The language of the opponents, too, is colder and flatter than it has ever been; rumours—I know not how true—of the Duke of Rutland hesitating on the question, and daily talk of other unexpected votes. Perhaps these rumours are exaggerated; but still they add to the general tide and current of opinion as to the probable success, and that opinion may go far to procure the result that is so much to be wished.

My own notions are, that there should be no exclusion in the Bill except that of the Lord-Lieutenant, who ought to be as much excluded there as the K—— is here. I would not exclude the Chancellor, because I think first it is a breach of the great principle of the measure; and secondly, because it will be an irritating bar to and exclusion of the whole legal profession in Ireland, who are the most influencing and formidable body in that whole country, in all times, and on all questions of public agitation. I would, therefore, leave the Seals open to them, and satisfy the Protestants, as to all ecclesiastical dangers, by special commissions and clauses for the objects of their apprehensions. But for all practical good, one must learn to be satisfied with what can be reached, when what we desire is out of our reach. Till this measure passes, neither England nor Ireland can be safe.

Yours ever most affectionately,

T. G.

DR. PHILLIMORE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, March 14, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I feel, indeed, much indebted to your Lordship for your letter of the 11th inst., and we are all grateful to you for your criticisms on the Bills; and this I should have told you before, but that I was entirely occupied by professional business throughout yesterday morning, and, besides, I wished to consult with Lord Grenville (with whom I was engaged to dine yesterday) as to the policy of some of the amendments you have suggested. Some are obviously improvements on the face of them. The difficulty, as I foresaw, arises as to the insertion of the additional words to express, "That no one shall exercise the function of a bishop who shall not have been approved by the King." We discussed this point fully last night, and Lord Grenville is decidedly of opinion (and this he desired me to mention to you, as from him) that if we venture upon it we shall shipwreck the whole measure. By having the negative of the King to the nomination of any person whose loyalty and good conduct may be suspected, we surely have, in substance and effect, all the security which can be necessary for the protection of the Protestant establishment; and it would be a sad pity to hazard a measure which, to a certain extent, at least, is happily advanced, for the sake of expressions, preferable certainly, but not essential for our security. I have been with Plunket on the subject this morning, and his view coincides with Lord Grenville's entirely. He says it would be laid hold of immediately by the enemies to the measure amongst the Catholics, and made the source of much discontent and irritation, and that the rather because the Bill has been transmitted to them in its present shape, as the measure to be proposed on this branch of the subject. I should add, that Plunket expressed the greatest anxiety to concur in any suggestion which came from you.

You suggest the exclusion of Roman Catholics from the office of Lord Chancellor of Ireland; but it does not seem to me—and, what is of more consequence, it does not seem to Lord Grenville—that the same reasons exist to exclude them from this office which may be urged against their filling the office of Lord High Chancellor. The Irish Chancellor has not, virtute officii, the disposal of Church patronage, nor is he called upon to advise the King in any way respecting it; and the same principle, therefore, which might be applied to exclude them from this function, might be put forward as a ground for their exclusion from the functions of any judge. To say the truth, Lord Grenville is so great an enemy to the principle of exclusion, that he suggested, instead of the clause as it now stands, that no Lord Chancellor should dispose of any Church preferment till he had subscribed the Thirty-nine Articles; but upon suggesting this alteration, we found it would raise such a storm from the Dissenters (who are already moving in all directions against the measure), that there was no option but to abandon it. It will be a satisfaction to you to know that Lord Grenville has been consulted throughout, and has himself revised and corrected the Bills. He appears exceedingly anxious for the success of them; and certainly, when we reflect how much his public life has been connected and mixed up, as it were, with the Catholic question, we cannot be surprised at the exultation he would naturally feel at witnessing the complete triumph of opinions he has so long and so uniformly held.

The anti-Catholic country gentlemen complain of the apathy of the country; and the King has told Lord Fife he hopes he will vote according to his fancy on the question. These are favourable symptoms.

Believe me, your faithful and obliged,

JOSEPH PHILLIMORE.

MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

March 15, 1821.

I am most sensible, my dear B——, of the kindness of your continued and active interest for Henry, and, if I saw anything like an opening, should not hesitate to follow up the overture which you have made in his behalf; but unless some new circumstance had occurred since your letter to Lord Liverpool, which presented a mode of effecting its object, I really should think it too early to make a second application; besides which, I quite agree with my uncle, that, in the present situation of affairs, it is preferable that any application of this nature should, as you have yourself determined, proceed through Lord Liverpool rather than Lord Castlereagh; but if I can get an opportunity of reminding Castlereagh, I certainly will not neglect it.

Everything I see and everything I hear contribute to make me more and more sanguine respecting the Catholic question. The tide clearly sets at present in its favour, and the King's good inclinations are every day more and more surmised. The principal defalcation of strength which we have to apprehend arises from the present disjointed and divided state of the Opposition, the members of which are outrageous against each other, and, according to Macdonald's report, may be expected by the next Session to split into three or more distinct parties. He did not specify either the persons likely to form these, or the points in dispute. At present one can only see the Mountain and their lukewarm coadjutors; but what the third is to be, remains to be shown. The amendments which you suggest to the Catholic Bills appear to me, in general, improvements, with the exception of the addition of the Chancellorship of Ireland to the excepted offices, and the requiring that the King should signify his approbation to the Bishops before the exercise of episcopal functions. Both of these would have the effect of extremely diminishing the effect of the measure in Ireland.

Lord Grenville strongly objected to the exception even of the English Chancellor, as justifiable upon no principle, when the exercise of ecclesiastical patronage had been provided for in the other part of the Bill; and it is difficult to discover what principle can justify the exclusion of the Chancellor of Ireland, which would not also extend to every other judicial situation. We must recollect that the Irish Catholic barristers are just the body who have, after the priests, the greatest influence, and whom it is most desirable not to leave a perpetual badge of degradation and inferiority upon. With respect to the necessity of signifying the King's express approbation, it is one of the points which the Irish clergy most objected to, and the omission of which has most reconciled them to the measure; and if the efficient control is attained, it surely is desirable that we should not be nice as to the exact mode in which it shall be exerted. In my own view—and, what is far more important, in that of my uncle—the question of securities is, from the great alteration in the situation of Europe since 1813, become of comparatively small importance, and rather to be conceded to satisfy the scruples of others, and facilitate the final success of this great measure, than to be insisted upon by ourselves.

Dawson's speech against the army estimates last night occasioned surprise, and looks as if the Catholic question had occasioned some hitch in his beau-pere Peel's negotiations.

Ever most faithfully yours,

C. W. W.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Pall Mall, March 16, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I am hurried to death by the time, and therefore must make my relation short I endeavoured to meet the Duke yesterday morning; but failing in this, I enclosed your note to me, saying I owed it to him not to withhold such information for his private ear, and desiring him to send me back your note. He sent it back in half an hour, with the enclosed note from himself. This morning he begged to see me; and being on a Committee, and not released till four o'clock, I have only at this moment come from him at his office.

He entered into a very full discussion of the whole business; and, first and foremost, declared in most positive and unequivocal terms, that he was perfectly innocent of the charge imputed to him, and that, fortunately, he had been so guarded in his whole proceedings throughout this disagreeable quarrel between Lord W—— and his wife, that he should be enabled most fully and clearly to rebut and destroy any charge ... that might be brought against him. But feeling this, however, very strongly, he had been to Lord C—— this morning; had consulted with him upon it; and, for the sake of the family, he thought it most essential, and most highly desirable, if possible, to prevent Lord W—— from bringing the charge forward. He considered Lord W——'s object to be founded exclusively on a wish to blacken her character, and to enable him to come forward with more effect in his defence (which he must make) in the case in which he is involved with Mr. W——; that however much he might blacken her in the first instance, it would ultimately recoil on himself, and therefore it was a real object to stop the further proceedings, if possible; that he (the Duke) had done everything in his power to reconcile the differences throughout, and that such must appear if Lord W—— persisted. These were the grounds on which, as a gentleman (without adverting to a personal consideration), he thinks he ought to advise that a stop should be put to W——'s further prosecution of this charge against his wife. The habeas corpus has been demanded, and must be discussed to-morrow, at three o'clock, in the Chancellor's private chamber; but in this discussion, if Lord W—— persists, this business must be gone into. The great object, therefore, that the Duke would recommend is, that you should, if you think proper, before that time communicate by a special messenger to W——, or to the individual through whom you gained your information, and endeavour to persuade him (the Duke being so completely armed against such a charge, and so prepared to refute it ultimately), that it could only for a moment serve his purpose, but in the end would damage his case. Indeed, I am persuaded, from what he said, that if W—— abandoned this attack on his wife, there would be little doubt that Mr. W—— would ultimately give way, and not call him up for his defence. In the many communications which W—— has had with the Duke, he has, at various times, not only personally, but by letter, absolved the Duke from all suspicion on his part of criminality ... and the Duke, throughout all these transactions and communications which he has had with Lady W——, has uniformly and constantly consulted and advised with her brother, Lord C——, upon them.

I have written to you, therefore, as I assured the Duke I would do, and at his desire, and have ventured to say that I was quite sure you would view the circumstance on the same liberal and gentlemanly grounds he had put it, and endeavour to use your influence (if you have any) to stay the further proceedings on this charge, by sending up a servant to the party or parties, as you might think most advisable, before three o'clock to-morrow—it is now nearly six.

Ever yours,

W. H. FREMANTLE.

MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

MY DEAR B——,

The whole of the third volume of the "Notice des Manuscrits de la Bibliotheque du Roi" is occupied with an account of the MSS. relative to the proceedings against Joan of Arc. There is an account of one which appears to be a duplicate of yours, though I think the number of pages is less, and every page is mentioned to be verified by the signatures of the notaries, who are called Terrebone and Dionysius Comitis, and which is mentioned to be lettered "Processus Justificationis Joannae d'Arc." Probably this with the date may be the best for your book. I take for granted you have the "Notice des Manuscrits" at Stowe; and as the account is a very detailed one, it will be very desirable to compare your MS. with it. Perhaps, however, this may be best done in town.

We only go into the Committee to-day pro forma, in order to reprint and then recommit for discussion on Wednesday. The oath is now to be a new one, embodying the explanation, which is thought better than adhering to the old one, for which I am rather sorry. Everything looks favourably. Walter Burrell, Sir Hussey Vivian, Curteis of Sussex, Fox Lane, have all declared their intentions of not voting in the Committee, and we hope others may follow the example; but it is a period of nervous suspense. The debate on Friday was one of great forbearance, and it is difficult to say whether Peel most spared Mackintosh—or Canning, Peel. Canning stated that there was as great a community of sentiment between Peel and himself as could well subsist between public men. His speech and Wilberforce's were both uncommonly good.

I had some conversation with Plunket on Saturday about his views, and I am sorry to find him most disinclined—indeed, I might say almost resolved—against taking any office which would fix him in England, and looking only to the Attorney-Generalship and Great Seal of Ireland, but thinking that he could, while in the former office, give considerable attendance in the House of Commons.

He appeared to feel that there was no longer any obstacle to his taking office under the present Government, as now constituted, and to be well disposed to accept the offer of the Attorney-Generalship of Ireland whenever they can make room for him, though he would much prefer coming in with us.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, March 20, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I have seen the Duke, who desired me to express to you his very sincere thanks for the trouble you have taken in the subject of this detestable quarrel of the W——s. He assured me he would never mention your name to any human being; and you may rest assured that no letter to me shall ever go out of my hands.

With regard to leaving the whole matter in dispute to the arbitration of mutual friends, the Duke says there is no difficulty whatever in procuring Lady W——'s consent to it; she has repeatedly offered it, and is now ready to abide by such a reference. With regard to the child, this is a subject that must be decided by the Court, and cannot, and ought not, to form a part of the reference. If the father is entitled to take his child, he will, of course, have it; and there seems to be no doubt on this point. The real question of reference would be the litigation which is now carrying on between Lord W—— and Mr. W——, and the pecuniary arrangements and formal separation of the parties.

The Duke says, that, with regard to the dispute between Lord W—— and Mr. W——, it stands independent of all other subjects; and as Lord W—— is now compelled to put in his answer (the rule being made absolute), and as the case must ultimately be most injurious and disgraceful in all its bearings to Lord W—— (as it affects his conduct to Mr. W——), he thinks the best advice to be given to Lord W——, and the best course for him to follow, would be for him to write a letter to Mr. W——, saying that though he still condemns, and shall never cease to condemn, the injurious manner in which Mr. W——'s counsel had thought proper and been advised to treat him in his pleadings, yet he was sorry for the conduct he had adopted to Mr. W—— in consequence thereof, and was ready to offer his apology. This would satisfy W——, and stop his further proceedings, and thus end this part of the business. The second consideration—namely, the separation and allowance—this must now, of course, be decided, and under some strict and clear covenant; and which, undoubtedly, could best be done by arbitration of mutual friends. Lord C—— would guarantee any pledge or engagement on the part of his sister, and the same could be done on the part of Lord W——. Indeed, if she were disposed to make difficulties, her family would urge her to it. The Duke is quite satisfied that she would now most willingly do what she has repeatedly offered—namely, to decide the question by a reference to friends; and to show how far he has before effected this object, he put into my hands the enclosed, which was the terms agreed to in 1819 by both parties, and which the Duke is convinced, if they had been acted upon, Lord W—— would now have been in his wife's bed. Of course, that part which relates to their residence in the same house is now gone by, and it must be separation; but the great object is, if possible, to separate, by a distinct arrangement, the dispute with W——. This is the part that affects Lord W—— the most; and it is in order to lessen the heavy censure that would fall on him by the exposure of all his conduct towards Mr. W——, that he now seeks to ... to mingle the Duke in the history. Lady W—— cannot proceed in this cause if W—— is satisfied, for she cannot plead or maintain his case for him.

Nothing of importance occurred in Court on Saturday. The Lord Chancellor has got rid of it, and turned it over to Judge Dallas, who requires more time; so there is now time for friends to interfere, if it can be done with effect.

You will understand the possession of the child. The Duke has nothing to do with it. Lord W—— has her now with him. A habeas corpus has been moved, and the law must, of course, decide this. You will be so good as to return the Duke's letter, as he desired me to let him have it again. He really seems much obliged to you for the interest you have taken about it, and I think is much more at ease on the subject than he appeared to be on Friday. He knows for certain that Lord N—— did advise Lord W—— on the question of Mr. W——.

Believe me, ever most truly yours,

W. H. FREMANTLE.

The Catholic Belief Bill continued to be warmly discussed in Parliament, and for a time almost excluded all other subjects of interest from public attention.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

House of Commons, Four o'clock.

I saw the Duke yesterday, who is truly thankful to you for the interest and concern you take in the business. He is fully sensible of the advantage on every ground to arbitrate in this matter, though he treats with indignation the attempt to fix a guilt on him. He states, in the most solemn manner, to me—and really in such a manner as I cannot for a moment disbelieve—that he is utterly innocent of the imputed charge; that it is a diabolical and infamous conspiracy, which any man may be liable to; and that if it proceeds, it will be necessary to expose and punish; that it is utterly impossible, without fraud and falsehood of the grossest kind, to bring home to him such a crime. Saying all this, he, however, admits with you the effect of such a charge on his character, until it is fully confuted and exposed.

With regard to the first proposition coming from Lady W——, it would be impossible for him or any one to recommend her in the first instance to stay proceedings, or to recommend Mr. W—— to do so: it would be admitting her guilt, which no one could advise her to do. The Duke is satisfied that she is ready to leave the whole matter to reference, and I have no doubt I shall have a communication from Lord C—— to that effect to-morrow; and if a reference is made on the whole subject—namely, the separation, and the income to be allowed—such reference and arrangement would naturally have the ultimate effect of putting an end to all other proceedings. But it is impossible for her, in the first instance, to make this a preliminary engagement, or for him to recommend such a step; it would be admitting a ground for the charge, which he knows to be most foul and false as it concerns him; and it would be a confession on her part of her guilt. It strikes me in the same point of view; and on this ground, also, the Duke cannot be one of the referees. You would be the best person, and the one most desirable to all parties connected with her, on the part of Lord W——; and she would be to name one equally approved by you and Lord W——. As soon as I have seen Lord C——, who comes to town to-day, I will let you know his decision and authority.

Ever most truly yours,

W. H. FREMANTLE.

We are in the greatest anxiety about the division to-night. The best calculators say we shall gain it by four: this is too close. No fresh news from Naples. The repulse of the 7th, with great confusion, is fully believed. Canning certainly goes back to Paris after Lambton's motion; he gives this out everywhere. The rumour rather gains ground of your going to Ireland; but I don't know from any authority.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

House of Commons, Four o'clock.

MY DEAR LORD,

I got your letter this morning, and had previously received one yesterday evening from the Duke ... which I enclose you. It is unnecessary, therefore, for me to stir on the subject, or to make a further observation, till you have read the enclosed, and have given me your opinion upon it, and what is the determination of Lord W—— regarding the arbitration. I can only, however, add my opinion, that it will be utterly impossible to make a previous engagement to withdraw the proceedings now pending. They are, in fact, deferred; and the result of an arbitration amicably concluded would be the withdrawing of all questions now before the Courts of Law.

Nothing can have been more successful than the whole proceedings on the Catholic Bill; and there is no doubt but that the Security Bill will also pass rapidly through the House. This will naturally bring you to town, to share in the support of it through the House of Lords.—I have just heard from Mr. Holmes (who said he knew the fact), that a counter-revolution had taken place at Naples: the mob had risen—disarmed the troops—spiked the guns—turned the Parliament out of doors—proclaimed the Regent, Viceroy—and called for the King's return. General Pepe had not been found, and most of his army had abandoned him. The person left in command of the troops at Naples was the first to turn tail. The cry was now, the old Constitution!

I don't know anything further to tell you. The old Court is terribly dismayed by the success of the Catholic Bill, and I believe put very little trust in the King's determination to resist it. The whole thing in the Lords depends on his decision, and upon the conduct of Lord Liverpool; if he does not make a Ministerial business of it, there are great hopes it will be carried.

Ever most truly yours,

W. H. FREMANTLE.

DR. PHILLIMORE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, March 24.

MY DEAR LORD,

Plunket received by yesterday's post intelligence that his wife was dying, and consequently set out immediately for Ireland. In spite of this great disadvantage, we got through the first clause of the Bill (that relative to the Oath of Supremacy), and gained three upon the division more than we had on the second reading, the numbers being 230 to 216. I think they will hardly make a fight about Transubstantiation; but they will push all their strength on the exclusion from Parliament, which Bankes will move on Monday. I think the Bill will pass the House of Commons. I believe Lord Duncannon and Mr. Holmes are agreed that we should have a majority of 38, if the whole House were to attend. The notion is that Lord Sidmouth, Vansittart, and B. Bathurst are to go out if the Bill is carried. Peel is clearly paving the way for a junction with Government, even though the Bill should pass; and Canning as clearly holding out that there can be no obstacle in the way of his sitting in the same Cabinet with Peel. Peel has not gained ground by his conduct in the business; I should say he has lost rather in the estimation of the House.

I sent your Lordship a copy of the Bill on the day it was reprinted; the alteration was made because it appeared that doubtful persons were less dissatisfied with it than with the explanation.

Believe me,

Your Lordship's obliged and faithful,

JOSEPH PHILLIMORE.

MR. C. W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Saturday.

MY DEAR B——,

Notwithstanding the great loss which we sustained last night from the absence of poor Plunket, who set off for Ireland with little hope of finding his wife alive, we made a very good figure last night. Castlereagh spoke better than I ever heard him. You will see that your suggestion of adding some words to exclude all mental reservation is adopted—that is to say, both Phillimore and Castlereagh last night stated the willingness of the promoters of the Bill to admit them, if any person thought it desirable to move their insertion. Burrell, notwithstanding what he had said, came and voted against us; but Curteis and Fox Lane, instead of only staying away, voted with us. Davies Gilbert did not vote, but is so completely turned that I have strong hopes of his vote on Monday. We are also to have Denman, and I believe Abraham Moore, from the Circuits; W. Pole, who was ill; Dennis Browne, and Sir Gerard Noel, who were absent. Castlereagh has also promised to insist on checking the activity of Holmes, who has been quite indefatigable in the use of every means, fair and foul, to induce members to vote against us. Lord Fife has been dismissed from the Bedchamber, in consequence of his vote on the Malt Tax, and Lord Lovaine is to succeed him.

What passed on that occasion is only a confirmation of the truth of the Duke of Wellington's view of the state of administration, and of the hollowness of their support on any question which is not vital. I suppose they now look to replace the Doctor and Van. by Peel and Canning, who are evidently extremely disposed to return together.

I agree with you in thinking the Bill, as it originally stood, with the explanation of the oath, was preferable to its present form; but on fait ce qu'on peut and non ce qu'on veut. The best way of all would be to make the oath now proposed general for Protestants and Catholics, but this, I fear, is impossible.

I fear that we shall be all Monday on the question of admissibility to Parliament, and must reserve the Privy Council and the Judges for Tuesday.

It is intended to add the second Bill in the shape of clauses to the first. I suppose we can hardly hope to carry it up to your House till Monday, the 2nd. As to the affairs of the South, my view very closely concurs with yours.

I will make some inquiry about the office of Lord Chancellor of Ireland before I again write; but I do not myself feel any alarm at the exercise of visitatorial or any other power in curia by a Catholic, and think, indeed, it might more safely be lodged in his hands than in those of an Unitarian or bigoted Presbyterian, who might both now hold it.

Believe me, ever most truly yours,

C. WILLIAMS WYNN.

More than one communication printed in this volume has indicated that the Government were anxious to secure the services of the leading members of the Grenville party. It will be seen that the former became more and more conscious of the desirableness of such a junction.

THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

London, March 27, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD BUCKINGHAM,

I have received your letter; and you may rely upon it, that there is no man more desirous than I am of strengthening the connexion between your family and the Government. I think that the services which you have, upon principle, rendered to them are of a nature to give you every claim to their consideration; and I am very much mistaken if this feeling is not common to all those at present forming the Administration.

I shall be very happy in being instrumental in forwarding any wish of yours; and I will so conduct myself as not to involve you in anything.

Believe me, ever yours most sincerely,

WELLINGTON.

DR. PHILLIMORE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Doctors' Commons, March 29, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I should have sent your Lordship yesterday the result of Tuesday's debate, but that I was shut up all the morning with Sir John Newport and Co., on the subject of the clauses relating to the securities. You will perceive that several inaccuracies are corrected; and amongst other amendments, I believe most of the alterations you suggested have been introduced—all, at least, that we considered, under existing circumstances, to be advisable.

We got through all the clauses last night, upon the whole, very triumphantly; but Mr. Hutchinson opened a broadside upon us, which in the earlier stages of the Bill might have sunk the whole concern—inasmuch as he characterized the second Bill (now consolidated with the first) as a Bill of pains, penalties, degradation, &c., imposed on the Roman Catholic clergy. The attack, however, recoiled upon the promoter of it, and the discussion was so conducted as to assist the Bill. The debate is exceedingly ill given in all the papers I have seen, more especially as it omits the speeches of three Irish county members, who rose in succession, and said they had every reason to believe the measure was very agreeable to the Roman Catholics in the counties they represented—Butler, the member for the county of Kilkenny (which, I believe, is intensely Catholic), being one. None of the Opposition ultras would attend last night.

The Report is to be brought up to-day, and the Bill to be read a third time on Monday. They have abandoned all idea of opposing the bringing up of the Report; but Croker, I understand, in spite of all that can be said to deter him, persists in his intention of moving that a provision shall be inserted in the Bill for the Roman Catholic clergy. A great exertion is to be made against us for the division on the third reading, but I think we shall succeed; we had seven votes shut out on the clause relating to Parliament, which was most unfortunate.

I am now going to meet Sir John Newport, at Lord Castlereagh's, to consider of the propriety of some alterations which have been suggested as expedient to be made on bringing up the Report. Lord Castlereagh now seems quite in earnest, and I think his having this meeting at his house is a proof of it; he was very pressing with me to attend it.

The Bill will be reprinted; and as soon as it is distributed I will send a copy to Avington, where I shall presume you continue till I hear to the contrary.

Believe me, my dear Lord,

Your Lordship's obliged and faithful,

JOSEPH PHILLIMORE.

THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

London, March 30, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD BUCKINGHAM,

Fremantle has just come in to me, and has informed me that you understood that part of a late letter I had written to him, referred to you. I assure you that you are quite mistaken. It could not refer to you.

I think I have reason to believe that Lord W—— himself does not believe in the truth of the charges he thinks proper to make against me. I may be mistaken; but that is my opinion, and that was the opinion which, as well as I recollect, I intended to convey, and no other; and even this opinion I intended to convey in terms as polite, guarded, and little offensive to anybody as possible.

Pray don't think that I could mean to refer to you in any manner.

And believe me, ever yours most sincerely,

WELLINGTON.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, March 30, 1821.

You will see, by the enclosed, how totally you mistook the Duke's meaning in the last paragraph of his letter to me of the 27th. He was much surprised at it, and extremely distressed; and after having conversed for some time on the subject, and desired me to explain the matter to you, he ended in saying—"I think it would be more satisfactory to Lord B—— that I should write him a note, which I will do, and give to you to enclose to him." This he accordingly did. With regard to the mode of referring it, he is to see Lord C——, who will write to me, stating distinctly the grounds and extent to which arbitration shall go. I need say no more, therefore, on this subject, particularly as we shall meet so soon, and probably before I hear from Lord C——.

A confirmation is arrived of the counter-revolution both at Naples and Turin. At the former, the Prince Regent, the army, and the people are united; they have dissolved the Parliament, pronounced a declaration in favour of the old Constitution, and sent a deputation with a submission to the King, and a supplication for his resumption of his dominion. At Turin, Prince Carignan has put himself at the head of some troops, has resigned the Regency, and marched to join a corps which had been assembled in favour of the King; and the cry at Turin and throughout Piedmont was for the return of the King, and the resumption of the old order of things. Thus ends, I hope, and as it is believed, the whole of these revolutionary attempts, which might have embroiled all Europe.

The impression gains ground in favour of the Catholic question in the House of Lords. I asked the Duke of W—— what he thought would be the result; and he said, "We think it will be carried." I said it would depend much on the King; he replied, "We hear he is for it." I added, "Much also must depend on Lord Liverpool's conduct; if he acts as an individual, it will have little effect, compared to any canvass as a Minister." He answered, "The latter is impossible; our Cabinet could not allow such a thing; his influence, as a private [individual], considering his character, situation, &c., must have great weight, but no further; perhaps those who oppose it will not be heard, as in the House of Commons." I give you nearly word for word as he said it; and I should judge, from the tenor of his words and manner, that he really thinks it would be carried. By-the-bye, he added, "I hear Lady Conyngham supports it, which is a great thing."

I am hurried for time, so I wont add more. We have no fear for the division on Monday; I will see you in the evening, in my way from the House.

Ever truly yours,

W. H. F.

THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

London, March 30, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD BUCKINGHAM,

Since I wrote to you last, I have had some conversation with those likely to carry into execution the object you have in view; and I have found them exactly in the disposition in which I told you in my last I expected to find them. Of course, in the existing state of the measure in Parliament, and particularly as no design for carrying it into execution can yet be in discussion, or in the contemplation of more than a few, no decision can have been taken. But I am certain that the disposition to which I have above referred exists; and I think it might be desirable that you should let me know whether you have any, and what, views for your family, or any of the friends attached to you.

Believe me, ever yours most sincerely,

WELLINGTON.

MR. C. W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Saturday.

MY DEAR B——,

Lord Donoughmore, participating in his brother's objections, has to-day declined the conduct of the Bill in the House of Lords, and recommended that an attempt should be made to prevail upon Lord Grenville to undertake to move the second reading. Anticipating this, I had, by Castlereagh's desire, yesterday sounded Lord G——, who, to my great satisfaction, said that, if applied to under these circumstances, he did not think himself at liberty to refuse. It is intended to fix the second reading for Tuesday se'nnight, the 10th. You will see that the resolutions of the Dublin clergy are extremely moderate, and I understand that their petition is still more so. In Limerick, the clergy have come to violent resolutions, and there has been an aggregate meeting to the same effect. There is a strong protest against them, very numerously and respectably signed by what Rice, the member for the city, describes to be the principal Catholics there. Altogether, it is supposed that the tide runs strongly in favour of the measure.

I have been looking over the lists of the House of Lords, by which the majority against the Bill cannot be rated less than twelve; and when one looks at the names of which it consists, I fear that it displays such an array of bigotry and stupidity that one can scarcely hope to make material impression upon it. The only hope is that some of them may stay away. I trust that you will not now delay coming up.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

London, April 2, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD BUCKINGHAM,

You are quite right respecting the subject of your taking office. I have suggested from myself the propriety and expediency of making you the offer of the Lord Lieutenancy in Ireland, in case the Catholic Bill should pass; and that suggestion was well received. It occurred to me that the arrangement, if occasion for it should offer, might be facilitated by my knowing your wishes, or whether you had any, respecting others, and for that reason I asked the question.

It certainly referred only to the particular object in question, if occasion should offer—that is, if the Catholic Bill should pass—as you did not go farther with me. But if you feel disposed to talk with me upon your situation, and that of your friends, in relation to the Government in general, you will find me well disposed to enter into the subject, and to do anything in which you may think I can be of service to forward your views, in the same mode as I have upon the object first mentioned. I shall be at the office today till five o'clock, and to-morrow from two. I can go in to you at any hour; and I think I had better go to you, as your visit to me there might be observed.

Ever yours most sincerely,

WELLINGTON.

The Catholic Relief Bill was brought before the House of Lords on the 3rd of April, and a very animated debate on the question took place on the 17th, when the Duke of York made an emphatic declaration in opposition; and, although Lord Grenville delivered an able speech in its support, the motion was negatived on a second reading.

The division on the second reading of the Bill was 159 against, 120 for, showing a majority of 39. On the measure being lost, Lord Eldon, the most zealous of the anti-Catholics, thus writes:—"It was quite clear in Lord Grenville's speech that, professing that the Bill must be greatly amended in the Committee, he did most carefully abstain from pointing out one single enactment that could be left untouched, or one that he would introduce as one of his great amendments. He was very dexterous in avoiding saying that he would have no securities; but I think it is clear that is now his meaning. The Duke of York has done more to quiet this matter than everything else put together. It has had a great effect. I have nothing further to delay your drinking to the thirty-nine who saved the Thirty-nine Articles—a very fashionable toast."[62]

[62] "Life," by Twiss, vol. ii. p. 40.

"As to Liverpool," writes the Lord Chancellor, "I do not know what he means. To please Grenville, he makes a Regius Professor—friend to the Catholics. To please Lansdowne, he makes a Bishop of Bristol and Regius Professor—friend to the Catholics. He therefore, I dare say, will not stir a step beyond pronouncing in words his speech. I am not quite content with this, and yet I don't know what to do. But what he does or does not do, I think, should not regulate me."[63]

[63] "Life," by Twiss, vol. ii. p. 41.

The Court had recovered from the alarm the Queen had created. A magnificent banqueting-room had been finished at the Brighton Pavilion, 60 feet long by 42 wide, and had been furnished with imperial magnificence. This suggested anything but doubts of the Sovereign's undisturbed rule. At Windsor, the current of affairs went merrily as a marriage-bell, the Royal party enjoying "the contemplative man's recreation" on the Virginia Water with a zeal that would have gratified, if it did not edify, Izaak Walton; and now the Coronation was boldly talked of—indeed, preparations were making for the performance of this ceremony with the greatest possible splendour.

THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Strathfieldsaye. April 23, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD BUCKINGHAM,

I have received your note in answer to that which I wrote to you on Wednesday; and I wish you would let me know whether you have any objection to my stating that I know those are your feelings, if there should be an opportunity.

I shall be at Winchester on Wednesday, for the meeting of the Lieutenancy, but I am obliged to return here that night, as I have some people here; otherwise, I should take that opportunity of paying you a visit at Avington.

Believe me, ever yours most sincerely,

WELLINGTON.

I was last week at Woburn. I think the Opposition are much more annoyed at having failed in pledging a number of persons by a vote to go with a Committee on Reform, than they are at the loss of the Roman Catholic Bill.

RIGHT HON. THOMAS GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dropmore, May 15, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD B——,

I hear from London that the D—— of N—— has been so ill-advised as to have offered to the Q—— the Marshal's box at the Coronation, and that she has written to the K—— to know where and in what dress she should appear at that ceremony. I presume the answer will be, "In a white sheet, in the middle aisle of the Abbey." Perhaps two white sheets might be more appropriate, if the report is founded of Bergami the Second, in the person of a certain strapping Scotch Baxter, seven foot by six. If the K—— continues to drive Lord L—— to the wall on one side, and the commoner Lord L—— urges him with a Catholic measure on the other, I should not be surprised that he took that opportunity of withdrawing himself from the turmoil, and of leaving champ libre to the commoner Lord L——, who may feel more confidence than is reasonable, that he should find himself strong enough to take the whole Government upon his own shoulders—a speculation which, however flattering to his ambition, seems hardly within his reach to carry through, the general opinion being certainly much less favourable to him than to the present First Lord. Perhaps, however, the K—— is tired of his old Ministers, and is ready enough to take to their opposers, provided he can do so with at least the appearance of making it his own act, instead of his submitting to undisguised compulsion; but if he puts away his present servants, he places himself as unconditionally now at the discretion of Opposition, as he would have been if he had surrendered to them at the beginning of the session. Perhaps female influence may have contributed to this new view as a new measure; and undoubtedly it is a most marked demonstration, that the three first subject dinners after the accession should be found in the three leading houses of Opposition. The probability, however, is that it is an over-refinement to give consistency or premeditation to that which may be only the unrestrained irritation of the moment.

Yours most affectionately,

T. G.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dropmore, May 16, 1821.

Certainly, your description of the discussion for and against the proposed relief to the Catholics is not encouraging, any more than the prospect which the papers seem to hold out of the rejection of the Grampound Bill by the majority of the Cabinet, in contradiction to Lord Liverpool's support. The King's demonstrations of renewed intercourse with the great peers of opposition must also, in such a moment, be a source of weakness, as well as of personal vexation.

In this state of things, I do not wonder that both parts of the Government should be unwilling to stir this Catholic question again in any shape; and I certainly see no such benefit likely to arise from doing so in the mode of partial relief, as to induce the friends of conciliation on a larger scale to embark in any such proposal as this limited measure holds out.

If any other proof were wanted beyond what the general view of the subject affords, to convince any reasonable man that this mode of treating the most important of all our present public interests as no Government question, is the worst instead of the best that could be adopted, Lord Londonderry's[64] own situation in respect of this subject at this moment would be decisive against it. He has, I am persuaded, been restrained only by that pledge from taking the only course which becomes him on the subject, and which, if he had adopted it in consequence of the passing of the Bill in the House of Commons, would have been decisive in its favour in its subsequent stages. Having neglected to do this at that time, I myself think that his doing it now would be a step of much more doubtful result, and probably of much more dangerous consequences, and therefore, if I were his adviser, which I am very glad I am not, I do not see what I could suggest but now to leave the matter as it is. Shall we see you on Monday? As to the direct reference which Lord L——'s conversation seems to have had to yourself and your own conduct, in respect to making yourself, personally and officially, a party to this system of treating the greatest of all questions in our domestic policy as no Cabinet measure, what I have already said will sufficiently show you my opinion. It is a mode of getting rid of a present difficulty, but at the risk and almost certainty of the greatest possible embarrassments in future. And this deserves the greater consideration, inasmuch as the events of this session have again rendered this Roman Catholic question so very prominent a feature of all that can be looked to for some time to come.

[64] Lord Castlereagh's father having recently died, he had succeeded to the title.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dropmore, Sunday Night.

I have just got your letter, and write these few lines to save the post, though I have, in truth, in what I wrote to Charles this morning, said all that occurs to me as material on the subject.

It is of great importance that you should not appear, either to Plunket or to others, to stir a single step in the matter without his previous approbation.

I most entirely agree in the utter impossibility of either yourself or Wellesley, or any other supporter of the Catholic Bill, bringing forward any such proposition as this, or even acquiescing in it, except under an express and positive declaration that you do so only as seeing in it an advance, however small, towards the final and total accomplishment of that which can alone satisfy your own duty and opinion on this subject.

How can Lord Londonderry or any of his colleagues think that any of those who were turned out in 1807, precisely because they would not pledge themselves to any truce or cessation of this question short of its total and final accomplishment, would now lend themselves to such a measure for the sake of obtaining for the Catholics benefits so small that it is even doubtful (as I explained to Charles this morning, according to my view of the subject,) whether they or their opponents would gain most by thus varying the state of the question?

I forget which bishop it was that was foolish enough to express his hope that the present rejection of the Bill would finally set the question at rest. But I well remember that I noticed this nonsensical expectation in the course of what I said, and assured him that it neither ought to have, nor would have, that effect.

And indeed if I, and half or all the supporters of the Bill, had thought differently, and were inclined to lend ourselves to such a pledge, how could any or all of us answer for the Catholics themselves, or bind ourselves, if they stirred the question in opposition to our pledges, that we would then vote against our declared opinions?

All this, in my judgment, only shows that Lord Londonderry is, as he may well be, most uneasy in his situation, as resulting from the present strange and most anomalous state of this business, which he ought to have foreseen, but did not, as at least a possible event, when he agreed to form a Government in which the one most important feature in the whole political interests of the country was not to be considered as a ministerial question.

"You have what I advise;" but pray do not forget that, on this subject above all others, Plunket is entitled, not to know, but almost to direct your course.

GRENVILLE.

The Queen put in a formal claim to be crowned with the King, and Mr. Brougham urged it, with all his forensic eloquence and skill, before the Privy Council; but, as will be seen, all the principal precedents were in opposition to his argument:—

"William the Conqueror's Queen was crowned two years after he was crowned.

Henry I.'s Queen, ditto.

Stephen's Queen, ditto.

Richard I.'s Queen, crowned abroad.

John's Queen, not crowned with him, but crowned.

Henry III.'s Queen, not with him, but afterwards, alone.

Edward III.'s Queen, crowned alone.

Henry IV.'s Queen, crowned—not with him.

Henry V.'s Queen, ditto.

Henry VI.'s Queen, not crowned with him, but alone.

Henry VII.'s Queen, crowned long after him.

Henry VIII.—Some of his Queens crowned, some not.

Charles I.—His Queen not crowned at all.

Charles II.—His Queen not crowned at all.

George II.'s Queen, or George I.'s, I am not sure which, not crowned at all."[65]

[65] Twiss's "Life of Lord Eldon," vol. ii. p. 43.

On the 21st of May a feeble attempt was made in the House of Commons to bring forward the pretensions of the Queen to share in the approaching State ceremonial; but the firm language of Lord Londonderry, and the apathy of the House on the subject, set the matter at rest.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, June 4, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

The coronation is fixed (decidedly so) by the Government to take place previous to his going to Ireland, and a fortnight after the close of the Session: two days afterwards he starts for Ireland, and embarks at Portsmouth; and on his return from Ireland, he goes to Hanover. This is all arranged at present, and the Ministers have agreed to it. With the exception of the coronation, all the rest may be subject to change; but I am quite sure the coronation is determined on. Prince Leopold was to have started for Germany on Friday, to see his mother; but has put it off, in consequence of this decision, as he could not be back in time.

Canning leaves Paris this day for London. Parliament—that is, the House of Commons—is expected to be up on the 25th; and I think it may. There is no other news.

Ever yours truly,

W. H. F.

There are to be two Parliamentary Commissioners—Frankland Lewis and Wallace—for this Irish examination, and three other Commissioners; salary, L1500 (to Parliamentary Commissioners) per annum. I don't think it would be a bad appointment (one of the others) for Tom Fremantle, if I could have a chance of getting it. I suppose their salary is much less.

RIGHT HON. THOMAS GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Cleveland Square, June 5, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD B——,

It is evident that something has for the moment interfered to prevent the immediate announcement of Lord Sidmouth's resignation, which on Saturday and Sunday was reported upon the best authority. Lord G—— told me that Lord S—— was suddenly sent for by the King on Saturday, and it seems probable that it was to tell him to delay his resignation; indeed, as the Session will end with this month, that period would be the natural one for change.

Lady Liverpool was yesterday reported to be dead, but she still lives, though she is considered as being at death's door; and I believe the Ministers are much alarmed, from their doubting whether, in that case, Lord L—— will not retire altogether.

The coronation is now again afloat, and is expected to take place before the journey to Ireland. The Court of Claims is resumed; and having a ticket to-day to see the preparations in the Hall and the Abbey, I am convinced from what I saw that they are now in earnest, and that there is nothing which may not be quite completed in six weeks, except the tower at the Great Gate of Westminster Hall. The Hall is beautiful and magnificent; but in the Abbey, the appearance of the great aisle is much hurt by the projecting galleries on each side for the spectators.

Yours affectionately,

T. G.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, June 10, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I only returned to town this morning, having gone on Sunday. I am very glad you were so satisfied with my last, but think you rather went beyond my meaning in your construction of its contents; however, I saw the Duke of Wellington this moment, and put your letter into his hands, which he read with great attention. We were on horseback, and many persons passing in the Park, and therefore he had little means of conversing upon it; however, his observation to me was—"I am glad he is satisfied with my explanation; I am quite sure he may depend on what I said. You have heard, no doubt, of the event of this morning" (meaning Lady Liverpool's death, which took place at six o'clock), "this for the moment, of course, stops all proceedings. Does Lord Buckingham remain in the country? I am glad he does; he would be more fidgetty here, with all the reports, but a few days probably will give him information." By this you will perceive, for I really think I have quoted every word he said (as we were interrupted by Mr. Singleton's presence), that the communication is beyond doubt intended, and I shall think it your own fault if you let the opportunity slip.

Without meaning in any manner to embarrass any views which you may have, I think it fair to state my wish, which is to be placed at any one of the Boards of Treasury, Admiralty, or India. It was the situation which I was to have when Lord Grenville was to come in, and I should hope both my pretension of former office and my talents would entitle me to it, but be assured I mean not to interfere with your arrangements in any way.

I send you a list which is made out at White's of the new Peers, and which is said to be correct; it is expected out immediately.

Irish: Roden, Kingston, Conyngham, Longford, and Ormond.

Scotch: Wemys and Lothian.

English: Lord George Murray, Sir W. Scott, Pole, Cholmondeley, Forester, Sir T. Liddle, and Sir T. Heathcote.

I have nothing further to say at present. You shall hear to-morrow if anything occurs. I had a letter from Cecil Jenkinson announcing her death, and saying Lord Liverpool was as well as could be expected. The Duke of Wellington told me they were urging the King to go to Ireland by Holyhead, but as yet he persists in going by long sea.

Ever most truly yours,

W. H. FREMANTLE.

The negotiation with the Grenvilles was again resumed; a full report of which is here given, including some curious revelations of Court and Ministerial life.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, June 11, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I am perfectly aware of the difficulties you have in managing the half-Whig principles and the negative qualities which are acting against you on the subject of negotiations and connexion with the Government; and it was because I felt this, and knew the delicacy of the transaction, and because I had incurred so much blame from Lord G—— and others in former negotiations, that I acted as I did. The moment I got your first letter I determined to act upon it, without consulting any one. It was your wish that I should communicate with the Duke of Wellington (personally); I concurred in that opinion, and I therefore instantly went to him. After I had so communicated with him, and had written the account of it to you, I sought Charles Williams [Wynn], to inform him of what I had done, and showed him the correspondence. I had a long conversation with him, and maintained those opinions and the views which you have suggested in your letter of this morning. Although he deprecated the overture to the Duke of Wellington, yet I am quite persuaded he is delighted at the prospect it has opened to his views. I know not whether he may or may not have opened the subject to his uncles, but it is impossible they can condemn a proceeding which was called for by the general and increasing rumours of the town; but even if they are so disposed, it is necessary for every man to judge for himself. They might think it right to remain quiet; you, on the contrary, think it right to communicate your views and opinions confidentially to the Duke of Wellington, with whom you had before conversed on the subject. I have always told you, and I repeat it, that Charles Williams, though most able and admirable as your chief in the House of Commons, is too full of difficulty and splitting of hairs. My opinion is, decidedly, that you should, under all the difficulties of the present moment, and with the retirement of your uncles, get into official station, and thereby official strength and power; and when once that is done, your influence, your necessity to any future Government, will be tenfold what it now is; but if you are now to hold off, and to be fighting for general objects, and for balance of Cabinet strength, and for questions and individuals, I have no hesitation in saying that I think you will do wrong. These will be the points, I perfectly well know, that will be uppermost in the mind of your uncles and Charles Williams; but it is for you to act for yourself, which I think you can manage without quarrelling with them. With all these impressions on my mind, and recurring to the blame I incurred for communicating with Harrison on a former occasion, I felt it impossible for me not to mention the transaction to Charles Williams, after I had executed your wishes; but I can assure [you] there is no other individual on earth to whom I have opened my lips on the subject; and you must be aware that, whether this conversation had been made known or not, you must have mentioned the subject to your uncles and Charles Wynn whenever the Government had sent to you, and on your arrival in town. I feel exceedingly sorry you should have thought that I wanted discretion by so doing; but, devoted as I am at all times to you, the case was one in which I felt obliged to take the step I did.

I shall not communicate your letter of to-day to him; but shall continue to urge the same language you hold, and which, I assure you, I have already done to him; and I would recommend you to leave it now where it stands. Again I can't help expressing my opinion of the propriety of your conduct, and the necessity there was of coming to a full and distinct understanding as to your footing with the Government.

I cannot yet give a good guess as to Lord Liverpool's conduct. If I were to give my opinion, it is that he will remain in office; but if Lord Londonderry thinks his situation, and power, and influence must be strengthened (which seemed to be the opinion of the Duke of Wellington), he may be better pleased with an arrangement which would give him the Treasury and Chancellorship of the Exchequer, and thereby he would possess the patronage and the authority over the Secretaries of the Treasury. It certainly is now a drawback to his Parliamentary means; at the same time, I own I cannot see strength in the retirement of Lord Liverpool. He has more footing and support in the country than any one of the Ministers; and even his promise of support would be a very different thing. Who is there to conduct the House of Lords?

Lady Conyngham is certainly moving to introduce the Opposition. I was told last night (but I can't positively vouch for the fact) that Lord and Lady Grey and children are invited to the Carlton House ball this evening; if so, nothing can more strongly mark her influence; for you must remember the language the King held to me, not six months ago, about Lord Grey individually. There was no opprobrious or harsh epithet he did not use. He dines with the Duke of Devonshire to-morrow, and has a limited party to meet him in the evening—a ball. I have not heard who are the invitations—but of course Diplomacy and Opposition. The King has left out many of the Ministers' ladies and his old friends to-night—such as the Duchess of Rutland, Lady Bathurst; the only Minister's wife, Lady Melville, asked.

I will keep this open, in case I have anything further to tell you. Adieu!

Ever sincerely yours,

W. H. F.

House of Commons, Six o'clock.

I have little more to say, excepting that Lord Londonderry is unwell, and no particular business will come on this evening. Lord and Lady Grey are certainly invited to Carlton House to-night, and Tierney to the evening to-morrow, to meet the King at the Duke of Devonshire's. The strongest rumours are afloat, and increase with regard to his leaning towards the Opposition; and certainly these invitations do not discourage them. What he can mean seems difficult to unravel.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, June 16, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I feel that I acted wrong in showing your letter marked "Confidential" to Charles Williams, and am sorry I did so, particularly as it has given you pain, but a variety of reasons prompted me at the time; the subject was so important, and the nature of the commission so delicate, that I did not sufficiently consider how it might embarrass you. I am quite aware of the many difficulties you have to contend with, and this made me feel (from past experience) the danger of moving without explanation; however, I can only say I am sorry I showed your letter, and it will be a lesson to me in future to act with more caution.

The state of things is most critical and curious. Everybody now acknowledges, and seems to admit, that changes must take place and are pending, but what with the King's flirtation with the Opposition, the strange absence and conduct of Canning at the House of Commons, the illness of Londonderry, and the death of Lady Liverpool, it is all loose and wild conjecture; my version is this—I have no hesitation in saying, from what I gather, that Lord Liverpool will not resign (the King has written him a most kind and considerate letter); that the King only plays a game with the Opposition from vexation and anger about Mr. Sumner's appointment, and a wish at the same time of keeping down a party for the Queen, but that he has no idea of changing his Government. That as soon as Lady Liverpool is buried and the Session is closed, a communication will be made to you, and that the Government will be strengthened by your accession. How and in what manner this will be arranged, in accordance with your feelings and views, I cannot pretend to say; but whenever that proposition is made, if you are afterwards to waive the accedence to a junction till you are enabled to satisfy the theories and calculations of your uncles, I am quite sure you might as well remain at Stowe. I have no hesitation in saying to you, that I think you would do well to make a sine qua non of Charles Williams being of the Cabinet; but if beyond this he is to have all his difficulties of who shall fill the different offices, and how more or less the Government could be better classed, and if these difficulties are again to be weighed and reasoned on by your uncles, who sit in their libraries and fancy things and men are as they were twenty years ago, and forget we are under a new reign, and such a reign; and if above all, they fancy the Government is reduced to the state of giving you carte blanche, and that they cannot go on without your party, I am quite convinced they would not treat on these terms, and that they are prepared to go on, if they find such to be your feelings and line of conduct; I tell you this as my own opinion, and which I think I am bound to give you, knowing the situation in which you stand, and weighing well all these difficulties you have to contend against, and as they affect what I know to be the prevailing object of your mind to conciliate the junction.

The Opposition are whispering and cajoling about the King's conduct towards them, and I see are endeavouring to separate the Whigs from the Mountain; but they will be unable to do this while the Duke of Bedford, Lord Grey, Lord Lansdowne, &c. are at Carlton House, and Lords Tavistock, Fitzwilliam, Milton, Jersey, &c., are with the Queen on the same evening.

Lady Conyngham is the great link upon which this hangs, and the Opposition ladies are courting her to a degree and with success. The King goes to-day (if he is well enough) to the Cottage, for the Ascot week, and is to have his party, Lady C——, &c.

He is certainly very unwell, with a great degree of gout. He was in his bed on the day he dined with the Duke of Devonshire till he got up for the dinner, and went away at twelve. He sat nearly the whole evening on a couch with Lady C——, and the night before at Carlton House he did the same with her, attending very little to the children, and then dismissed his company at about eleven o'clock, to have a private supper with her. I cannot find that he spoke to Lord Grey on either of the evenings. Adieu.

Ever truly yours,

W. H. FREMANTLE.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, June 18, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I can have no idea that the Duke of Wellington speaks alone from his wishes, when he expressly told me that the chiefs of the Cabinet thought exactly as he did on the subject, and meant to act upon it. If the Chancellor, Lord Melville, and others, have counteracted this intention by stopping the arrangement with Canning, I cannot but think it must end in their quarrelling, for I am sure Lord Londonderry wishes for further strength in the House of Commons, and he will not be deterred in procuring it by the Chancellor's meddling, who does not suffer from this part of the Government weakness. However, a short time must disclose it. Lady Liverpool's body leaves town to-morrow to be buried at Hawkesbury; Lord Liverpool attends it, and sleeps on Wednesday night at Badminton (Duke of Beaufort's), very near the place; when he returns, which he does to Combe, on Thursday or Friday, he will of course resume business and communication with his colleagues. Lord Londonderry is better; possibly may come to the House of Commons to-day. There has been the devil to do with the Duke of Devonshire's dinner. The Spencers, indignant at not being asked, refused to go in the evening; she saying that she did presume to think that she was as much entitled to a family association as Mr. and Mrs. G. Lambe or Captain Clifford, and one must say with no little reason. He also wrote to Lady Jersey to beg her to send him an excuse, as he had reason to think her presence would be objectionable (this at the time he had invited Lady Tavistock, and who was actually there, having been with the Queen the night before); Lady Jersey is outrageous, but has written a most violent letter to the Duke; but is crying to everybody, saying she is abandoned by her friends and everybody; she was at Lady Londonderry's on Saturday, sobbing and bewailing to every soul, literally crying. Lady Conyngham carries it with the very highest hand. She met R. Smith (Lord Carrington's son) on the Friday morning, asked him if he was to be at the ball at Carlton House that evening. He answered, "No; he had not been honoured by an invitation;" to which she replied, "Oh, I'll take care of that;" and he received a card a few hours afterwards.

Lady Londonderry sent her an invitation for one of her evening parties; she sent word that Lady Londonderry not having invited her to one party last winter, as she was not fit company in the year 1820, she could not be better or more worthy in the year 1821. Lady Gwydyr is the great friend. I don't find the King spoke to one of the Opposition men either at Carlton House or at Devonshire House; at the latter, a great mass of them, Tierney, Lord Grey, Mackintosh, &c. &c., were collected in the outer room to make their bow as he went out, but either by design or accident he came out by another room, and the thing missed fire.

I perfectly agree with you in thinking the King's conduct towards them is more with a view to destroy a Queen's party, but at the same time it weakens most terribly his own. Canning looks like the D——; I never saw a man so cast down or so miserable. His late gasconade has done him great mischief; it is said that Charles Ellis disapproved it strongly before he wrote the letter. I shall keep this open till I go to the House. The King goes to-day to the Cottage for the week—Lady Conyngham, Esterhazys, &c. &c. The Agricultural Horse Tax is given up; it was surrendered in the Committee this morning. I met Lord L—— this moment, who told me he had just parted with Lord Sidmouth, who had seen Lord Liverpool this morning. He (Lord L——) asked Lord Sidmouth whether there was any disposition or feeling on the part of Lord Liverpool to resign; he answered him in the clearest negative, saying he had no such idea whatever; that he found him greatly subdued this morning, but that after a little conversation he recovered and began upon business. Adieu.

Ever truly yours,

W. H. F.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, July 2, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I am quite persuaded there is no person more anxious on the subject than C—— W——; and however sulky he may have been, he was not the less delighted at the steps you took, by which the prospect appeared to be so much opened.

I am quite at a loss now to account for the non-communication. Your conjecture is, most probably, that the party who do not feel the weight of the Government are too strong at present to enable the efficient members to accomplish their object: at the same time, it is quite clear something must be done. If they get both Canning and Peel, they may do; but I don't look to this. The former claims too much, and there is a great portion of the Cabinet who hate him. He certainly was walking with Lord Lichfield for an hour previous to his making his speech; but his friends (I mean Lord Binning, who told me so) say it was to dissuade him from making it. He paired off himself on the question, which is a clear demonstration of his ill-humour. I will endeavour to throw myself in the Duke of Wellington's way, but I should think it unwise to call upon him; and, if I have an opportunity, will open the subject. After his declarations, if the business is off, he will and must feel very awkward; but at the same time, I think he must also feel called upon to give you some explanation. The truth is, that the Government is so extremely weak, and so dis-united in itself, and upon such terms with the King, that they don't know from day to day, or from hour to hour, what will be their next proceedings. I understood last night, the Council were to hear an argument on the claim set up by the Queen to be crowned. The Chancellor was to see the King upon it yesterday. This will add disgust and ill-will from the King, who cannot listen to common forms on her subject. Nobody can account for the Peerages not having appeared, as also the Brevet in Army and Navy. Lord Talbot was to return this week.

Whenever I hear anything, or can procure information, you shall know immediately. I leave town on Saturday.

Ever most truly yours,

W. H. FREMANTLE.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, July 4, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

You will receive with this another letter which I have written to you, but which I told the Duke of W—— I would not send without his first seeing, being upon a matter so important, and conveying his message. Nothing can be so thoroughly weak as the proceedings of the Government on this question: it is, as usual, holding off and endeavouring to tide on, trusting to accident, but knowing themselves to be incapable of continuing in their present form for another session.

I had a conversation with the Duke, in which he evidently felt embarrassed, because he admitted the folly of suspending any measures, but was forced to admit, at the same time, he was compelled to it. He talked over and admitted the inefficiency of many members of the Cabinet, but then said there were reasons which made it difficult to remove them, particularly when adverting to Lord Sidmouth—said he knew how "silly a fellow he was," but that a great following of the country attended him, and he would bring more "public opinion" to the Cabinet than any other member. It was to his change, however, they looked. That it was impossible the House of Commons could go on as it was; and the difficulty was, how best to strengthen it, when there was in all parts of the House such a parity of abilities. I admitted this, but said the disparity was only displayed in the Government benches; that B. Bathurst, Vansittart, and others (I did not name Pole) were perfect cyphers. It is clear that the efficient members—viz., Liverpool, Londonderry, and the Duke of Wellington—have been thwarted in their endeavours by the minor members of the Cabinet, and this arising from the want of energy in Lord Liverpool. I said, "Do you think the present supporters of Government, and the members of the Cabinet whom you may remove, would or could oppose the new Cabinet?" "Certainly not," he answered; "but though they would support, yet it would be an unwilling and cold support, such as could not be relied on." I made him feel as much as I could the awkward situation in which he himself was placed, with the opinions he entertained of the weakness of Government; and he really had nothing to say to this, except that it could not last, but that a strengthening of the Cabinet must take place before the opening. One thing, however, has [been] elicited—namely, that neither Canning nor Peel are thought of as in distinction to a more enlarged opening.

I have seen Charles Wynn since, and showed him the letter I was to show the Duke, and which is here sent. Our conversation was short. His impression is in favour of your joining the Whigs; but this would be madness. First, that they would repel you; and next, it would not a bit lessen the power of the present Government; or could it lead, under any circumstances, to the formation of a stronger or more efficient Government; it would and must lead you into the stream of the Radicals, who completely govern the Whigs. My opinion is, that you should now hold yourself liberated from all connexion with the Government, and that whether they do or do not communicate with you, is now a matter not worth your notice; but that you shall give your support and influence to the formation of any Government that can rescue us from the danger of revolution, which is fast approaching, and which daily threatens us more and more, from the weakness and want of energy of the present members of the Cabinet. I will add a word or two to this after I have seen the Duke.

You will see by the papers the death of Buonaparte. I met Lord Sidmouth, who told me the accounts had arrived. He died of a stomach attack of a cancerous nature, on the 5th April.

Four o'clock.

I am just come from the Duke, and I send you the letter as he has altered it.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, July 4, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I have seen the Duke of Wellington this morning, who sent to me to communicate the last decision of the Cabinet with regard to change. He desired me to tell you it was found impossible, for reasons into which he could not enter, to make the arrangements which had been in contemplation, and that it was thought best not to come to you with an offer in an arrangement which was not complete, and therefore to delay to communicate with you till the complete arrangement could be made. This must be made between this and the next session of Parliament; and the Duke told me that nothing of the kind could be done without communication with you; that if the arrangement in contemplation could have been made at present, an offer would have been made to you which the Duke thinks would have been agreeable to you; and he was quite certain nothing of the kind would be done in future without something of the same kind. I begged to understand from the Duke whether any partial change—such as the introduction of Mr. Canning or Mr. Peel—would be considered change? His answer was, that no change whatever would take place without your being consulted and a party to it; and that he made this communication to you with the knowledge and concurrence of Lord Liverpool.

Believe me ever, my dear Lord,

Most sincerely yours,

W. H. FREMANTLE.

MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, July 5, 1821.

MY DEAR B——,

I yesterday met Fremantle, who told me of his conversation with the Duke of W——, which terminates that business just as I expected. The moment that the pressure of immediate difficulty is removed by the prorogation, they are content to go to sleep, just as they did in autumn, and depend upon what good fortune, chance, or the chapter of accidents may send them before next session, which will find them just as unfit, unprepared, and incapable as the present has left them. They all say that Lord Liverpool is in a state of such nervous irritation, from mental distress and the accumulation of business which has taken place in his absence, that it is impossible to get an answer from him upon anything. I spoke the other day to Lord Londonderry about Henry, and he held just the same language as before—hope of making an early communication, but had not yet been able to speak to Lord Liverpool.

Report states the intended reduction to be four regiments of dragoons, three of infantry, and ten men per troop and company on the remainder. I doubt the dragoons, since that would be lower than the establishment of 1792.

The Ordnance is also to be well pared.

Ever yours,

C. W. W.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, July 7, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I am just come from the Duke of W——, who had shown your letter to Lord Liverpool. Of course he said little upon it, more than admitting the general terms and the necessity of forming a strong Government.

I found him, however, I think, a great deal more irritable on the subject of the King, full of anger, and vexation, and complaint of the difficulties in which the Cabinet was placed; every hour increasing those difficulties from the conduct he was pursuing, not only by his flirtation with the Opposition, but by his strange whims and orders respecting the Coronation, and the impatience he already shows at any reductions, particularly when they touch the military. However, these are things that must be fought, and as I again repeated, the sooner the better. I found, however, from the Duke, that the great resistance was made to the re-introduction of Canning (and this is, I think, material for you to know). He cannot forgive him, and the particular offence is the letter he wrote to B——, explaining the grounds of his conduct regarding the Queen, and in which he stated he "was no party to laying the green bag on the table of the House of Commons," which is a direct falsehood. By this you will observe where the hitch rests; and it is likewise gratifying, with your views of the subject, to feel that the Cabinet consider a strong Government can only be constituted by the admission of Canning; indeed, the Duke entered into this part with a great deal of reasoning on the state of the House of Commons.

The more I hear and see of the matter, the more convinced I am that the whole thing hangs on a thread; that if the King dared turn them out he would, that is, he would submit to the influence of Lady C—— in so doing, but I don't know that if it were not but for this influence he would be so disposed. That the Cabinet knowing this are cautious not to give him any good ground, and not to exasperate him at the present moment. You cannot imagine the state of irritation in which the Duke was this morning, and I think not a little of it arose from the result of an interview which Lord Anglesea had with the King yesterday, for he said to me among other things—"You have no idea the mischief that is done to us by persons who have an opportunity of seeing and conversing with the King. Lord Anglesea saw him yesterday, and this has interfered already in our proposed military reductions." Afterwards he said—"There are not less than five Pagets named for situations at the Coronation." I give you all this to show the tone and temper.

I told him when he was talking over the state of the House of Commons, that I thought if he could in the arrangement secure the most efficient of the present members of Government, together with your squadron, Canning, and Peel, such a Government might defy not only the Opposition, but all the folly, or indiscretion, or passion of the King; to which he said, "It is the only Government that ought to be formed." Nothing could exceed his indignation and abuse of Lady C——. He said the situation in which she was now placed, was one she had been seeking for twenty years; that her whole object was patronage and patronage alone; that she mingled in everything she could, and it was entirely owing to the necessary interference of the Government on one or two points, and the offence given by Lady Castlereagh in not inviting her, that her present animosity to the Government proceeded, and the consequent difficulties with the King.

I have run on till the bell-man is actually passing; probably you will be in town before Sunday, when I shall see you, but I am compelled by business to go on that day. Adieu.

Ever most truly yours,

W. H. FREMANTLE.

P.S.—The Peerages are expected out to-night, nobody knows why Lord Rous is made an Earl.

MR. C. W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

MY DEAR B——,

Many thanks to you for your two letters. The account which Fremantle yesterday gave me of his second conversation with the Duke of W—— certainly bore a more decisive character than anything which had previously passed; still, even that is symptomatic of the general weakness and procrastination which marks the Administration in general and Lord Liverpool in particular. In general I concur most fully in the sentiments which you have expressed in your letter to Fremantle. Perhaps I do not so much wish as you do for Lord Liverpool's continuance in his present department; as, notwithstanding the weight which attaches to his character, I believe that the peculiar peril of the present day might be encountered with greater probability of success if Lord Londonderry were to unite that office with the lead of the House of Commons.

I do not yet know exactly whether I can be with you on Wednesday or Thursday, but on one of them I certainly will. I find that there is a probability of the Oxford election being deferred till the 23rd, or possibly the 24th. I think Heber has a fair probability of success, if his friends exert themselves; but his committee wants very much the order and method of your arrangements in St. James's Square. I fear that of the new Peers there will be a considerable majority against the Catholics. I can only find William Pole, Lord Ormond, and perhaps Liddell, among the favourable, and all the remainder who had not previous votes as representative peers, hostile.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

RIGHT HON. THOMAS GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dropmore, July 10, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD B——,

I think I shall determine to return to town on the 17th or 18th, because I do not see how the bustle of the coronation can reach me in Cleveland Square, if I carefully avoid all nearer approach to it; so that, according to my present projects, I think I shall certainly see you in London. My expectation is that, more or less immediately, the influence of the lady will effect the change that she is supposed to be working for, more especially as I believe her lover's vanity would rather be flattered by the ostentation of displaying her power and influence on this subject, in spite of the manifest impropriety of her appearing in public affairs, and the hazard which might attend such a manifestation in times like the present and with the jealousy which the public mind has already shown upon these topics.

I perfectly agree with you also in the apprehensions which you express, of the weakness of the present ministers inviting and acquiescing in the transfer of the executive government from official responsibility to votes and resolutions and debates.

If the Opposition shall succeed to office, I shall certainly think their success not a whit more creditable to them on this occasion, than was their disgraceful failure last year; but whenever that happens, a new state of things will arise, which will create perhaps a difficult question, and certainly a most important one, as to the more or less support which the public interests might demand for them. If they take the government diffident of their own strength, they may court popularity among the lower ranks by measures, under the specious name of reform, which might irrecoverably ruin the constitution of the country, before they could be displaced; if, on the other hand, they could promise themselves a fair and extensive parliamentary support in endeavouring to bring back to government its proper dignity, authority, and responsibility, that would be so great a public good that all possible means should be taken to support it, however objectionable their conduct out of office had been: the difficulty would be to decide that important question; we shall have time enough to think and talk it over.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

White's, July 14, 1821.

It is impossible to describe to you half the lies or inventions that daily take place. To-day it is said, and confidently, that the King has nominated four extra Knights of the Thistle—Lauderdale, Cassilis, Melville, and Aboyne. The preparations for the Coronation are going on with infinite energy, but I should think with equal confusion. A grand quarrel between the Lord Great Chamberlain and the Earl Marshal, the latter engrossing all the Abbey, and the other all the Hall, and not allowing the smallest interference or even suggestion from each other. The King perfectly absorbed in all these petty arrangements of dress, seats, &c. A private box prepared in the Hall for the Great Chamberlain, in which Lady Conyngham is accommodated. Lord Conyngham said to-day, at White's, that he and family were to depart for Ireland immediately after the levee; not to wait for the ball which is to be given on Friday, 27th, at Carlton House. It is generally believed that Lord Sidmouth forgot to sign his name to the letter to the Queen; but the extraordinary part is, that yesterday it was generally understood, even by the Government, that the Queen was to have a place at the Abbey, and this I fully believe; but that the King said he had a full and complete control over the Hall, and there she should not come; and I believe this is the cause of the rejection altogether.

You can have no idea what an impression it makes in the public, the conduct of the King towards his Government. The flirtation he holds with the Opposition, and his general estrangement from them; the appointments he makes, without the least communication with them. I dined yesterday at the Duchess of Rutland's, where there was a large party of Government people, and where nothing else was talked of. The arrangement for reduction is this at present—ten men reduced from every troop in every cavalry regiment, and twenty-five per cent. from all official situations, high and low; this is what I heard to-day.

I go out of town early to-morrow. You will no doubt have much communication with the Duke of Wellington when you come, and, if he is as full as when I last saw him, you will hear much to astonish, and, I think, to alarm you.