Lord Lansdowne's appointment is confirmed.

Ever yours,

W. H. FREMANTLE.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, July 11, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I waited till the last moment to see if I could pick up anything for you. Hume was cut off in the middle of his speech. The Queen certainly means to come to the Royal box at the Coronation, and it is now said the Cabinet have decided on providing her a seat. Whether this is true or not I cannot say; but they are mad if they leave her to fight the battle in the street, which she will certainly do. The peerages are delayed on account of the question of titles. Forester can't be Lord Forester or Wenlock, the latter claimed by Lawleys, the former possessed at present by Lord Verulam. Forester out of town, and expresses going to settle this. The list of Peers has given great offence to the friends of Government; and, to be sure, if England had been looked through for pretensions, there could hardly [have] been found a set of men who had so little claim. Lord Donoughmore (the Opposition say) is to take the title of Alexandria in honour of his brother, who was made a Peer for his conquests there. Old Foster is to be one of the new Peers; he was not before named. I do not hear any confirmation of Lord Lansdowne's appointment as High Constable of Ireland, and I therefore doubt it. Lady Conyngham dined a few days ago at Lord Gwydyr's; among the party was Brougham, who had pleaded in the morning before the Privy Council for the Queen. The report of the Queen's attending the Coronation has given such an impression of riot, that the seats have fallen to nothing, and, though they are preparing accommodation for thousands and thousands, the sale of tickets is very heavy indeed. I am frightened for the yeomanry, and hope Lord Temple will be able to get them well back without a row. I am sorry I shall not see you, for I must go on Saturday, and have a long appointment for Monday on public business in the country. You have no idea of the million of reports which are hourly propagating here on the subject of the Government and Lady Conyngham, and the Coronation, &c. &c. The town is absolutely in a ferment. You shall hear to-morrow from me.

Ever truly yours,

W. H. F.

The day appointed for the imposing pageant, the Coronation, came at last. The Queen had made several vain efforts to obtain a recognition of her right to be crowned at the same time as the King; but the Privy Council decided against her on the 10th of July. Nothing daunted, the day following she wrote to Lord Sidmouth to inform his Lordship of her intention to be present, and a few days later published a protest against the decision of the Privy Council. On the 16th, Lord Hood, at her desire, wrote to the Earl Marshal, informing the Duke (of Norfolk) of her Majesty's intention to be present at the approaching ceremony on the 19th, and desiring that persons should be in attendance to conduct her to her seat on her arrival at the Abbey. The day arrived, and so did the Queen; but though she tried, with Lord Hood's assistance, to gain admission at more than one door, her entrance was opposed. She was not only obliged to endure this repulse, but sounds assailed her ears as soon as she was recognised by the spectators in the galleries, that declared how completely she had fallen in public estimation. Mortified and humiliated, she at last returned to her residence; and, though a mob of disorderly boys broke the windows of mansions belonging to noblemen known to be opposed to her, the intelligence failed to afford her sufficient solace. Lord Eldon thus describes her Majesty's final exhibition of spirit: "It is all over, quite safe and well. The Queen's attempt to make mischief, failed. She sent a message to say that she would be at the Abbey by eight o'clock. To take the persons there by surprise, she came between six and seven. After trying every door of the Abbey in vain, she came to the Hall; there she was also denied entrance. A few of the mob called 'Queen for ever!' I am informed that, on the other hand, there was great hissing, cries of 'Shame, shame! go to Bergamo!' and a gentleman in the Hall told us that when her Majesty got into the carriage again, she wept."[66]

[66] Twiss's "Life of Lord Eldon," vol. ii. p. 48.

She felt the crushing nature of this disappointment, and though she made an effort—a vain one, of course—to induce the Archbishop of Canterbury to crown her a day or two later, she was so thoroughly overwhelmed by this complete downfall of her hopes, that she became seriously ill, and died on the 7th of August—a week after the King had left Carlton House for Ireland. The suddenness of her death created to some extent a reaction of public opinion in her favour, particularly among the lower orders, and riots of a serious nature attended the passage of her remains through the metropolis, on their way to Brunswick; but the nine days' wonder had scarcely lived out its brief reign, when the town was entertaining itself with accounts of the King's amazing popularity in Ireland, in a manner that betrayed its eagerness to get rid, as soon as possible, of a disagreeable subject. Thus passed away Caroline of Brunswick—a character variously represented by that very unsatisfactory photograph, Party; but, though the likeness has often been idealized by those whose credit was likely to suffer by too natural a resemblance, sufficient physiognomical likeness has remained to show that she was far from being the sort of woman a sensible man would court for a wife, or the kind of Princess that would confer any distinction on the nation that would accept her as a Queen.



CHAPTER V.

[1821.]

EFFECT OF QUEEN CAROLINE'S ILLNESS AND DEATH ON THE KING. HIS NARROW ESCAPE IN THE ROYAL YACHT. HIS VISIT TO IRELAND. ENTRY INTO DUBLIN. POSITION OF THE KING'S MINISTERS. GEORGE IV. ON THE FIELD OF WATERLOO. THE KING'S VISIT TO HIS HANOVERIAN DOMINIONS. COALITIONS AND DOUBLE NEGOTIATION. POLITICAL GOSSIP. A NEW CLUB. DISMISSAL OF SIR ROBERT WILSON FROM THE ARMY. PUBLIC SUBSCRIPTION FOR HIM.



CHAPTER V.

Intelligence of the serious character of Queen Caroline's malady reached the King, as was stated in the last chapter, when his Majesty was making a yachting excursion, and its effect upon his mind may be gathered from the following extract of a letter written by the King soon after the information had reached him:—

"On Tuesday, at noon, as I had heard nothing from my friend Lord Sidmouth, who had passed over to the other coast some hours before, we took up our anchorage here. We had reason to know he had heard the report before he left Holyhead, and it was determined, as the best medium line that could be adopted until I could hear from him, that I should proceed for twelve hours to Lord Anglesea's. Accordingly, I wrote to Lord Sidmouth and Bloomfield to acquaint them with the communication I had received respecting the Queen, to account for the delay in my not proceeding to Ireland, and desiring Lord Sidmouth's advice as to what I had best do, and that he would make all the arrangements which might be necessary under existing circumstances.

"I returned from Plas Newydd to my yacht here about four o'clock on the next day (Wednesday), and found Lord Sidmouth just disembarked, and ready to receive me. He stayed about two hours with me on board, and then again took his passage in the steam-boat, having arranged with me that if the accounts from London of the Queen the next day should represent her to be in an improved state, that then we should set sail as quickly as possible, and land at Dunleary, and make my public entree at Dublin on that day (Friday), although he had already taken measures for a private entry if matters should be worse, as it was utterly impossible for me, under any circumstances, not to proceed now to Ireland, where public notice would be given that I should observe the strictest privacy for some days, until we were acquainted either with the Queen's recovery or her demise, and till after the body should be interred.

"Lord Londonderry fortunately arrived the next morning, after Lord Sidmouth left me—that is to say, yesterday (Thursday), before seven o'clock in the morning—and has remained with me, and will continue to do so till I have set my foot on the Irish shore. He approved of all the arrangements I had made with Lord Sidmouth as the best possible, and with every view I had taken of the whole circumstance; and it is now determined that, either in the course of the day, or as soon as possible as the wind and weather will permit (but which at present does not appear very encouraging), we are to set sail either in the yacht alone, or by steam to Ireland; to make Howth (about five miles from Dublin), and to proceed, without any sort of show or display, to the Phoenix Park, without entering or passing through Dublin at all. My arrival there will then be publicly announced, and that the strictest privacy for a few days will be observed, as far as proper decency and decorum may require; and that after that the day will be announced when I shall make my public entree, and when all public ceremonies and rejoicings will commence."[67]

[67] Knighton's "Memoirs," p. 91.

This careful attention to decency and decorum disproves all the reckless allegations that have been put forward of the King's indifference, or, as some writers have asserted, exultation, when intelligence reached him of the serious nature of the Queen's indisposition. It proceeded further than is indicated in the extract just quoted; for, when he put to sea with the intention of returning to England, his Majesty and all the royal suite had a narrow escape from a watery grave. The scene is thus graphically described by his Majesty's hand:

"We sailed again yesterday morning between four and five o'clock, with a most promising breeze in our favour, to make the Land's End. About two or three in the evening the wind shifted immediately in our teeth, a violent hurricane and tempest suddenly arose, the most dreadful possible of nights and of scenes ensued, the sea breaking everywhere over the ship. We lost the tiller, and the vessel was for some minutes down on her beam-ends; and nothing, I believe, but the undaunted presence of mind, perseverance, experience, and courage of Paget preserved us from a watery grave. The oldest and most experienced of our sailors were petrified and paralysed; you may judge somewhat, then, of what was the state of most of the passengers; every one almost flew up in their shirts upon deck in terrors that are not to be described."[68]

[68] Knighton's "Memoirs," p. 94.

In this position the Royal yacht and her amateur sailors must have made a study for a marine painter, than which nothing, we believe, more striking has ever appeared on canvas. The King subsequently sailed on his intended visit to the sister island, and arrived off the coast in due course. On his Majesty's landing, the inhabitants of Dublin and of the neighbourhood, says a chronicler of these events, "escorted him with the most tumultuous acclamations to the vice-regal lodge, from the steps of which he thus addressed them:—'This is one of the happiest days of my life. I have long wished to visit you. My heart has always been Irish; from the day it first beat I loved Ireland, and this day has shown me that I am beloved by my Irish subjects. Rank, station, honours, are nothing; but to feel that I live in the hearts of my Irish subjects is to me exalted happiness.'"

"These felicitous expressions," we are told, "diffused universal enchantment, and combined with the graceful condescension and dignified affability of manner, which the Sovereign knew so well to exhibit when inclined to do so, roused the loyalty of the people to a perfect enthusiasm. For the week that he remained there, his life was a continued triumph."[69]

[69] Alison's "History of Europe," vol. ii. p. 486.

His stay in the island was marked by a series of loyal demonstrations that could not fail of producing in the mind of his Majesty intense gratification. On the 15th of August the King held a private levee at the Lodge in Phoenix Park, Dublin, at which the principal members of the Irish Government were presented. On the 17th was his public entry into the metropolis, when his progress to the Castle was a scene of devotion such as Dublin had never before exhibited. He re-embarked at Kingston on the 5th of September, but did not quit the Irish shore till three days later. After a stormy passage, he returned to English ground at Milford Haven on the 13th, and arrived at Carlton House on the 15th of the same month. Some particulars of this memorable visit hitherto unknown may be found in the following letters.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, Aug. 26, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

Not knowing in what part of the world a letter would find you, I have not written. I don't know whether you have heard any of the details from Ireland, but the conduct of the Irish is beyond all conception of loyalty and adulation, and I fear will serve to strengthen those feelings of self-will and personal authority which are at all times uppermost in The Mind. The passage to Dublin was occupied in eating goose-pie and drinking whiskey, in which his Majesty partook most abundantly, singing many joyous songs, and being in a state, on his arrival, to double in sight even the numbers of his gracious subjects assembled on the pier to receive him. The fact was, that they were in the last stage of intoxication. However, they got him to the Park. Lady C—— has been almost constantly at the Phoenix Park, but has not appeared much in public. He was greatly satisfied at the time with the conduct of Lord Liverpool, &c., on the death of the Queen, and it had reconciled him to them. Whether these sentiments will remain is more than I can say. I think her death a great gain to the Whigs; it relieves them from great embarrassment. The officers of the Guards have sent in to the Duke of York a remonstrance against the conduct of Sir Robert Wilson[70] on the day of the funeral. He has been called upon to give in his answer, which I understand he has done. I have no doubt, on the King's return, he will be dismissed the army, which he ought to be. His conduct was most atrocious, leading and directing the mob.

The King is determined to go to Hanover, and has engaged to be there on the 16th. If this holds good, which I have no doubt it will, nothing will take place till after his return from thence. He wrote to the Duchess of Gloucester from Dublin, full of joy and happiness and spirits. Not a soul in Ireland in mourning. The person most talked of to succeed Lord Hertford is Lord Wellesley. Lord Stewart does not return to Vienna.[71] Heber gains his election, which I am delighted at, for it was an attempt to shake the interest and strength of Lord Grenville in the University.

Ever, my dear Lord, most faithfully yours,

W. H. Fremantle.

P.S.—I hear the Whigs at present disclaim the conduct of Lushington.

[70] This officer took a prominent part in the disturbances created by the populace of London on the passage of the Queen's remains through the metropolis, to be embarked for the Continent.

[71] This is incorrect. His lordship subsequently succeeded his brother as Marquis of Londonderry, when he threw up his appointment as ambassador at the Court of Austria rather than serve under Mr. Canning.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Bagshot Park, Sept. 5, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I send you a few lines from hence, where I have been staying a few days. The Duke of G—— is full of the idea of changes in the Government, but is fully convinced it will not be to take in the Whigs. He thinks Lord Liverpool is to go, and Lord Londonderry to be at the head of the Government; and the latter, you may be assured, from all I have heard, has replaced himself in the King's good opinion, and has equal influence to what he has ever had. The Irish journey has done this. The Duke has not the least idea of the real state of things; but I find from him the Whigs are aware of some change before the meeting. I cannot at all guess whether the steps which were proposed are intended previous to the King's departure for Hanover. He will be in town to-morrow if the wind permits, or perhaps he may be delayed a few days. He proposed to leave town for Hanover the 16th or 17th. He appoints Lords Justices (not a Regency), to consist of all his Ministers, together with the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Steward and Master of the Horse, and the Lord Chamberlain. These are to do nothing but the common routine of business. Lord Londonderry accompanies the King abroad; and all correspondence is to be kept up through him, and no appointments of any sort to take place but such as absolutely demand immediate filling up. He goes to Vienna, and Paris, and Homburg, Munich, &c., &c.: such is his present intention. He cannot be back till the end of November or December, and I can hardly conceive it possible they will defer all changes till that time, when any new members of a Government must be so ignorant of measures just as the meeting of Parliament is about to take place. The Duke of Wellington will be back from Paris time enough to meet the King. I do not believe one word of Lord Liverpool's going out. He certainly has not done the thing well as to the funeral; but the great blame is in that booby, Sir R. Baker. Lady C—— has been living with the King at the Phoenix Park, and he has never slept out but at Slane Castle. The Royal yacht went to Holyhead to take her over to Dublin; the Admiralty yacht took the Princess Augusta to Ostend. The latter does not go to Hanover; it is said the former does. Lord Grosvenor loses upwards of 80,000l. by his agent More's failure. He has two vacancies for Shaftesbury, and brings in Mr. Ralph Leicester, of Toft, in Cheshire, and offers the other seat to Lord Normanby. I see Canning is waiting in England (having intended to return to France), which looks very like an immediate arrangement. I suppose you heard that a Board of General Officers is examining into the conduct of Sir Robert Wilson on the 14th. I think I told you this in my last.

The story abroad is, that they are trying to cook up a match for the King with a Princess of Tour and Taxis (I believe a sister of the Duchess of Cumberland), and a sister of the Princess Esterhazy. Metternich is at the bottom of it. Query, whether Lady C—— will oppose or promote a match? If her lord would go, other objects might occur to her; indeed, it is hinted that she is trying to push her daughter for the prize. The Duchess of G—— had a long letter from the King a few days ago, full of the highest spirits.

I think I have told you all I have picked up.

Ever most truly yours,

W. H. F.

MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Llangedwin, Sept. 9, 1821.

MY DEAR B——,

The enclosed letter came to-day from Wheatley. I send it you, though I certainly do not attach much credit to the virtuous refusal of the Whigs to come in under Lady Conyngham's auspices, forasmuch as I should rather believe that if the daughter of the Devil would engage to bring them in, they would even conform to the condition of admitting old Nicholas (not Vansittart) as their colleague and patron. The opinion of the breach between the King and his Ministers being past all mending, seems every day to gain ground, for I hear of it from different quarters. If the King goes to Hanover, it seems almost impossible that he should return in time to make any new arrangement before the meeting of Parliament.

My uncle has, I find, returned from Bowood, strongly impressed in his own mind with the wish of Lord Lansdowne, to form an Administration in conjunction with us, if he can effect it.

Certainly this is what I should individually prefer to any other arrangement, but it is impossible not to see the extreme difficulty which must arise in drawing a line between the less violent and more furious of the Opposition, since no man can say where that line should run, or who should be included in each division.

It hardly can be desirable that we should select that moment for connecting ourselves with those whom we have so long opposed, when they are on the point of being kicked out, when they have lost both the favour of the Crown and the confidence of the House of Commons. Yet that is the present appearance, and I think you will agree that our union with them could not of itself be sufficient to save them, unless Canning were also included, and unless we could see some reasonable probability of an arrangement of the Catholic question, which I am inclined to fear the King's visit to Ireland, by raising the hopes and the tone of the Irish Catholics, will place at a greater distance than ever. If the King has really made up his mind to part with his present Ministers, it is not unlikely that instead of taking upon himself the responsibility of turning them out, he may only negative any minor change, and so either drive them to resign, or instigate the House of Commons to turn them out in the first month of the next Session. The miscarriage of all the Irish Peerages must of course manifest still more publicly than before the bad understanding between master and servants. Pray send me word what you have heard on that subject, as well as on the general posture of things. Your host is lucky that the dispute did not arise on the English instead of the Irish Peerages.

Ever most affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, Sept. 16, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I went to town with the express object of seeing the Duke, but did not succeed; I called twice on him, but he was from home, and I did not think it was advisable to write to ask to see him, as it would have looked so very like impatience, and I am quite sure that until the King's arrival he would have been able to say nothing. I find the King arrived yesterday evening, but my full belief is, that nothing will be done till his return; I differ with you, however, completely in thinking that this fever of loyalty in Ireland will induce them to try to tide on; I am quite convinced the thing is impossible, the state of the public mind in this country is so agitated, the unpopularity of the King so great, the weakness of Government so apparent, and the general resistance to the reductions, both civil and military, so strongly demonstrated in the supporters of Government, that I am quite satisfied a change must take place, and I have quite altered my opinion with regard to his taking the Opposition. He may try Lord Lansdowne (which will fail), but my speculation is, that your friends and Canning will be and must be in office, previous to the opening of Parliament. You see by all the papers that Lord Talbot is to remain another year, and I think if it were not true, it would have been contradicted. The change I contemplate is—Canning, Home Secretary (Sidmouth retiring, who wants to do so), and you Admiralty, Melville the India Board, and B. Bathurst making way for Wynn. I consider the boutique of Sidmouth as going altogether; how it will be arranged I won't pretend to say, but this is the quarter that is to make the opening.

I never in my life heard of anything equal to the K——'s infatuation and conduct towards Lady C——. She lived exclusively with him during the whole time he was in Ireland at the Phoenix Park. When he went to Slane, she received him dressed out as for a drawing-room. He saluted her, and they then retired alone to her apartments. A yacht is left to bring her over, and she and the whole family go to Hanover. I hear the Irish are outrageously jealous of her, and though courting her to the greatest degree, are loud in their indignation at Lord C——. This is just like them. I agree in all you say about Ireland. As there is no chance of the boon being granted, no Lord Lieutenant could have a chance of ingratiating himself, or of fair justice done him, with the King's promises and flattery. I cannot see how he can be so long absent as his journey must necessarily make him. I have heard it thus calculated:—Supposing he sets off the 24th or 26th; a fortnight to Hanover, as he goes through the Low Countries and visits the King of the Netherlands; this would make it the 10th October. A month there, 10th November. A fortnight's journey and stay at Vienna, 24th November. A fortnight more from Vienna to Hamburg, Wurtemberg, and to Paris, 10th December. Four days at Paris, about the 15th or 16th December return. And all this with the present state of the country. I do not think it possible for him to be allowed to do it. I have not touched upon expense, for although it is said Hanover is to pay for his stay there, the presents and remainder of the journey must be paid by England.

Whatever I hear, you shall have forwarded to you as quickly as I can. I shall direct always to Pall Mall. I think of going to Brighton for some warm baths next week.

Ever most truly yours,

W. H. F.

P.S.—I hear Lord Lauderdale is seriously ill.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, Sept. 21, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

The arrangements for the foreign tour are all changed since the King's return from Ireland. Vienna, Hamburg, Wurtemberg, and Paris are given up, and he goes only to Hanover, sails from Ramsgate to Ostend, visits the King of the Netherlands, and passes on immediately. His promises are that he will return in six weeks; and there has been a great exertion to induce him to give up the foreign tour altogether, but this could not be carried.

No appointments whatever have been made—not the Chamberlainship—and you see his name omitted in the Lords Justices. With regard to these appointments and changes, I am thoroughly convinced they will take place before the meeting, but I really think on every account it would be unwise, and too much beneath your dignity, and indeed injurious to your objects, was I to see the D—— of W——, to know more upon it at present. It would place him, perhaps, in a very awkward predicament, and after his solemn assurances and written communications to you personally and through me, he must write to you or send to me should the arrangements be relinquished.

Be assured the state of the public mind is such that they cannot attempt to tide over another session. The King in his journey home overtook Lord and Lady Harcourt (now the bosom friends of Lady C——), stopped them, got out of his carriage, and sat with them for a quarter of an hour in the public road, recounting all his perilous adventures at sea and flattering reception in Ireland. Lady Harcourt told me his pious acknowledgment for his great escape of being shipwrecked was quite edifying, and the very great change in his moral habits and religious feelings was quite astonishing, and all owing to Lady C——.

The Duchess of Gloucester went to see him yesterday. He was in particular good health and spirits, but not so much enraptured with Ireland as she expected to see him. I believe he is a little alarmed at the advances and favour he has shown to the Catholics. Lord Londonderry is in the highest possible favour, which certainly don't look like the Whigs coming in, although many circumstances give reason to think Lord Liverpool will go, which, however, I shall never believe till I see. It was not intended to have named the Duke of York in the Lords Justices, but for some reason which I can't tell you, his name was inserted. They are to execute nothing but absolute necessary measures, and to fill up no appointments without communication with the King. Lord Londonderry accompanies him to Hanover—all the family of the C——s also, which the Duchess of Cambridge does not very much relish. I shall leave this place on Saturday; therefore, if you write to me, direct to Stanhope Street. I think of being at Brighton about Tuesday or Wednesday.

Ever truly yours,

W. H. F.

The particulars, as I understand, of Sir Robert Wilson, are what is stated in the papers; but they have the additional proof of his having paid individuals for breaking up the road and intercepting the hearse; I believe he has not even a feather to stand upon, the facts are so strong against him. The King is to go to Waterloo, Sir Andrew Barnard, Lord Francis Conyngham, Sir William Knighton, and Sir B. Bloomfield are all that are at present appointed to accompany him.

Adieu, my dear Lord,

Ever sincerely yours,

W. H. F.

The King quitted England to visit Hanover, embarking from Ramsgate, and disembarking at Calais, whence the royal party proceeded by way of Lisle to Brussels; then, attended by Prince Frederick of Holland, the Duke of Wellington, and Lord Clancarty, he rode to the field of Waterloo. It was a locality full of the deepest interest to the King, increased by his Majesty having for his cicerone the victor who had made it so celebrated. The weather was bad, but it did not in the least damp his Majesty's ardour, or make him abate his curiosity. He went "into the little church of the village, examined all the tablets of inscriptions upon the walls, then visited the willow-tree under which was buried the shattered limb of Lord Anglesea, and seemed greatly impressed with all around him." Nothing escaped him, he carefully examined every position, and did not leave the field till he was master of all the details of the battle.

The party then proceeded to Namur, thence to Aix-la-Chapelle, which they reached on the 2nd of October, and entered the dominions of the King of Prussia on the 4th; the royal suite consisting of forty horses, besides the escort. Though the King's reception by the Prussians was very satisfactory, no time was lost in getting into his own territories, which he reached on the 6th, resting at the palace of Osnabruck.

An incident occurred during the King's sojourn in his German dominions which has thus been recorded. "Early in the morning a poor woman, with a countenance apparently much worn with sorrow, on her knees presented a paper to the King's Hanoverian Chamberlain, which was rejected. I saw this from the saloon, from which I was looking down on the many thousand persons assembled in the court-yard, and I observed the expression of despair which followed. I hastened down, fearing to lose sight of her, got her petition, and presented it to the King. It craved his mercy for her husband, who was doomed to five years' hard labour in a fortress. She was the mother of eight little children, and, it need not be added, in great poverty and want. The crime was of a nature to be pardoned, and this was done by the King, with his pen, instantly, for here his authority is absolute. We had the poor woman in the saloon, and you may imagine the rest."[72]

[72] Knighton's "Memoirs," p. 106.

The visit excited a great deal of Hanoverian enthusiasm, the whole population of Osnabruck coming out to greet their King, and all the streets through which the royal cavalcade passed were strewed with flowers and evergreens. "Every village, too," adds the same authority, "had triumphal arches erected, with appropriate inscriptions, all bearing evident marks of real religion."[73] The pastor in his robes is described as standing by the whole parish on either side, and the women carrying their Bibles under their arms.

[73] Ibid., p. 107.

The King's reception at Hanover was equally gratifying. His Majesty made his entry on horseback, and the occasion produced a grand spectacle. His Majesty held a levee and a drawing-room in the capital, which was brilliantly attended; and everything was proceeding in the most gratifying way, when a severe fit of the gout, brought on by spraining his knee when getting on horseback, put a stop to all festivities. This occurred about the middle of October, and he did not commence his return till the end of the month, when the same enthusiastic spirit accompanied his progress. "Every town and village was crowded. The sacred emblem of the arch, with flowers and branches of trees, with happy devices, prevailed everywhere. The peasantry all well dressed." Subsequently, a curious incident occurred. "Some hundreds of miners from the mountains came to serenade their king. They are a particular race of Saxon origin, and for centuries have preserved their customs, language, and manners. Their countenance is interesting; I saw five or six in a room. They have a resigned silent melancholy, arising, I believe, from being so much underground; they are very religious. They sang with a band of music, two of the most beautiful hymns I ever heard. These miners had walked thirty miles for the purpose of paying their devotion to their sovereign."[74]

[74] Knighton's "Memoirs," p. 114.

A tournament was got up for his entertainment at Goettingen, which is described as having been beautiful and magnificent. At this famous university an address was presented by the authorities, that affected the King to tears. He had felt warmly the loyal affection his continental subjects had so earnestly displayed; and of the visits he had paid to different portions of his dominions, he appears to have enjoyed this the most thoroughly. His return journey was rendered gratifying by the fine weather with which it was accompanied, and the beautiful scenery through which he passed. Everything seemed to favour him, and he reached England without being sensibly affected by the fatigue, and with his general health very much improved.

The impression his Majesty made was not always favourable. "I cannot help suspecting," observes an intelligent cotemporary "that his Majesty's late journeys to see his kingdoms of Ireland and Hanover will not on the whole redound much to his honour or advantage. His manners no doubt are, when he pleases, very graceful and captivating. No man knows better how to add to an obligation by the way of conferring it. But on the whole he wants dignity, not only in the seclusion and familiarity of his more private life, but on public occasions. The secret of popularity in very high stations seems to consist in a somewhat reserved and lofty, but courteous and uniform behaviour. Drinking toasts, shaking people by the hand, and calling them Jack and Tom, gets more applause at the moment, but fails entirely in the long run. He seems to have behaved not like a sovereign coming in pomp and state to visit a part of his dominions, but like a popular candidate come down upon an electioneering trip. If the day before he left Ireland he had stood for Dublin, he would, I dare say, have turned out Shaw or Grattan. Henry IV. is a dangerous example for sovereigns that are not, like him, splendid chevaliers and consummate captains. Louis XIV., who was never seen but in a full-bottomed wig, even by his valet-de-chambre, is a much safer model."[75]

[75] Lord Dudley's "Letters," p. 295.

The rumours of changes in the Government had taken every possible shape; but, like the long-talked of negotiation to include the Grenvilles, though often imminent, had never been accomplished. The probable reason of this may be traced to the King's varying disposition—possibly to his insincerity. It appears that two arrangements were going on at the same time, totally opposite in their intentions; one, a coalition of the Marquis of Buckingham and his friends, was negotiated by the Duke of Wellington, with the express authority of the King; the other, the introduction of a Whig Ministry, with the Marquis of Lansdowne at their head, was evidently brought forward under less creditable auspices, but could scarcely have gone on without the King's cognizance. We are much afraid that it was but a repetition of the old "Comedy of Errors," performed during the Regency, where the principal character trifled with both parties, till he had made more advantageous terms with the servants in his employ. The comedy, however, still proceeded, for the last act had yet to be played out.

MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Llangedwin, Oct. 4, 1821.

I am very much obliged to you, my dear B——, for your letter. I scarcely know what to wish as the final result of the arrangement. If I had entirely my own way, I should desire that Lord Londonderry should unite the offices of First Lord of the Treasury and Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Lord Liverpool take some other office; but this is not to be hoped for, and the question resolves itself into that whether the increased strength which the Government would derive from placing its chief in the House of Commons, would counterbalance the general loss of character and influence which would result from the retirement of Lord Liverpool. On the whole, I am disposed to think it would; added to which is the advantage which would result from the whole strength, if not the whole of the Cabinet, being unanimous on the Catholic question. You are perfectly right, in my opinion, in determining not to go to Ireland unless you can carry concession to the Catholics with you. It is true that the King's language to them is perfectly undecisive, and cannot be construed into anything like a pledge or assurance of support, but still the complexion of his general conduct has been such as to convey, not to them only, an impression of his favourable disposition, and unless he makes some marked demonstration the other way, I am convinced you will perceive the effect in the next divisions in both Houses. Many hold the language of disapprobation of concession, but at the same time express the opinion that it must be carried, and if so, the sooner the better. These will never support the measure, but will be well disposed to stay away.

Lady C—— seems to hazard a good deal in letting her husband and two sons perform the parts of deputy guardian angels while she remains behind, especially if Lord Londonderry be in favour again, since he may contrive to bring some rival charmer in view.

I quite agree with you that there is no difference of principle which opposes our union with Lord Londonderry. The whole resolves itself into a question of expediency. Is there a prospect of his being able to form with us an administration strong enough to carry on the public business advantageously and creditably? And this we have not the means of answering till we know more fully what the plan and what the further intentions are. If there appeared any reasonable chance of our carrying the Catholic question, I should myself feel that a paramount motive to accede to the Government, even if I were certain that the King's aversion to the individual Ministers joined to the general feebleness of the administration, were sure to break it up the next day after that object had been effected.

Vansittart's retirement from the Exchequer is indispensable, and if Castlereagh does not himself take the office, Huskisson is the only candidate for it whom I should think likely. Canning would be objected to by Lord L——, and Robinson is wholly unequal.

All this, however, is premature, and till we have more data to reason upon, a mere useless consumption of ink and paper.

Meanwhile, the state of Ireland seems to show that the blessed conciliation effected by H. M.'s visit is confined to those districts which have been illuminated by his countenance, and doubts may be entertained whether the reduction of the army may not have proceeded somewhat too far. It is not likely that as the nights lengthen they will become more tranquil.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Welshpool, Oct. 12, 1821.

MY DEAR B——,

Henry's beau frere, Bob Smith, came down to Llanvorda last week with the story of a violent quarrel about the appointment of Lord Conyngham to be Master of the Horse, which the K——, when last in town, insisted on. That Ministers positively refused, and on the Sunday night tendered their resignations. That the K—— would not give a final answer, but postponed his decision till after his return, and so set out with Lord C—— in his carriage and his two sons in his suite. He also, I understand, told Henry that Canning had refused office unless we were included, which piece of intelligence makes me incredulous as to the rest, though most positively asserted, since from what you have told me, the persons in the latter story ought to be nearly reversed.

The Opposition seem to think the result to be that the ball is at Lord Lansdowne's feet, which may be true, and yet he unable to take it up.

There was a grand Whig dinner at Chester on Tuesday, and by calling in Wales, Lancashire, Staffordshire, and Shropshire, they mustered a hundred.

Ever most affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Brighton, Oct. 12, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

Since I have been here I have seen a great deal of Sir Mathew Tierney, who accompanied the King to Ireland, and who is of course pompous of his station, and glad to communicate all he knows. I am quite astonished to hear the language he holds, so highly favourable to the Catholics, and he does not scruple to say that their demands must be granted; that it is injustice to the King that they should be withheld; that they are the most loyal and attached subjects he has; and the manner in which they behaved to the King, and he to them, rendered it necessary for the Government to bring forward the measure. Now, as I am convinced he would not hold this language if it were not the one he hears, I leave you to judge of what may be the result of it. I hear, also, from Lady Gwydyr, who is here, that this is the style of Lady Conyngham's language.

The yachts are ordered to be off Calais the beginning of next month, and the King is under engagement to be back by the 9th. I am pretty sure this is true. He goes nowhere; but has written to his sisters, &c., to meet him at Hanover; and Mrs. Fremantle had a letter from the Landgravine of Hesse Homburg, saying she should be there as to-day.

Ever, my dear Lord, most truly yours,

W. H. F.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, Oct. 24, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I am just returned here after paying a visit for a day or two to Lord Arran, at Bognor. I did not answer your last because I had nothing to tell you; and now I have only to say, that Lady G. Monk, who is mother to Charles Paget's wife, told me he had orders to be at Calais to receive the King on board on the 4th, and up to this day he has received no counter order; so that, in my opinion, the King will not remain beyond the time he had promised to return. But I see by the papers he has got a touch of the gout: one can never say to what extent this may go, or whether it is really gout.

While I was at Brighton, or rather the last day I was there, which was Saturday, I met Croker, with whom I had a good deal of conversation. He said the thing could not go on as it is; "that all parties were agreed upon that;" and so soon as the King came back, it must be brought to a decision, either for him to strengthen his Government by the admission of your party and Canning, or to change his Government altogether. These were his words. He also said that Ireland was going to the devil, in consequence of Grant's indolence. I said, "Surely he is a Catholic, and that suits our views." His answer was, "Yes, that's true; but he thinks of nothing but devotion; he is a saint, and can and will do no business whatever. The government of Ireland must be changed, or the country will go to the devil." This, I think, corresponds something with Sir M. Tierney's language, but it shows, from such a man as Croker, that the Government is dissatisfied with the state of affairs there, and the suspension of all the Irish Peerage promotions confirms this. I believe every part of your history about the King's intention about the Mastership of the Horse. From a variety of causes I think it is correct; but I believe, at the same time, that a powerful interest is making abroad to lead him to encourage a wife. How far this will be successful must be seen; the attack of the gout is against it.

Ever, my dear Lord, most truly yours,

W. H. F.

RIGHT HON. THOMAS GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Cleveland Square, Oct. 26, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD B——,

My brother came up to town for a day of Exchequer business. He told me that he sees (by a letter of invitation to belong to a new club) that T—— is one of the committee.

I have also received a similar letter of invitation, but neither of us has sent an answer. In conversing together yesterday upon this subject, it occurred to us that if you and your son took some lead in the forming such a new club, and endeavoured to get your friends to belong to it, it might be made, perhaps, a source of some advantage as well as convenience to you. It would not be at all necessary that any exclusive rule should be adopted in the election of the new members; all that would be desirable would be that the leading persons in it should not be those of Brooks's or of White's, and that it should be seen as a sort of neutral ground, in which the violent party leaders on both sides would not be found to predominate. If Lewis and Plunket, and Charles Williams and Fremantle, and some others, would belong to it; and if you and T——, upon consideration, should think the thing practicable and desirable, and would set about it in earnest, perhaps such a shape might be given to it as would appear to you to be worth your while to pursue. At all events, I thought it best to make the suggestion to you. I am too old to go much to clubs, and belong now only to the Literary Club; but if T—— and you think there is any advantage in having my name as belonging to it, pray tell T—— that he is authorised, if he wishes it, to give in my name as a subscriber. Lord G—— told me he would write to you to offer his name likewise, if it strikes you that the object I allude to is worth pursuing, and if our names are likely to be of any use to you for the purposes above mentioned. Town is thin; few people, and less news; but an increasing report among Sidmouth's friends that he is in too bad health to continue, and that he must resign.

The Radicals, as you see, are all trying to make out a mob case for Sir R. Wilson, but the army, I am told, is well pleased at his dismissal.

Ireland is, from the account of a very intelligent friend of mine, in a worse state than ever; and unless vigorous measures are soon adopted there, no authority will remain in the country.

Yours affectionately,

T. G.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dropmore, Oct. 29, 1821.

My brother is not here, but I have sent him your letter. It is not easy to advise you on a matter so much depending on feelings into which you alone can thoroughly enter. But, as a mere question of interest and convenience, I should think, on your statement, that delay was advisable.

I got, some time since, a circular notice of a new club, and a proposal to include my name amongst its members. I disregarded it, as I have long done all such offers, having as long ago as when I married, discontinued all attendance on clubs.

But I had another letter some days since, by which I see that T——'s name is on the committee, and this has revived a notion which I had at first, of suggesting to you the very great political advantage which you and Charles might derive from the formation of some new establishment of this sort, which might relieve those who, with you, might hold a middle course, from the necessity of a society in either of the extremes of Brooks's or White's.

I well remember the very great advantage that Pitt derived from Goosetree's, previously to the time when we took possession of White's. If you like any notion of that sort, and think you can make anything of it, or if it would in any way be at all gratifying to T——, I will most willingly send in my name; if not, I shall decline as before. Pray, therefore, let me know what you wish.

RIGHT HON. THOMAS GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Cleveland Square, Nov. 3, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD B——,

I received last night, with a letter from Dr. O'Connor, the "Mysterious Mother," and I have this morning ordered Coutts to transfer to your account there 5l., which is the price that you have been so good as to pay. There is a general stagnation of all news, though London begins to have a sprinkling of visitors. It is supposed that Lord Liverpool put a final stop to the Paris visit by declaring that no drafts could be answered except for the direct return home; if the 29th has been again changed for the departure, it is probable that it is occasioned only by gout.

I agree with you that there is no possibility of preventing the Opposition from making motions about Sir R—— W—— (as they did in Lord Cobham's case); but the apprehension which I feel is, that Government will not answer as they ought by claiming and asserting the prerogative, but by evidence of facts, &c. &c., and if they do they will, in my opinion, do an unconquerable evil. A very intelligent field-officer the other day said very truly, in speaking of the subscribers, "what are all these brown coats about? if it is a grievance, it is a grievance to the army, and I verily believe that there is not a single officer in it who is disposed to make any other complaint than that the Commander-in-Chief ought to have dismissed him three years ago." The subscription has utterly failed, no names being procurable except the Opposition party names that you have seen.

Yours most affectionately,

T. G.

MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Llangedwin, Nov. 5, 1821.

MY DEAR B——,

Another week will, I suppose, bring the King back, and with him intelligence of more interest. Lord Grey and his friends appear to be most kindly exerting themselves to the utmost to defeat Lord C——'s efforts in their favour. It looks as if there was a schism in Opposition on the subject of this subscription, and I am told that several of them hold strong language against it. Government have, I think, fallen into the same mistake which they did in the Manchester business, of keeping back their justification, while they allow their adversaries to preoccupy the ground in public opinion. I know enough of the folly and mischievous disposition of W——, to give them full credit for the sufficiency of their reasons; but in the present temper of the country, and in the absence of all confidence in the Administration, I do not conceive it wise to have acted on those reasons, unless they could be publicly and explicitly, though not perhaps officially, avowed. All that is known is that it has reference to the Queen's funeral, but whether it be for the improper language said to be addressed to the officer on duty, or for planning and organizing or encouraging the riot, we at a distance do not know. Among the names of the wise men who have subscribed on this occasion, I am most surprised to see that of my old friend the Duke of Somerset: first, because I thought he had computed too often the number of pence, half-pence, and farthings in a hundred pounds to give so much away on any occasion; and secondly, because, if a liberal fit did come across him, I thought he had more sense and moderation than to let his name appear on this. I am very glad not to see N——'s on the list. Have you yet heard the reason of the frost which blighted the Irish Peerages in their bud. Phillimore writes me word that Lord Grenville is very anxious that the Catholic question should be brought forward as early as possible in the next session. While Lord Liverpool and Lord Eldon retain their present offices, I feel convinced that nothing but the active influence of the King (which I think is not likely to be so exerted) can carry the Bill through the Lords, and unless some favourable circumstances should seem to open fresh hopes of their passing it, we shall, I am sure, have great difficulty in procuring the attendance of its friends in the Commons, many of whom feel that they support it at the imminent hazard of their seats, and will highly disapprove of its being so soon agitated again without an increased chance of final success.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, Nov. 6, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

You may depend upon it there is no truth whatever in the supposed difference between the chief and his love. I know it has been said, but the attachment is as strong as ever, and the influence as great. He is expected in the course of a few days, and I have no doubt still that the arrangement will take place soon, and that he will not have courage to change his Government. He is to come to the Cottage here for a few days, and it is said is then to go to Brighton. Lord St. Helens is now passing a few days with me, and his language is, the necessity of strengthening the Government, and the impossibility of changing it, and if one could believe him, the impossibility of the latter. I see, however, Lord Lansdowne is just arrived from Paris, and none of his friends or anything but the actual Mountains have subscribed to Wilson.

What a horrid circumstance the death of Lady Elz. Stanhope: she was walking in the garden with Mrs. Arthur Stanhope, and dropped down—never spoke afterwards. They were going the next day to Fawsley.

Ever most truly yours,

W. H. FREMANTLE.



CHAPTER VI.

[1821.]

THE GOVERNMENT. RUMOURED CHANGES. PROPOSALS. MR. CANNING. NEGOTIATIONS COMMENCED BY THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON FOR THE JUNCTION OF THE GRENVILLES WITH THE MINISTRY. REPORT OF CONVERSATION WITH LORD LIVERPOOL ON THE SUBJECT. PROPOSAL OF THE GOVERNMENT TO RAISE LORD BUCKINGHAM TO A DUKE. MARQUIS WELLESLEY AS LORD LIEUTENANT OF IRELAND. HIS OPINIONS ON THE CATHOLIC QUESTION. MR. W. C. PLUNKET ON IRISH AFFAIRS. LORD GRENVILLE ON THE PROPOSED ARRANGEMENTS. NEGOTIATIONS RESPECTING THE CATHOLIC QUESTION. THE MARQUIS OF HASTINGS.



CHAPTER VI.

The King returned from his Continental dominions about the middle of November. On the 16th his Majesty held a Court at Carlton Palace, to receive addresses from the Lord Mayor of London, the Court of Aldermen, and the Common Council. With his return recommenced the usual round of rumours affecting the stability of the Government; but, although there is no doubt it might have claimed the merit of being the best abused one in the world, the principal members of it, at least, held a perfectly secure position. Their conduct, particularly with respect to Sir Robert Wilson, excited Mr. Grenville's severe animadversions.

RIGHT HON. THOS. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Cleveland Square, Nov. 7, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD B——,

Your appropriation of the 5l. to the purchase of Strutt's "Engravers" was too late, as I had already paid the money to your account at Coutts's; moreover, that book can only be had by the chance of some sale, and I believe is worth about eight guineas when it is a tolerable good copy; mine, which is large paper, and therefore most commodious for illustrating, cost me sixteen guineas. I see you suppose me to carry my objections to the apologetic language of the Courier to a greater extent than is in my contemplation. Undoubtedly, the abstract right of Parliament to call upon Ministers as responsible for their advice in the exercise of the Royal prerogative, cannot be denied; but the more or less apologetic tone taken by them upon such questions is often of the highest importance. Their wretched fears for themselves—their unworthy submission to insult and indignity of every kind put upon them by the highest as well as the lowest—their abandonment of all that is due to the dignity and authority of the Executive Government, provided they are allowed to continue in the offices of it; all these circumstances have so lowered and degraded the Executive power that it would be difficult, even for a new administration of the most vigorous character, to restore all that is lost; and instead of any present effort to recover it, every day is a day of some new disgrace and indignity, and every topic of debate where Ministers should hold a high tone, and challenge the responsibility of their situations as advisers of the Crown, exhibits them crouching under the feet of the Radicals, and shrinking from the eminence on which they are placed, in the mean endeavour of interposing the authority of Parliament to shelter them from dangers which it is incumbent upon them to meet manfully; and this question of Sir R. W——, if timidly and apologetically met by them as it will be, may prove to be of the most dangerous importance, if it shall teach the officers and the privates of the army to look up to Sir F. B—— and to Sir R. W——, instead of looking up to the military authorities by which the army of a limited monarchy must be governed.

No news of the K—— had arrived yesterday of later date than the 24th, and therefore all sort of reports were circulated of illness of every description, &c. &c.; but I have no reason to believe these reports have any foundation, as I have seen three or four persons who must, I think, have been informed if there had been any foundation for these strange rumours.

MR. HENRY W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Llanwnda, Nov. 11, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD B——,

I take joy on the King's safe return, and I trust that he will now give himself time to settle something respecting his Administration. If report be true, he was not in the best of humours when he started from Hanover, and this is not likely to have been improved by German schwagers and roads, unless, indeed, he spent the whole of it on his cousin of Hesse Cassel. I fear that there was not time for his Majesty to find a German countess with more patient ears and sounder form than the Marchioness, and till then I cannot conceive that her influence is on the decline, particularly as no quarrel or coldness is likely to have taken place by letter. Her folly and rapacity will sooner or later have their effect.

If Ministers are sincere in their professions to you, they cannot allow any further delay on the part of the King, and a fortnight will show what his determination is.

Ever yours, most affectionately,

H. W. W.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, Nov. 16, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I must preach patience to you, and be assured it is no indisposition to you, or intentional affront or slight, that the thing rests at present as it is. I know that they cannot yet bring the King to any determination, and they are yet firmly resolved to adhere to their decision of resisting the nomination of Lord Conyngham, and of strengthening their Government. You must give them credit for doing the thing eventually, but they are obliged to judge the best manner. He will resist to the last moment, but I am fully persuaded he will and must ultimately give way. You have no right to feel indignant as long as you are not exclusively neglected; and my own opinion is, that Canning will not be recommended without you and your friends. I see he is in town, and sees Lord Liverpool constantly.

The Verulams are here, and have been so some days. Her [Lady V——] language is, that Lord Liverpool will not remain in office if Lord Conyngham is appointed Chamberlain, or if his other arrangements are resisted; and she is loud in her abuse of the King's flirtations with the Opposition.

He is come back disgusted with Germany; but the insults are all denied. He was bored to death at Hanover, and his pretended gout was a bore and a wish to get rid of his subjects. The Verulams are come from Lord Maryborough's, and their language is also his. Again I say that things look just the same towards you as they ever did, and you have the game in your hands. If the Government are foolish enough to try and tide through another session, I perfectly agree with you that your line should be to form a junction with Canning, who will no doubt then feel as indignant as you will do.

The King has seen Lord Wellesley, and I have no doubt is trying to hatch up something through him, but it is quite impossible he can belong to the present Cabinet, and I therefore judge he is looking to a household employment; and there could be no objection to such an arrangement. But this is not the point; the point of the Government is the increase to their strength, and Lady Verulam told me (not knowing that I had heard the same thing from the Duke of W——) that Lord Liverpool, the Duke of Wellington, and Lord Londonderry were united and decided on this, and would not meet the Parliament without it. All this, you see, confirms our histories. If, after all, they surrender, one can only say what shabby fellows they are.

As to the Opposition coming in, I don't believe the King will attempt it. Lord Lansdowne is gone out of town; Lord Londonderry is still in favour. The King does not come here, but goes to Brighton. I shall go to town for a day, and whatever I pick up you shall hear; but I earnestly recommend you not to push the thing, or to move one step, or to show your offence, but suffer the whole thing to proceed from themselves, and see the result. You will then stand on much better ground, and have the strongest complaint against the conduct of the Duke of Wellington.

Believe me, ever yours,

W. H. F.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Gorhambury, Nov. 21, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I am just arrived here, and only write three lines to say that the Verulams and all in the House speak of the change of the situations of Ministers as a thing decided, though not yet distinctly known. Canning certainly goes to the Admiralty, as is said, and Melville and Sidmouth move—but how or when is differently stated. You are to be offered Ireland, and I take it for granted, C. Wynn your secretary. They are outrageous with Grant for keeping them in ignorance with regard to the state of Ireland. He has been all along saying he wanted no troops, and now he is calling for them at all risks. Lord Sidmouth has positively refused to let a battalion of Guards go, saying he cannot spare another man. For some reason, which I suppose refers to Liverpool politics, Canning's appointment is not instantly brought forward. My wife saw the Duchess of Gloucester yesterday, who told her she had seen the King, who was never in better spirits or health; that he told her he had had an explanation with his Ministers, that all was now arranged, and he was more happy and comfortable than he had been for some time. Lord Cholmondeley has resigned, and Lord Conyngham is Lord Steward; Lord Rocksavage to be called up to the House of Lords.

I have only written the on dit which I collect here. Lady Verulam saw her brother, Lord Liverpool, in town on Saturday last, who, she says, was in excellent spirits, and appeared to be much more at his ease and satisfied with the K—— than he had before been, I have no doubt but that the arrangements are settled, and I have none also that you will be sent to. I only hope you will not be fastidious. My principle is to take situation, and my advice would be, to accept Ireland if offered. Be assured it must lead to all you can desire.

If you are not at the Admiralty, remember I would not wish to go there; nothing but acting with you would induce me;—otherwise, either the Treasury or India Board.

W. H. F.

MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

I have postponed from day to day, my dear B——, thanking you for your letter, in the expectation of hearing from you again something more decisive. From this not being the case, I conclude that you have heard nothing more than common reports, and that the King and his Ministers have left town, again postponing any arrangement till January, just as at the opening of last session till Easter, at Easter till the recess, at the recess till the return from Ireland, and then till the return from Hanover. The feebleness and vacillation they continue to show is at least a consolation to those who have not been called upon to embark in the same boat with them. But how can it be possible for that boat, as at present manned, I will not say to weather any breeze, but to swim through the smoothest water? You have seen last year the indisposition of the House to support Vansittart even in the common business of his office, and it cannot be expected that this will be diminished after it is publicly known that they have failed in making any arrangement to strengthen themselves, owing to the want of the King's confidence and support. For myself, if they attempt to go on thus, I decidedly wish their fall, as I do not apprehend any calamity from a Whig administration equal to that of the House of Commons taking into its own hands the executive administration of the country. To this we are every day making rapid progress, and I fear that if we go much further, our return to the practice of the English Constitution will be impracticable, and convulsion ultimately the inevitable consequence. Till Ministers shall again guide, instead of following the House of Commons, I have no hope.

The last report I hear is that the dispute about Canning is to be compromised by his being appointed to succeed Lord Hastings; and I feel little doubt that this would completely satisfy him, though it could only strengthen Ministers inasmuch as it delivers them from the dread of his turning against them. I should regret anything which takes him from the House of Commons, for though I have no respect for his character, yet he is of great use to check Burdett, Hobhouse, Lambton, &c. &c.

If Ministers admit of Lord Conyngham's appointment to be Lord Steward, it seems as complete a victory to the King as if he were at once made Chamberlain, and will produce a lasting disgust in all the quiet and decent from one end of the country to the other, who have hitherto been the chief supports of Administration. Lord Cholmondeley's promise of the next blue ribbon is not worth much, since he is just as likely to drop as any one of your noble brotherhood.

If one is to believe the newspapers, Lord Londonderry is to go into Norfolk on a shooting-party before Henry could reach town from Askrig. At all events, I have little hope that he will not put him off with the same sort of postponements as he has hitherto used. I quite agree with you that they at present consider us as hackney-coaches bound to remain on the stand whatever the weather may be, till they shall make up their minds to call us; and I hope that you will be disposed to reject any continuation of similar communication to that which they have already made to you, unless it is accompanied with a direct and intelligible proposal.

As things are, I feel no temptation to quit the comforts of my own fireside. When we know the time and complexion of the meeting of Parliament, it may be advisable to discuss further what will then be to be done.

Adieu.

Ever most affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

Several intimations have been given in Mr. Fremantle's letters, of a negotiation on the part of the Ministers for an increase of strength; the following letter brings this more tangibly before the reader, and shows something like earnestness in the intention.

THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON TO MR. W. H. FREMANTLE.

Teddesley, Nov. 21, 1821.

MY DEAR FREMANTLE,

The period is now arrived at which Lord Liverpool thinks he can make his arrangements for strengthening his Government, and according to what I stated to Lord Buckingham by his desire last summer, he is very desirous of communicating with him. I don't know where Lord Buckingham is at present; and I think that you had better come to town if not inconvenient to you, and see Lord Liverpool, who wishes to speak to you.

I shall be in town myself on Tuesday evening.

Ever yours most sincerely,

WELLINGTON.

The long pending arrangement of the junction of Lord Buckingham and his friends with Ministers, was now drawing to a close; a sense of its necessity induced Lord Liverpool to renew the negociation, and Mr. W. H. Fremantle was invited by the Premier to a discussion with him on the subject. The result of the interview is given by him in the following report, and the effect of the official arrangements proposed, will appear in the correspondence which it precedes.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE'S REPORT OF CONVERSATION WITH LORD LIVERPOOL.

He begun by saying, that the situation of the Government at the end of the last session was such that he did not know how far its stability could be depended upon; that a variety of untoward circumstances had arisen which made their situation precarious, and under these impressions he did not feel himself authorized or justified in proposing a connexion with the Government to any person or party at that time. The case was now altered, for he had to say that there was no doubt or question as to the continuance of the Government, and as to the complete confidence and support of the King, and therefore he wished to make known to me, for the information of Lord Buckingham and his friends, what steps the Government were enabled to take with a view of forming a connexion with them.

The great and material point to which the Government looked was strength in the House of Commons, and therefore whatever changes would take place in the Cabinet were to be grounded on this consideration alone. The vacancies that would take place in the Cabinet arose from the retirement of Lord Sidmouth, and by the opening of the Presidentship of the Board of Control. It was intended, in the event of Lord Hastings' return from India, that Mr. Canning should succeed him, but not belong to the Cabinet previous thereto. That Mr. Peel should hold a very prominent situation (which I took for granted meant Lord Sidmouth's office), and that the Board of Control or the Secretaryship of War, with a seat in the Cabinet, could be offered to Mr. Charles Wynn; that knowing Lord Buckingham's and Lord Grenville's anxious wishes for Mr. Henry Wynn, the appointment to Switzerland was now open to him, and a seat at one of the principal Boards for any friend whom Lord Buckingham might recommend. That it was right to advert to the situation of Ireland, and I must be aware of the confidential communication he had had with Mr. Plunket when he was last in England; that since that time the King had satisfied himself that measures might be pursued which would keep the Catholic question in a state in which neither of the contending parties would preponderate, and that in this spirit of conciliation he had communicated lately with Mr. Plunket, and had reason to think he was satisfied with the views of Government on this subject, and would be disposed to accede to an arrangement which was now in progress for making him Attorney-General of Ireland, retaining his seat in Parliament, and taking an active part in the House of Commons. That in his communications with the King, knowing what had been the object of the late Marquis of Buckingham and of the present, and also the conditional engagement which had been made by the late King of a Dukedom in case any Duke were created, the King had authorized him to tell Lord Buckingham, that although he had not meant to grant that dignity, and did not now mean to create any other person, he was willing to grant the dignity to Lord Buckingham on the present occasion. These were the principal points and engagements held out by Lord Liverpool. In the course of stating them he added a variety of observations, which chiefly rested on the difficulties of an arrangement, but always adverting to his wish to meet the objects of Lord Grenville and Lord Buckingham by bringing forward Mr. Charles Wynn.

Without entering into the state of the country, or of the Government, or the difficulties of the House of Commons, I said I feared such an arrangement would not be satisfactory to Lord Buckingham; that I knew his object was office; that whatever might be his feelings with regard to a Dukedom, I was quite satisfied he would not connect himself with a Government unless he formed a part of it; that his habits were those of active employment, and by accepting a Dukedom he was placed on the shelf; and therefore, though I should feel it my duty to convey the offer, I thought it right to tell Lord Liverpool what I considered would be the result—namely, that it would not lead to a connexion with the Grenville party. That I thought Lord Buckingham's talents were such as would essentially serve a Government in times like the present, even if his rank, and station, and influence, were out of the question; but without entering into a discussion on these points, I was only expressing my own opinion, but it would be for Lord Liverpool to receive from Lord Buckingham his answer. To these observations, which were short, Lord Liverpool only dwelt on his high opinion of Lord Buckingham, and in the course of further discussion I said that the Admiralty or Ireland were situations suitable to the dignity and to the pretensions of Lord Buckingham. He observed that Lord Talbot had nearly served his time in Ireland; he had been there near four years, but at the present moment there were insurmountable objections to removing him; by which observation it strikes me that he meant to imply that Lord Buckingham could succeed him, but this was never said. After a few more observations immaterial, he asked me when I should communicate with Lord Buckingham; I said I should go to Avington to-morrow, and as he said he was going next week to Bath, he should be happy to receive a communication from Lord Buckingham any day the end of this week, and that if Lord Buckingham would honour him by an interview, much more could be done, and more explained, than by letter, and he should be happy to see him.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dropmore, Dec. 2, 1821.

The two facts which your two letters have successively communicated have in the first instance highly delighted, and in the second proportionably dispirited me. Wellesley's appointment I verily believe to be the best that could be made. But what can I say of that of his secretary?—a man who may, for what I know, have virtues and talents of which it never fell in my way to hear a word, but who is known to the public here, and in Ireland, by nothing but the having made in the Catholic debates in the very last year, the most absurd speech and motion that could have come from the lips of Duigenan himself.

If one could laugh on such a subject, and when such interests are at stake, what can exceed the ridicule of thus systematically coupling together a friend and an enemy to toleration, like fat and lean rabbits, or the man and his wife in a Dutch toy, or like fifty other absurdities made to be laughed at, but certainly never before introduced into politics as fixed and fundamental systems for the conduct of the most difficult and dangerous crisis of a country.

What is to result from this disheartening folly? Is Wellesley a man likely to submit, like some of his predecessors, to be made a cypher in his Government? Is Plunket disposed to see the whole detail of daily business, and the whole character and temper of the Secretary's office fall back into the old channels; and that after the nomination of Grant, and his conduct since he went to Ireland, had both been among the principal inducements to him to look at a situation so far beneath his just pretensions? And what, I might ask, would be Wellesley's own situation between the Secretary at home from whom he receives orders, and the Secretary at Dublin to whom he is to give orders, if I did not believe that with all his failings he possesses a high and independent spirit, which will lead him to assert himself decisively in the very first moment of the counteraction, which is thus studiously and systematically provided to embarrass him in all his operations.

But above all, what a picture does it present of the councils to which you are invited to unite yourself!

I really had, after receiving your first letter, begun to accustom myself to look at the bright side of the question alone, and to indulge soothing visions of honour and happiness to you both in the new course which is opened to you. And I will endeavour, and for my own peace of mind I must endeavour, still so to do.

But the decision must rest, where it ought to rest, with yourself and with Charles; and I can have no other sentiment or feeling on the subject, but that which leads me to offer up the most earnest wishes and prayers that it may be such as shall be most honourable and happy to yourselves, and through you to the country.

I have shown this to my brother, who desires me only to add on his part, that Wellesley's nomination had made the same impression on him, as offering a new and most important change in the face of the Government, and that (as Lord Londonderry would say) in one of its largest features; and that this feeling is with him, as with me, more than neutralized by a measure to which, forming, as it will do, a part of the new proposed arrangements, you and yours are directly made parties.

THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON TO MR. W. H. FREMANTLE.

London, Dec. 3, 1821.

MY DEAR FREMANTLE,

Since I saw you this morning I have learned that Lord Sidmouth is to remain in the Cabinet by the King's particular desire. I have not seen Lord Liverpool, but I conclude that he omitted to mention this from forgetfulness. Indeed, I had myself forgotten that the King had in the discussions of last summer, desired it.

I beg you, however, to recollect that ours is not, nor never has been, a controversial Cabinet upon any subject; and that a man more or less of any particular opinion will not have the slightest influence on the decision of any question.

Believe me, ever yours most sincerely,

WELLINGTON.

THE MARQUIS WELLESLEY TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Richmond, Dec. 3, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I received your kind note just as I was going to dinner. I will not detain your servant longer than to return you my sincere thanks. I will write more fully in the course of the evening, and will take care that you shall receive my letter early to-morrow. In the meantime I beg leave to inform you that I wrote to Lord Grenville as soon as I was authorized to write to any person, and I wrote to your Lordship at the same period of time. In my letter to Lord Grenville I requested an interview previous to my departure, for the purpose of receiving his inestimable advice; at that moment I had no idea of any other object. I could have attended Lord Grenville to-morrow, but I have received the King's commands to wait on him at Brighton, and I must depart early. On my return I shall be happy to pay my duty at Dropmore or in London, according to Lord Grenville's convenience.

I was very insufficiently informed of the circumstances mentioned by you, and was not aware even of their general tenor until yesterday.

I need not state what my ardent wishes are. The Duke of Wellington did not know of the commands which I had received from Brighton when he spoke of the possibility of my visiting Dropmore to-morrow.

Ever, my dear Lord, yours most faithfully,

WELLESLEY.

THE MARQUIS WELLESLEY TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Richmond, Dec 3, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

In my short note this evening I stated to your Lordship generally the restraints which precluded my earlier communication with you and Lord Grenville; my desire, expressed to him, of receiving the great benefit of his advice previously to my departure for Ireland; and my earnest and anxious hope that Lord Grenville, your Lordship, and your friends, might concur in acting with the Government which had called me to the administration of the affairs of Ireland.

I was informed a few days ago (but in no distinct statement) that it was probable that your Lordship and Lord Grenville might give your countenance to the Government, and that some of your friends might accept office; but it was not until yesterday that I understood the arrangements for that desirable object to be in any advanced state, and from what I then collected, I had hoped that all difficulties had been removed.

My desire to see Lord Grenville rested entirely on my sense of the advantage of receiving his opinions, which I was satisfied he would impart to me with all the freedom and confidence of long-established friendship, and of mutual esteem and affection; but I should not have presumed, without his express injunction, to suggest any opinion respecting the conduct of his friends or his own in the present crisis. With regard to the settlement of the Roman Catholic grievances, my general opinions are unalterable; but the course to be pursued by the Executive Government in Ireland in the existing state of the law, and in the present condition of that country, must be regulated by practical considerations, in which persons may cordially concur whose sentiments may greatly differ on the great and final question. My view of the present state of affairs in Ireland would lead me to think that an impartial, equitable, and mild administration of the law (of which the alteration cannot be effected or attempted by a Lord Lieutenant), is the only safe course which can now be pursued, and the only channel through which we can ever reach a happy and permanent settlement.

With this view I entertain no apprehension of interruption in my government from the influence mentioned by your Lordship, as the subject of alarm in some most respectable minds. I really do not believe that any person now in high office, or likely to be in high office in either country, would attempt to contravene the liberal and benevolent spirit of the King's gracious and conciliatory admonitions to Ireland; and I trust that, by general consent, the system of government is abolished by which the laws respecting the Catholics were administered in a spirit much more severe than their letter. This is a step towards more substantial improvement, and every step in this salutary career must advance us still more near the complete attainment of general union and harmony. This is my plan, from which I cannot deviate, and in the execution of which I apprehend no interruption.

I understand from the Government here, and I most ardently hope, that our highly respectable and admirable friend Mr. Plunket is likely to hold a high official station in Ireland, where I shall place the most firm confidence in him, and receive the constant benefit of his council and assistance. This will be a great comfort and strength to me in a situation of great and arduous exertion; where, however, the course to be observed cannot be doubtful, whatever doubt the uncertainty of all human affairs must cast over the prospect of success.

If your Lordship had desired my opinion, I should certainly have declared, that as your junction with the Government cannot fail to be of great advantage to the country, so it could not be injurious to the Catholic cause, which can prosper only by the regular and steady progress of a prudent and temperate system. On this point, however, I repeat that I would not venture to obtrude my weak judgment. I am obliged to attend the King to-morrow, otherwise I should have endeavoured to see your Lordship and Lord Grenville; on my return I hope for that advantage.

Believe me always, my dear Lord,

With true esteem and regard,

Yours most faithfully,

WELLESLEY.

My brother Arthur has mentioned Lieut.-Col. Fremantle to me with great regard. I shall be very happy, if it should be in my power, to promote his wishes; but, in the very extended state of my old engagements, I cannot make any decision before my arrival in Ireland.

MR. W. C. PLUNKET TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dublin, Dec. 3, 1821.

MY LORD,

The mails have arrived here after a continuance of eight or nine days of storm, and I have just received your Lordship's letter of the 30th. I hasten to acknowledge it, and to express the strong sense I entertain of your Lordship's kindness and confidence. When I was in town last March, I took the liberty of asking Lord Grenville's advice, with reference to an overture which had been made to me on the part of his Majesty's Ministers, and on which I had declined to act, until I should have the opportunity of learning his sentiments; finding that he had formed a decided (and I must say most unfortunate) resolution not to become a member of administration, but knowing, at the same time, how entirely his views and opinions on the state of public affairs coincided with those of the Government, I felt disposed to accede to the proposal which had been made, of resuming my former office of Attorney-General in Ireland. Your Lordship was not then in town, or I should certainly have availed myself of your confidence and friendly interest in my affairs, and have asked the benefit of your advice. Lord Grenville agreed with me that there was no possible objection to the proposed arrangement; at the same time he suggested the propriety of holding myself free as to the time and mode of dealing with the Roman Catholic question.

The business has hung over from that time to the present, and though the measure was understood, nothing effectual has been done towards its accomplishment till within this few days. On the subject of the Roman Catholics, or as to the policy to be pursued respecting the bringing forward this question, I never have given, or indeed formed, any definite opinion, and with respect to it I hold myself just in the same situation as if I were to remain utterly unconnected with Administration. It appears to me that great advantages may be derived to that cause from the introduction of its known and steady friends to some share in his Majesty's counsels, and I own I should grieve if any circumstance was to withhold your Lordship's services, and those of some of your near friends, at this critical period.

That the Roman Catholic question cannot, for any great length of time, be kept back, appears to me evident; but it seems equally clear that there is great occasion for caution, and much room for accommodation, as to the time of bringing it forward; nothing could be more injurious than the risking the loss of the vantage ground which we have taken possession of during the last session; and one cannot but apprehend that such might be the consequence of bringing the measure forward, without some better prospect of good sense and good temper on the part of the Roman Catholic clergy, than they displayed on the late occasion. Of some improvement in that quarter I am led to entertain hopes, as well as on the part of those of the laity who were least manageable. All these are arguments for delay; at the same time, this should be entirely kept open for discretion, and above all, should not be liable to be considered as the result of contract or stipulation, especially with any portion of the Government, which would unavoidably tend to throw the Roman Catholic body into dangerous hands. Under these circumstances, and reserving this perfect freedom, I am quite disposed to attend in Parliament, and render whatever services I can to the general measures of Administration.

I write to your Lordship, as you desire it, fully, my opinions on a subject, when I should be much more disposed to ask yours, were I on the spot or the time admitted it. Will you have the goodness to communicate what I write to Mr. Wynn, and to him only. I trust I shall soon learn that the public cause has been strengthened by your Lordship's accession, and by his.

We are in a state of extreme agitation and disturbance here; the accounts are much exaggerated, however, as I believe, for I have not had the honour of the slightest communication from any person connected with the Irish Government. The state of this country, whilst it furnishes the fullest proof of the necessity of disposing of the question to which I have adverted, does not, perhaps, afford strong encouragement for bringing it forward just at present; but on this and all other matters connected with it, I shall look with great anxiety to learn the opinion of Lord Grenville.

I beg your Lordship to believe how sensible I am of the honour you do me by consulting me on the present occasion, and that I am with great truth and regard always my Lord,

Your Lordship's much obliged

And very faithful humble servant,

W. C. PLUNKET.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dropmore, Dec. 4, 1821.

We have had a full talk with Charles, and have laid before him the good and the bad, as far as I can judge of it. His decision and yours (not ours) must ultimately regulate your conduct.

I have strongly recommended to him to see Lord Liverpool and Lord Londonderry, and also Lord Wellesley, who has written to me in very kind terms to announce his appointment, and to whom I write to offer to go to Richmond to see him, if it is inconvenient to him to come here. I hope you and Charles will endeavour to learn from him the plain English of this metaphor about balances, and what it is that he understands himself to be sent to Ireland to do.

It is a bad feature of this business, that every day presents some new difficulty not previously announced to you.

The Courier now informs us,—1, That Lord Sidmouth is to continue of the Cabinet; and 2, That Canning is not to go to India; or, in other words, that Charles is to go alone into the Cabinet at the very moment that is studiously chosen for making it more orange in its complexion than it was before; and secondly, that what is called strengthening Government in the House of Commons consists in driving Canning into opposition, who was before the best speaker on the Government side, and having Peel in Government, who was before a speaker also on their side.

I wish I could say I approved all these things, because I see you wish it; but I must speak the truth or hold my tongue, and my affection to you both makes me very reluctant to do the latter, though for your sake I have certainly expressed myself much less strongly to Charles on some of these points than I should otherwise have done.

As for saying of each of these things separately, that there are personal objections to A—— and B—— and C——, and that they are each and all of them individuals of too little consequence for you to hang your decisions upon, of what does a discussion of this nature consist, except first, of measures, the explanation of the most important of which is now wrapped up in metaphorical ambiguity; and secondly, of the men who are to execute them; and if these really are severally as insignificant as you deem them, what better argument can be found against putting them or keeping them in the first ranks of a new arrangement, the professed object of which is to supply strength which was confessed to be wanting?

But I have done, and have only as before most earnestly to wish that you may do what is best, whether I am able ultimately to think it so or not.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dropmore, Dec. 5, 1821.

I return you Wellesley's letter, with which I am much pleased. I wish I could say the same of the other parts of the business; but I am old-fashioned enough to be thoroughly scandalized at the want of the common forms of civility and respect so singularly shown in Lord L——'s sending up for Charles from Wales to receive a proposal of coming into the Cabinet, and in the interim taking himself off to Bath, and leaving behind him not even a letter, but a message that he is not to be back till near the meeting of Parliament.