition have entirely failed in the establishment of any case whatever, and did not appear to produce any effect on the House. Talbot of Malahide went away, expressly on the ground of declining a question which affected any connexion of yours personally. Newport also was absent, as were Ebrington and George. Neville, Wilberforce, Banks, and most of the country gentlemen voted with us. The places of several of those who stayed away from the Opposition were supplied by the Ponsonby's and Fitzwilliam's connexions, who had been absent the preceding night on account of Lord Fitzwilliam's death.

I have already told you how much embarrassment I feel about the Alien Bill. Read your own speech of the 18th of June, 1816, and mine of the 20th of May in the same year, and I think that you will agree that we are a good deal hampered.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

We read the Catholic Bill a third time to-day. I am told that the second reading in the Lords will be fixed for the 31st of May.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Board, May 20, 1822.

MY DEAR B——,

The Duke of Portland has undertaken the management of Canning's Bill in the House of Lords. I fear that so long a postponement of it as you suggest, will hardly be thought expedient for the interests of the Bill. It had been much wished that it should be brought forward this week, but on account of Epsom it has been deferred till the following Friday. I shall be very sorry if you are prevented from attending, under all the particular circumstances in which you stand, and should even think that it might be worth while for you to come up and return next day. Lord Clare, Lord Gosford, Lord Caledon, and Lord Gage are mentioned among the new votes expected, but I am told that there are ten of them. Lord Headfort's proxy has been forgotten, and as he is in Italy cannot now be obtained. Lord Camden and Lord Clancarty will not vote. Could not you get Lord Torrington's proxy? I think he used to give you charge of it. Bulkeley hangs undecided about coming or staying away. Old St. Vincent is to take his seat and make a proxy. Lord Buckinghamshire is not yet ascertained.

You do not mention anything on the subject of the Alien Bill, which, as I told you, I feel considerable difficulty about from the part which we have both taken. With respect to the Finance plan, I feel convinced that it must end where it ought to have begun, in an appropriation of part of the Sinking Fund, and that this will be done with more or less disguise and humbug, but that no regard for consistency will be sufficient to prevent a measure so essentially necessary.

I will try what I can do to obtain a postponement of the Catholic Bill for you, but have little hope of success.

Ever affectionately your,

C. W. W.

Thirty or forty years ago the public press was managed with much less talent and principle than the respectable portion of it now possesses. Personality and scurrility appear to have gone out of fashion, and such attacks as that from which the Duke of Buckingham suffered in the columns of a provincial paper, are of very rare occurrence.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dropmore, May 21, 1822.

I learn from my brother that the Duke of Portland is to move the second reading of Canning's Bill, and that they talk of the 31st for it; that day being opportunely hitched in between the two important epochs of Ascot and Epsom. But these arrangements of days for Parliamentary business are always so uncertain, and so liable to be varied up to the last moment, that I have never found one got much previous communication of them; nor do I, to speak fairly, think that the want of it affords the smallest ground of offence. As to the yeomanry arrangements, it does not seem to me possible that the day of this motion could have been fixed in time to enable you to reconcile those two engagements.

I shall be sorry if you are absent from the discussion of this Bill, for a thousand reasons that make one wish you present at it, and I still hope you will contrive to run up for that night only. But if that really cannot be, I will very willingly hold your proxy, supposing that I do not in the interval (and it is now little likely I should) receive some one that I cannot transfer. I now hold only Lord Carysfort's.

On the other subject on which you write to me it is more difficult to advise. The least troublesome course no doubt is that which I have always pursued—to treat, and unaffectedly to consider, the whole tribe of newspaper libellers as unworthy of the smallest notice. And this was, on the first impression, the opinion which I expressed the other day to my brother, who wrote to me on this matter, in consequence of something your son had said to him. On reflection I do not feel as sure as at first, that I was right in this opinion, as applicable to your case and to the Aylesbury paper. To any idea of a complaint against him in the House of Lords I feel utterly averse. My recollection does not serve me to remember any instance since Lord Sandwich and Bishop Warburton in the beginning of the last reign, in which the House has interfered in case of general libel. I myself brought a printer before them for an attack on Bishop Watson, but then that, if I am not mistaken, was a case of attack for words spoken in Parliament, and not for general political conduct. If you prosecute, the right course is certainly that of information in the King's Bench; for it would be most unseemly to allege that your character has really been endamaged by such ribaldry.

On the question itself, whether to prosecute or not, I really feel myself incompetent to advise. I have already said that my first impression was against it, but further consideration of the subject has so shaken that opinion, that I should be sorry now you laid the least stress upon it. Every man who goes into a court of law, and especially every man who attacks a newspaper there, does, under our blessed system of newspaper government, expose himself to a lottery, the chances of which no man can foresee, and out of which it would be much more desirable to keep himself. But, then, in this as in other cases, one may be driven to the wall, and obliged to do that which in itself one is far from wishing. That this is the case in this instance, certainly seems probable, and if it is, the decision is one which you alone can take for yourself; though if my own judgment were fully satisfied either way, I would certainly not hesitate to let you see it.

Ever most affectionately yours,

G.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

House of Commons, May 23, 1822.

MY DEAR B——,

I left your letter at Lord Bulkeley's house, and afterwards meeting him, urged him as strongly as I could to give his proxy, which, as he is applying to me for a cadet-ship for a Welsh lad, I could press further than I otherwise should. I am sorry to say, however, that I could not boast much of my success. He talked of the violence and bigotry of Carnarvonshire, which I do not believe really weigh with him, as they were more violent and bigoted when he formerly voted for the Catholics; but I believe the real reason is some promise which he has made to his wife. I cannot learn where Lord Torrington is in town, as he has no regular town house, but, as I am told, takes his letters at the House of Lords; so I have there left it for him. I spoke to Lord Cassilis about your proxy, which he will willingly attend to hold if necessary, but had expected you rather to give his.

The new votes mentioned besides Lord Caledon, Lord Gosport, and Lord Clare, are Lord Gage, Lord Lucan, Lord Glasgow, Lord Wilton, Lord Maryborough, Lord Ormond, and I think Lord Suffield (but I am not sure which way the late Lord voted).

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

Frankland Lewis had a bad fall yesterday in the park, and was a good deal bruised, but did not, I hope, suffer materially. Lord Lonsdale had a worse a short time after, and broke two ribs and his collar-bone.

LORD BULKELEY TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, May 27, 1822.

MY DEAR LORD DUKE,

It is certainly most true that I promised your Grace to vote in favour of Mr. Canning's motion whenever it came into the House of Lords, and being conformable to my former votes and opinions, I should with pleasure have ranged myself under the standard of the party with which I had so long acted, had not a storm arisen in Wales on that question, in consequence of Sir Robert Williams's vote in the House of Commons, which I own to your Grace staggered my intention very much. It was plainly told me, that if I did not put water in my wine, all my popularity there would sink to the ground, and an opposition declared which would put me to great expense, and a very doubtful issue; and that it depended on my vote to allay the storm, especially as Sir Robert had raised it. At the head of these ultra anti-Catholics stand the Bishop of the diocese (Magendie), and all the parsons to a man, and Mr. Ashton Smith, Lord Kenyon, and Sir Robert Vaughan, and hundreds who look up to Lord Eldon and Mr. Peel, and who think that the King is hostile to the Catholics. I hope, therefore, I may be permitted to absent myself as I have few days to live, and those few I can pass with tolerable goodwill in my own natale solum, if I do not provoke their ardent feelings on a point which they have opinions like those of the University of Oxford. In my general support of Government under your standard, my Taffies are rejoiced, but upon the Catholic question they are raving mad.

Hoping the Duchess is well, and your Grace, I am, my dear Lord Duke, with Lady B——'s joint best remembrances,

Your ever faithful,

W. B.

This is the last communication the writer addressed to his friend, as he died suddenly, at the age of sixty-nine, at Englefield Green, on the 3rd of June.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dropmore, May 29, 1822.

MY DEAR B——,

My uncle Tom writes to Lord Grenville: "My sister just tells me that she met Canning last night at Burlington House, who told her that he should write to you to-day to tell you that the Catholic question was put off in the House of Lords, in consequence of the death of Lord Grey's mother. I had heard from several people yesterday that it was not put off; and so much satisfaction was expressed at the day not being disturbed, that I am persuaded this new change will be extremely unpopular."

No letter from Canning has arrived; but this probably proceeds from his directing to Maidenhead, which was the case with the last letter he wrote to Lord G——.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

What will my worthy colleagues in the Empire of the East do about this fracas at Canton? Must they not shut up shop? On this head I have nothing to say to them. I am for sending out a detachment of capital convicts from the Old Bailey Sessions, since, provided they are allowed to hang a sufficient number, it is all the Chinese Government requires.

Lord Eldon had not recovered his good humour, nor reconciled himself to the new servants his sovereign had called to his counsels, and when he could not express his dissatisfaction orally, he rarely failed to do so in writing to his confidential friends—now and then, however, with characteristic caution, denying the authorship of the bad jokes he took pains to circulate.[81] The proceedings of the Legislature he regarded with real alarm whenever their object was to alter what the public voice pronounced capable of amendment, or prune what was judged superfluous. The vote of the House of Commons on the 1st of March, for discontinuing the services of one of the Lords of the Admiralty, and that given on the 2nd of May for getting rid of one of the Postmasters-General, his Lordship called "stripping the Crown naked," and represents the King as suffering from severe illness, occasioned by these attacks, as he considers them, on the Royal prerogative.[82] His acknowledged talent as a lawyer, however, joined to his earnest advocacy of the cause of which he was one of the stoutest champions, ought to suggest allowances for such harmless exaggerations.

[81] Twiss's "Life of Lord Eldon," vol. ii. p. 63.

[82] Ibid., p. 64.

The Catholic question having been put off in the House of Lords till the 21st of June, other questions of a more popular character, including Parliamentary Reform, the Importation of Corn, the amelioration of the Criminal Code, the continuation of the Alien Act, the state of the Currency, and the Tithe system in Ireland, the influence of the Crown, and the suppression of the Slave Trade, came under consideration in this month.

The ball referred to in Mr. Fremantle's note, was given for the benefit of the suffering poor of Ireland at the King's Theatre, London, on the 30th of May, and produced 3500l.

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

House of Commons, Five o'clock.

MY DEAR DUKE,

You can have no idea of the great impression which has been made on the public mind by these two last divisions. It has given courage and unity to our people at the same time, and I trust will enable us to stem the tide which has been setting against us for the latter weeks. The great question that still hangs upon us is the annuity transaction. The South Sea don't take it; the Bank are negotiating but disinclined; and from what I hear from good quarters, it will end in its being done by the Government, and though not actually from the Sinking Fund, still with the means of applying the Sinking Fund in case of failure. The whole project is of Vansittart, and therefore to be feared, but I hope ultimately we shall get over it, and satisfy the country gentlemen by taking off 1,500,000l. or 1,600,000l. of taxes.

There is nothing material more to say. There has been a fine tripotage among the higher females about this Irish ball. The Duchess of Richmond was first applied to to be at the head, and the Duke of York was patron. All the present ladies were of her list, and had agreed to be patronesses, when lo and behold! Lady Conyngham, not having been sent to by the Duchess of Richmond, took offence, and set up a new list, placing the King at the head, whom she commanded to go, and all these ladies turned tack directly, abandoned the Duchess, and are now of the new Government—a pretty semblance of what might occur in the male political tribe.

Ever most faithfully yours,

W. H. F.

The state of Ireland—between famine and revolution—became every day more alarming, and the influence of the Marquis Wellesley for good, appeared more problematical. At this time the Ministers were desirous that the King should pay a visit to another portion of his dominions, where a welcome awaited him not less genuine than that which had given so great a zest to his visit to Ireland; but, as will presently be seen, they had some difficulty in getting his Majesty to enter into their views.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

House of Commons' Committee Room, Thursday morning.

MY DEAR B——,

I explained to Sir Edward East the other day, how the case stood with respect to his claim to be admitted to the Privy Council. There have been two instances which have occurred of his predecessors being so appointed. Upon Sir John Anstruther's return during Lord Grenville's administration, you must, I am sure, remember that the greatest inconvenience had arisen from the secession of Sir William Grant, and I believe Sir William Scott, from the Privy Council, and that there were no lawyers to attend the hearing of appeals. To supply this want, and with no reference whatever to his having been Chief Justice of Calcutta, Anstruther was sworn in. Sir H. Russell returned in 1813, and three years afterwards was made a Privy Councillor for the same purpose. It therefore seems to me, that whether it be or be not thought desirable that East should hereafter receive the same mark of favour, when legal members may be wanted at that Board, it is at all events objectionable to give it at the present moment, which would establish an absolute right for all future Chief Justices against whom there had been no particular charge, to claim it immediately on their return. With this explanation he appeared perfectly satisfied, and desired that it might be understood to be his wish that it should not be pressed if there was any objection to it.

I send you the Irish Constables' Bill, the alterations in which have, I believe, satisfied almost all the Irishmen.

Newport went out of town yesterday. I do not myself believe in the existence of any intrigue for keeping Canning in this country. If I knew of any, I should be much disposed to join in it openly. Why Westmoreland should not make room for Lord Melville, who might continue to hold the sceptre of Scotland, and so leave the Admiralty to Canning, I cannot conceive. I think as ill of the latter as the K—— or you can, but it seems to me to be so much his interest to do his best, and that the gulf between him and the Reformers is so impassable, that it would be far better to admit him, and to take the benefit of service in the House of Commons, which no other man can render.

Having been bored till five this morning in the House, I can write no more. Richard Wellesley, who is upon the Committee, tells me that his accounts of Lord Wellesley are very good, and that he is quite well.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, July 5, 1822.

MY DEAR B——,

You will perhaps be surprised at not having heard from me respecting the late arrests in Ireland, but the truth is, that his Excellency is too discreet to communicate by his despatches more intelligence than appears in the Dublin newspapers, except that the evidence against these persons is so strong, that he is confident of convicting several of them. In due time he promises to send us the examinations which have been taken, and on which the men were apprehended. This, I suppose, will not be till after he has tried them.

We get on, as you will see, at a snail's pace; still I flatter myself I see many symptoms of the session drawing to a conclusion. After next week, we shall have no Irish members left, and most of the English will also have left town.

The King now again proposes going to Scotland. The visits are to be to the Duke of Athol, Duke of Montrose, Lord Mansfield, and Lord Hopetoun; perhaps Lord Breadalbane, but not to Gordon Castle or Inverary—the first on account of distance, the latter of the Duke's absence.

He has been extremely reasonable in agreeing to the postponement of a Bill enabling him to make a will, and to the alteration of one for regulating the Duchy of Cornwall, though he had got somewhat like a promise before Christmas that they should be passed in this session.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

July 8, 1822.

MY DEAR B——,

I had an audience to-day on some business of no importance, but was very graciously received. He talked to me some time about Canning, whom he abused extremely for falsehood and treachery, and expressed his opinion that he was now engaged in some intrigue or another.

The expectation of the Chancellor's retiring seems to be very general, in consequence of the undisguised irritation which he has expressed on the decision of the Marriage Bill. There certainly never has been so strong an instance of revolt among those who for so many years were the humblest of slaves.

Proxies, as you will see, were not called for. Yours was entered to Lord Wemyss, who expressed himself much flattered at holding it. I should have given it to Lord Cassilis, but that he was doubtful as to his power of attending.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

THE RIGHT HON. THOMAS GRENVILLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Cleveland Square, July 9, 1822.

MY DEAR DUKE,

The match that has been so long pending, after a very long attachment, between the Duke of M——'s daughter and Mr. G——, is declared off, as is said, by the lady, in consequence of the insanity found now to prevail in the bridegroom's family. But as all the world has long known that G——'s father shot himself, and his uncle (W——) cut his throat, it seems quite incomprehensible that this should have escaped the lady's observation till now.

A strange report was circulated of the eldest son of Lord Cassilis (Lord Kennedy) having shot at a boy in a tree and killed him. There was no boy, and no tree, and no shooting, and no possible account how such an entire fiction could have been circulated.

I am going to see our bronze Achilles[83] mount this morning upon his pedestal in the park.

Kind love to your dear wife, and God bless you!

Yours affectionately,

T. G.

[83] The well known figure in Hyde Park, erected in honour of the Duke of Wellington.

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, July 11, 1822.

MY DEAR DUKE,

We have had a very severe fagging for the last ten days, but I think we have made great progress, and I have no doubt now that the House of Commons will be up at the end of this month. The King certainly does not go to Scotland, though the decision has been fluctuating for some time past. His Ministers wished him to go, and he wished not, and has been putting up his doctors to support him by ordering them to pronounce that he would suffer from the journey, fatigue, &c. I hear that, in consequence of all this, he is not quite in such good humour with them as he was. Lord Warwick, you see, has got the Lieutenancy of Warwickshire, which has offended Lord Hertford. Lord Liverpool has had a serious attack of inflammation in the sinew of his thigh (his old complaint); he was extremely bad for two days, but is now nearly recovered. There never was anything so strange and absurd as Lord W——'s match; it was evidently planned and forced by the S——s. After he was gone he wrote three letters, which have been seen by the person who told me—one to his mother, the Duchess of B——, saying how sorry he was to have offended her by this marriage, but he was sure she would forgive him if she could witness the happiness he then enjoyed; the second to Lord Fitzroy Somerset, saying he was the most miserable man breathing, that he had been entrapped to marry, and he should never feel a moment's happiness again; the third to Lord Alvanley, saying that he had been obliged to marry; that he begged he would let him know what was said upon it, particularly by the girls (he had been making love to Lady Caroline S——). Hoped they would not quiz him, for he was unhappy enough.

Can you fancy such folly and such profligacy? The fact is, I really believe he has got ... or that she made him believe it, and therefore compelled him to marry her. There is nothing but this sort of gossip stirring in town. The debates are most tedious, and the Houses very thin. I believe the Opposition as weary of it as we are. Phillimore will have some plague with his Marriage Bill, but I have no doubt will carry it, though the Chancellor is outrageous, making a prodigious noise about it, and sets up the Attorney-General to oppose it.

W. H. FREMANTLE.

The Lord Chancellor not only continued to set his face strongly against the Grenville portion of the Government; but there exists evidence that while doing so he began to look favourably upon Opposition. He accepted an invitation to dine at Holland House, and there met, as he acknowledges, Lords Holland, Grey, Lauderdale, and "several of the Opposition."[84] A step like this from such a man, is extremely suggestive, and rumours of sweeping changes in the Administration followed, as a matter of course.

[84] See his letter to Lady Bankes, Twiss, vol. ii. p. 71.



CHAPTER IX.

[1822.]

SIR WILLIAM KNIGHTON APPOINTED KEEPER OF THE KING'S PRIVY PURSE. HIS SENSE OF DUTY SOMETIMES OPPOSED TO THE KING'S INSTRUCTIONS. HIS IMPORTANT SERVICES IN LESSENING THE ROYAL EXPENDITURE. ARRESTS IN IRELAND. CANNING AND PEEL. LAMENTABLE DEATH OF THE MARQUIS OF LONDONDERRY. ESTIMATE OF THIS DISTINGUISHED STATESMAN. LETTER FROM THE KING ON THE SUBJECT. THE ROYAL VISIT TO SCOTLAND. SIR WALTER SCOTT'S RELIC. PROSPECTS OF THE GOVERNMENT. THEIR NEGOTIATIONS WITH MR. CANNING. HIS SPEECH AT LIVERPOOL. HE SUCCEEDS THE MARQUIS OF LONDONDERRY AS SECRETARY OF STATE FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS.



CHAPTER IX.

Sir William Knighton was appointed Keeper of the King's Privy Purse, and was employed in the most arduous labour of endeavouring to arrange the private accounts of his Majesty. While putting these affairs into a satisfactory state, he was sometimes obliged to oppose the King's inclinations—on one occasion so as to excite his displeasure. But George the Fourth was not the less partial to his servant for maintaining what was right and proper under such circumstances, despite his master's disapproval; and after one unpleasant scene of this nature, his Majesty wrote him the following note:

THE KING TO SIR WILLIAM KNIGHTON.

Carlton House, July 11, 1822, Wednesday morning, Eight o'clock.

You may easily imagine, warm and sincere as my affections are towards you, I have had but little rest since we separated last night. The feeling that I may possibly and unfortunately, in a hurried moment, when my mind and my heart were torn in fifty different ways from fifty different causes, have let an unjust or hasty expression escape me to any one, but most especially to you, whom I so truly love, and who are so invaluable to me as my friend, is to me a sensation much too painful to be endured—therefore let me implore you to come to me, be it but for a moment, the very first thing you do this morning, for I shall hate myself until I have the opportunity of expressing personally to you those pure and genuine feelings of affection which will never cease to live in my heart so long as that heart itself continues to beat. I am much too unhappy to say more, but that I am

Ever your affectionate friend,

G. R.[85]

[85] Knighton's "Memoirs," p. 118.

This communication proves that the writer was not so thoroughly selfish and heartless as he has often been represented. His correspondence with Sir William Knighton and other persons in his confidence is characterized by the same tenderness and good feeling. His Majesty sanctioned all the proceedings of his Privy Purse to put an end to abuses in his private expenditure, that had long been a source of embarrassment and vexation, and later in the year issued the following document:—

Royal Lodge, Oct. 26, 1822.

I hereby authorize and direct Sir William Knighton, Bart., Keeper of my Privy Purse, to give notice to our several tradesmen that they are not to receive orders or to furnish any articles of furniture, &c. &c. &c., or to incur any expense whatsoever from their different trades, where such expense is to be provided for by my said Privy Purse, without receiving a specific order in writing for that purpose from the said Sir William Knighton Bart.; and I do also give my authority to the said Sir William Knighton, Bart., and order and direct him, during our will and pleasure, to undertake the entire management of my private affairs, with a view to the observance of the most strict and rigid economy, that we may have the opportunity of relieving ourselves from certain embarrassments which it is not necessary to mention further in detail. We do therefore rely with confidence on the said Sir William Knighton for the strict performance and fulfilment of all our wishes on this head.[86]

GEORGE R.

[86] "Memoirs of Sir William Knighton, Bart."

It is but justice to add that Sir William's management worked a reform, the beneficial effects of which were acknowledged and appreciated. "I see with pleasure," writes the Duke of Clarence, "and hear with equal satisfaction how well the Privy Purse is carried on under your able management."[87] The King was not only freed from large accumulations of pecuniary liabilities, but was enabled considerably to increase his donations to public and private charities.

[87] Ibid.

The new members of the Board of Control were not quite pleased with their position on their first taking office, and it is clear from their representations of the unsatisfactory state of the Government, that some of them at least were not indisposed to break the tie that connected them with it. It becomes more and more evident that the dissatisfaction of the President was leading him into a desire for change, but it does not appear that the Duke of Buckingham encouraged such speculations—indeed, the interest taken by the Duke in politics had so greatly subsided, that he was sailing about the coast preparatory to quitting the country for an absence of considerable duration. He followed the advice given by Mr. Fremantle in a subsequent letter.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

July 15, 1822.

As far as I can judge from my conversations with Canning, he is perfectly in earnest with respect to his intended voyage, and much as I regret it for the country, I think that considering the great personal disinclination both of the King and (I believe) the Duke of York towards him, the unstable nature of the Government, and the state of his own affairs, the course he pursues is far the best for his own interests. I think I told you that both Liverpool and Londonderry evidently considered the completion of this appointment as a great advantage gained, and were in high spirits on the occasion.

It cannot be doubted that Peel and Lord Bathurst strongly participate in this feeling, and that the Chancellor carries it a good deal farther. Under these circumstances, the Duke of Wellington is the only man of any weight in the Cabinet, of whose co-operation in a plan for retaining Canning in this country there could be a hope, and without that, we could not hold out such a probability of success as alone could justify any communication to Canning, or expectation that he would listen to it. If it could be effected, I have no hesitation in saying that it would be a measure of great benefit to the country.

I have lately heard much general rumour of disinclination on the part of certain members of the Cabinet who are not cordial towards as, and of Peel's having said that things would not go on well till they had got rid of the Grenvilles. This I do not believe, as he is much too cautious a man to commit himself by such a speech, but I cannot but admit that the coldness and reserve of his manner to me make me think that the opinion, though not uttered, is not unlikely to be entertained by him. He assures me that he still continues in the same complete ignorance as to the persons lately arrested in Ireland. The only depositions transmitted are those of persons who believe them to be engaged in a traitorous conspiracy for the overthrow of the Government; but what the facts against them are, whether any papers have been taken, whether any of them have given information, and even whether they have been examined before the Privy Council, the Lord Lieutenant has not judged it necessary to inform him. It is evident things cannot go on in this way, and I do not think it unlikely that Peel is lying back in order to make as strong a case as he can, before he attacks Lord W——, after which he would more easily overturn us.

The last resolution was, I believe, in favour of the visit to Scotland, but not to stir beyond Edinburgh.

I am very glad that you are satisfied with the alterations in the Irish Constables Bill. I think you quite right in your plan of writing a letter to Plunket to explain your general views with respect to Ireland. He must remember that he is Attorney-General, and from his character ought to be House of Commons Minister for that country, besides being representative of that shabby body called Trinity College. He cannot conceal from himself the resolution of the Irish members, and indeed of the House, to force the Tithe question, and that the only thing in his power to determine is, whether the Government will take the conduct and management of the business to themselves or leave it to the Opposition.

I have entered in this letter more fully into our position than I otherwise should, as you mention that it will reach you in safety. I never know exactly how far the post is to be trusted, but the time which elapses between putting in the letters and their dispatch by the mail is so very short, that I think, unless under very particular circumstances indeed, there can be little chance of private correspondence being violated. I know that it can be done, but believe it very seldom is.

Arbuthnot spoke to Phillimore of the good disposition of Lord Liverpool and Londonderry towards us, as in contrast to some other members of the Cabinet, and Plunket has evidently taken the same opinion.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Board, July 20, 1822.

MY DEAR B——,

Before Plunket left town, I had a conversation with him on the subject of the Armagh arrest, mentioned in my last, and found him very much inclined to fear that it had taken place on insufficient evidence, particularly of one individual who represents himself as having become a Protestant three or four years ago, but to have continued an ostensible Papist for the purpose of penetrating and betraying the Catholic plots now carrying on. The arrest was made by a Colonel Blacker, one of the most furious Orange agents, and of course the trial must take place at Armagh, by a red-hot Orange jury, which it may be expected will convict, however slight the case may be, and which will not obtain credit for having done justice even if the evidence be sufficient.

It is scarcely possible to make any complaint of Peel's manner, as though it is cold and reserved, I should be told that it is such to others, and that to notice it would only increase the evil. The reports which I mentioned of his conversation, are such as I do not myself believe to be true, though they may be founded upon what the inventors of them believe and hope to be his ulterior wishes.

The King is to be attended in Scotland by Peel and Lord Melville, but not to pay any visits; he is to be quartered at Dalkeith, and his suite in Holyrood House. We are, in consideration of the reversal of the Scotch attainders, to signalize his visit, but this is all undecided as yet.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

House of Commons, July 23, 1822.

MY DEAR DUKE,

I have delayed answering your letter for some days, because I wished to ascertain the ground, and see how the thing looked before you ventured to take any steps with regard to communicating with so slippery and uncertain a man as C——. The fact is, you may be assured that he has the best disposition to trip these people up, but I am persuaded he will not be able to do it; and they are fully aware of his designs. My own opinion is, that no overture or communication will be had with him—there is no part of the Government who wish for his connexion. They find the strength and power of Peel have completely answered their purpose, and with more popularity and feeling of the House than the other would have done; and above all, be assured there is a mortal antipathy against C—— in the K——. All these circumstances combined would, in my judgment, not make it worth your while to attempt any movement through him, or to have any communication with him.

I cannot but think that Wynn is gaining strength in the Cabinet, and the best support he has is, in my opinion, Lord Londonderry's, which would be totally destroyed by any underhand communication with C——; and your seeing him or corresponding with him would have that effect. I should, therefore, on the whole, strongly advise all abstainment from all connexion with him.

Things look a great deal better than they did, though the K——, I should fear, is not quite in the good humour he was. He dislikes the journey to Scotland, and I have no idea why they plagued him to take it (which is said to have been the case). The intention is now only to stay in Scotland ten days, and visit no one. Peel and Lord Melville are the Ministers who attend him. He is to make a public entry into Edinburgh, but to live entirely at Dalkeith House.

I don't know the names of all his retinue in the yacht, but Lord Fife is invited to be one of his companions, and goes accordingly. The Marchioness of C—— is going to Ireland, by Scotland, therefore I should not be surprised if accident brings her to Edinburgh, about the same time.

We shall not adjourn this House till Friday week. I shall get out of town on Tuesday, I hope. Everybody but Hume and Bennett are sick to death of it, and literally every other Opposition man gone out of town.

I hope your sailing has done you a great deal of good, and that I shall have the pleasure of hearing you are quite re-established.

Ever most truly yours,

W. H. F.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Board, July 26, 1822.

MY DEAR B——,

It was yesterday determined that Lord Londonderry should attend the Congress at Vienna, upon which subject strict secrecy was recommended; but it was observed that it had on Tuesday night been communicated by Lord Francis Conyngham to all the ladies at the opera-house.

We have accounts of the Prince Royal of Portugal having been addressed to take on him the title of Perpetual Regent of Brazil, to which he graciously consents, provided it shall appear to be the will of the people. The probable consequence will be his exclusion from the throne of Portugal, which there has been already a strong disposition to pronounce.

The Cortes of Spain, though in possession of full evidence of the King and French Minister's share in the late attempt of the Guards to effect a counter-revolution, and even of his having placed each of his Ministers in separate confinement during the whole of the night of the attack, seem to think the time not yet ripe to get rid of him, and therefore conceal everything. If they are obliged to dispose of him before the country will allow them to proclaim a republic, they are many of them disposed to propose a union of the Peninsula under the King of Portugal, as the most inefficient shadow of royalty that can be set up.

Bobus Smith the other night proposed a caricature of a private conference between Hume and Vansittart as a dialogue of penny-wise and pound-foolish.

I see no reason to doubt Canning's going to India. His writ will, I believe, be moved the last day of the session, and as the K—— is going for Scotland immediately afterwards, there will be no room left for intrigue to avert it. The Duke of Wellington is the only one who has appeared to me at all sensible of the loss we shall experience in him, and he speaks of him as being nearly useless out of the walls of the House.

The town was startled in the month of August by a terrible incident. The Marquis of Londonderry, on the 12th of the month, terminated his existence by his own hand, at one of his residences, North Cray Farm, near Bexley, Kent, in the fifty-third year of his age. The elevated position he had filled for many years in the Government of this great empire, had made him a prominent mark for the malicious shafts of those who had, or fancied they had, an interest in opposing his policy. During his long and most honourable career, no statesman had accomplished such a series of important services. The Legislative Union of Great Britain and Ireland, had it been suffered to bear the fruit which only came to perfection thirty years later, was a measure of such vital importance to the State, that its successful settlement under the extraordinary circumstances which attended its discussion, entitled him to rank with the ablest ministers of his time; but eminently sagacious and beneficial as was this measure, it was thrown into the shade by the success of subsequent calculations of Lord Castlereagh, first as Secretary-at-War, and then as Foreign Secretary, which effected the overthrow of that brilliant genius by whom his country had so long been menaced. These services appear to have called into existence hosts of political enemies, imbued with the vindictive spirit that prevailed at this period, from whose attacks he was rarely free. They included in their ranks many of a younger generation of adventurers—quite as depreciatory in their opinions, if not as malicious—who regarded his downfall as affording an opening in the direction of place and power. Nothing could exceed the manliness of his bearing in the unequal conflict in which every session he found himself engaged, unless it is to be looked for in the inexhaustible amiability that characterized his relations with the most implacable of his foes. It is, however, evident that as his health began to fail from the long course of exhausting labours which his office imposed upon him, he became more sensitive to such provocations, and though he carefully concealed it from outward view, an increasing irritability affected his whole nervous system.

The melancholy result, though unfortunately too easily explained, excited reports as ingenious as malevolent, to account for its suddenness, but like the injustice to his memory he has received from rivals or successors, who sought to raise a reputation by advocating an adverse policy, they had but a brief existence. As a statesman, as a gentleman, as a man, the Marquis of Londonderry was the Bayard of political chivalry, sans peur et sans reproche, and it reflects no slight disgrace on this monument-rearing age, that neither in the land of his nativity nor in that of his adoption has any memorial been raised worthy of his fame.

The characters of few public men have been so unfairly treated; his political opponents, numbering among them many writers of great ability and influence, have allowed their judgments to be warped by party animosity, and have descended to misrepresentation to an extent truly pitiable. Thus his countrymen have received impressions of his policy and administrative capacity during his long and arduous career, totally at variance with the truth.[88] One writer of eminence has, however, recently stepped forward to uphold his fame with emphatic earnestness, and we make no apology for inserting here his estimate of this distinguished and much-maligned statesman:

[88] His best advocate will be found in "The Castlereagh Despatches," in twelve volumes, edited by his brother, the late Marquis.

"His whole life was a continual struggle with the majority of his own or foreign lands: he combated to subdue or to bless them. He began his career by strenuous efforts to effect the Irish Union, and rescue his native country from the incapable Legislature by which its energies had so long been repressed. His mature strength was exerted in a long and desperate conflict with the despotism of revolutionary France, which his firmness as much as the arm of Wellington brought to a triumphant issue; his latter days in a ceaseless conflict with the revolutionary spirit in his own country, and an anxious effort to uphold the dignity of Great Britain and the independence of lesser States abroad. The uncompromising antagonist of Radicalism at home, he was at the same time the resolute opponent of despotism abroad. If Poland retained after the overthrow of Napoleon any remnant of nationality, it was owing to his persevering and almost unaided efforts, and at the very time when the savage wretches who raised a shout at his funeral were rejoicing at his death, he had been preparing to assert at Verona, as he had done to the Congresses of Laybach and Troppau, the independent action of Great Britain, and her non-accordance in the policy of the Continental sovereigns against the efforts of human freedom.

"His policy in domestic affairs was marked by the same far-seeing wisdom, the same intrepid resistance to the blindness of present clamour. He made the most strenuous efforts to uphold the Sinking Fund—that noble monument of Mr. Pitt's patriotic foresight; had those efforts been successful, the whole National Debt would have been paid off by the year 1845, and the nation for ever have been freed from the payment of thirty millions a-year for its interest. He resisted with a firm hand, and at the expense of present popularity with the multitude, the efforts of faction during the seven trying years which followed the close of the war, and bequeathed the constitution, after a season of peculiar danger, unshaken to his successors. The firm friend of freedom, he was on that very account the resolute opponent of democracy, the insidious enemy which, under the guise of a friend, has in every age blasted its progress and destroyed its substance. Discerning the principal cause of the distress which had occasioned these convulsions, his last act was one that bequeathed to his country a currency adequate to its necessities, and which he alone of his Cabinet had the honesty to admit was a departure from former error. Elegant and courteous in his manners, with a noble figure and finely chiselled countenance, he was beloved in his family circle and by all his friends, not less than respected by the wide circle of sovereigns and statesmen with whom he had so worthily upheld the honour and dignity of England."[89]

[89] Alison's "History of Europe," vol. ii. p. 526.

Lord Londonderry's colleagues entertained a similar opinion:—"Our own country and Europe," writes one of the most sagacious of them, "have suffered a loss, in my opinion irreparable. I had a great affection for him, and he deserved it from me, for to me he showed an uniform kindness, of which no other colleague's conduct furnished an example."[90]

[90] Twiss's "Life of Lord Eldon," vol. ii. p. 73.

The King had proceeded a few days before, on a visit to his Scottish dominions, and the startling news reached him soon after the Royal George had dropped her anchor at the termination of the voyage. His Majesty, fully impressed with the irreparable nature of his loss, hastily wrote to the most influential members of the Cabinet, to deprecate any hasty arrangement. We quote the following:—

THE KING TO LORD ELDON.

Royal George Yacht, Leith Roads, Aug. 15th, half-past eight P.M., 1822.

MY DEAR FRIEND,

I have this moment heard from Liverpool of the melancholy death of his and my dear friend, poor Londonderry. On Friday was the last time I saw him; my own mind was then filled with apprehensions respecting him, and they have, alas! been but too painfully verified. My great object, my good friend, in writing to you to-night, is to tell you that I have written to Liverpool, and I do implore you not to lend yourself to any arrangement whatever, until my return to town. This, indeed, is Lord Liverpool's own proposal, and as you may suppose, I have joined most cordially in the proposition. It will require the most prudent foresight on my part, relative to the new arrangements that must now necessarily take place. You may easily judge of the state of my mind.

Ever, believe me,

Your sincere Friend,

G. R.

The King's intention to visit the northern portion of his kingdom, made there as great a stir as had been created by his previous one to Ireland. Sir Walter Scott was at the time in Edinburgh, and took a prominent part in the preparations that were making in the Scottish capital to receive its Sovereign, and on the royal yacht coming to anchor in Leith Roads, he was the first Scotsman to venture on board, on a very rainy day (August 15th), to present his Majesty with a St. Andrew's Cross in silver, from the ladies of "Auld Reekie." The King, much gratified, invited the novelist to drink his health in a bumper of whisky, which having done, the latter requested permission to keep the glass as a relic to hand down to his posterity. This having graciously been granted, he put it very carefully in his pocket, and took his leave. On returning home, he found Crabbe the poet, who had just arrived from his English home, to pay a long promised visit; and Sir Walter was so earnest in welcoming his guest, that the precious relic was forgotten, till sitting down suddenly he crushed it to atoms, not without inflicting on himself a severe scratch from the sharp fragments.[91]

[91] Lockhart's "Life," vol. v. p. 195.

The King delighted his Scottish subjects by wearing the Highland garb, in which he was very carefully dressed by the Laird of Garth, but the pride of the Macgregors and Glengarries who thronged around the royal person, suffered a serious blow when a London alderman entered the circle clothed in a suit of the same tartan. The portly figure and civic dignity of Sir William Curtis gave to the costume too much the appearance of a burlesque to pass unnoticed either by the Sovereign or his loyal admirers, and it was some time before they recovered their gravity. On the 24th, the magistrates of "the gude town" entertained the King with a banquet in the Parliament House, in the course of which his Majesty gave as a toast, "The Chieftains and Clans of Scotland, and prosperity to the Land of Cakes." The King did not quit his Scottish dominions till the 29th, when he embarked from Lord Hopetoun's seat on the Firth of Forth, previously directing a letter to be written to Sir Walter Scott by Sir Robert Peel, expressing his warm personal acknowledgments for the deep interest he had taken in every ceremony and arrangement connected with his Majesty's visit.[92]

[92] Lockhart's "Life," vol. v. p. 215.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Office, Friday.

MY DEAR B——,

I have only time to write one hurried line to say that I am in town, but know nothing. Lord Liverpool very cast down, and depressed in the extreme. No arrangement or preparatory discussion to take place till after the King's return, and till we are collected from the different quarters in which we are at present scattered. The Duke of Wellington is expected back to-night or to-morrow, and is immediately to be dispatched with the instructions which had been prepared for Lord Londonderry, to Vienna.

I think that though nothing can absolutely be determined in the absence of Peel, Lord Harrowby, and Lord Melville, there still must be something substantially understood before the Duke will turn his back on England, and this something must, I am convinced, be Canning. What other changes may take place cannot yet be foreseen, but from a word which Lord Liverpool dropped, I think he anticipates more than simply a new Secretary.

The funeral takes place on Tuesday, by Lady Londonderry's particular desire, in the Abbey!!! I think it most unwise to run the chance of the insults of a London mob on such an occasion.

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, Aug. 20, 1822.

MY DEAR DUKE,

I came to town last night for the funeral, and am returning this instant. I find Wynn has written to you, and I hope you will go to him at Broadstairs; he is quite satisfied with the prospect, though of course nothing is or can be arranged till the King's return. I was at Dropmore; your uncles both think it would be worse than nothing to attempt a Government without Canning, and such seems to be the opinion of everybody, such was the language of all the official men this morning. But after all, I fear we shall not, even with Canning and Peel, and even Grant in addition, be altogether so well off as with Londonderry. His rank, his long standing, the sort of authority and power he possessed, all contributed to his advantage and that of the Government.

Ever most truly yours,

W. H. FREMANTLE.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Office, Aug. 20, 1822.

MY DEAR B——,

The formal determination transmitted to the King is, that there shall be not only no arrangement but no discussion till his return. Tho real effect of which is only to enable Lord Liverpool to lock himself up, and decline talking to those whom he wishes to avoid, among whom I must reckon myself. I have, however, seen the Duke of Wellington and Frederick Robinson, and had much conversation with both of them, and the result of the whole is very satisfactory to me so far as it goes. Neither of them seems to anticipate the possibility of any other arrangement, but that of Canning succeeding to the lead of the House of Commons, and the Duke of Wellington expressed much anxiety that he should also succeed to the vacant seals.

He showed me, however, the King's letter, which seems distantly to allude to objection to Canning for that particular department. This, however, he thinks, can be overcome, and I am therefore the more pleased that he remains till after the King's return, instead of proceeding immediately to Vienna. I should I believe myself, if Canning could be induced to accept the Exchequer (which at one time he certainly was ready to have done), with the lead of the House of Commons, like to transport Nic Van to India, send Lord Bathurst to the Foreign Department, Robinson to the Colonial, and Huskisson to the Board of Trade.

The strongest proof to me of the universal impression of the necessity of consigning the lead of the House of Commons to Canning, and that the No Popery party will not venture to propose Peel, was, that I found Westmoreland, with whom I was associated in the funeral this morning, quite of that opinion. Now, if the Chancellor were intriguing for Peel, would he not have secured Westmoreland.

I concur very much in your view of the impropriety of remaining in an Administration, both the leaders of which are the most decided opponents of the Catholic question, and intimated as much to Robinson, who appeared to feel the similarity of his own situation. I have had much conversation also with an intimate personal friend of Peel's, whose opinion it was that Peel would be by no means desirous of undertaking the lead, as independent of other objections, his health was not sufficiently strong to admit of his assuming functions so laborious and incessant.

The King has mentioned his intention of leaving Edinburgh as on Saturday next. Poor Liverpool's bridal ideas have been quite driven out of his head, and I do not yet hear of a fresh day for consummation being fixed. I am very sorry for the public effect of the visit to Bowood at this time, but it had been fixed I believe before Lord Londonderry's death, and Lord G—— does not feel any necessity of extending to Opposition any of that coyness he shows towards Government. Both my uncles are fully satisfied of the absolute necessity of Canning's leading the House of Commons, and probably the more so from his having lately paid a visit of two days to Dropmore.