These ideas were rankling in every man's mind when the Parliament met, and it is with the utmost difficulty that we have been able to remove them. I cannot paint more strongly to you the real situation of the feelings of the House of Commons, than by telling you, that a declaration from me upon my legs, "that it was the determination of the Government of both countries to maintain the Protestant establishment, and to resist any attempts by force or intimidation that might be made to subvert it," afforded a degree of consolation which, not having witnessed, you can hardly credit, so great was the apprehension upon the subject.

The newspapers will have informed you of our proceedings upon that day; I shall, therefore, only add that I am still doubtful of the event of the Bill, but am inclined to believe we shall carry it. I hear that, if the Ponsonbys are satisfied that there will be a majority in favour of it, they will concur; if they think they can throw it out, they will oppose. Should we carry the Bill, the gentlemen of the Roman Catholics will be highly gratified, and the rabble bullied—both circumstances which will tend very much to the future quiet of the country.

I am informed that Mr. R. Burke and his employers have quarrelled, and that Ireland may soon hope to be relieved from his gracious superintendence. I am sure I heartily wish it, for he has contrived, by his impudence, folly, and misrepresentations, to awake animosities between the Protestants and Catholics that had slept for fifty years, and that a reasonable man might have hoped would have slept for ever. I see no ground to apprehend tumult of any kind. The Catholics, I think, dare not stir; and the United Irishmen, with Napper Tandy at their head, are sinking into nothing. Napper, and indeed his friend Grattan, have totally lost their influence in the Corporation.

The Duke of Leinster had committed himself very far indeed upon the subject of franchise, and is now retreating through his Corporation of Athy, who have addressed their representatives, Colonel Arthur Ormsby and Mr. Falkiner, to support the Protestant ascendancy.

I am told that the northern people do not much object to our Bill. Any one step further would have been totally impracticable, and would have produced a confusion that no man could have foreseen the consequence of.

My best compliments to Lady Buckingham.

Believe me ever, my dear Lord, with every respect and gratitude, affectionately yours,

R. HOBART.

Amidst the arrivals of foreign news, which every day created new excitements in the political circles, a movement was beginning to be felt in the Cabinet which was shortly to produce an important change in the Administration. The eccentricities of the Chancellor had on several occasions given much uneasiness to Ministers. He seemed to move in an orbit of his own, independently of his colleagues; while the influence he exercised over the King's mind, and his repulsive bearing, made all approaches to him difficult and hazardous. The first consideration, when an unexpected question sprung up, was to ascertain what view Thurlow was likely to take of it; and it was sometimes as necessary to conciliate him and to wait upon his moods, as if he had been a powerful, but doubtful supporter, instead of a member of the Government. "We may do with, but cannot do without him," appears to have been the general feeling in reference to him; and it was only by the most skilful management that Mr. Pitt averted those dissensions in the Cabinet which his strange line of conduct had so palpable a tendency to provoke. At last the Chancellor committed himself openly to a hostile vote upon a vital measure, and left it no longer possible for the Minister to palliate their differences by private negotiations. The character and dignity of the Administration was at stake, and there was but one alternative left. The extremity to which matters were thus reduced is glanced at hesitatingly by Lord Grenville. The commentary which he did not think it right to make at such a moment may now, however, be supplied. The vote of Lord Thurlow placed the Cabinet in this position, that it remained for the King to choose between them. Mr. Pitt was prepared to resign, if the decisive advice he tendered to His Majesty was not immediately acted upon.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

St. James's Square, May 15th, 1792. MY DEAR BROTHER,

I have the happiness of being able to send you an account of the capture of Seringapatam. The news is brought by a letter from a Dr. Abercromby, who was sent with Lord Cornwallis's despatches, in the 'Vestal.' He put this letter on board another vessel in the Channel, and it comes by express from Bristol.

A decisive action took place about the 6th of January, at a village near Seringapatam. Tippoo's army was entirely routed, and a few days after the place surrendered. Tippoo is said to have been wounded in the action, and carried to the hill-fort: this is all we know. If the "Gazette" is out in time, Goddard will send it you.

The Duke of P. and his friends have declined being at the Council. We mean, nevertheless, to take the step, and to propose Addresses in both Houses of Parliament. It seems impossible for them not to support us there, but it is at least right to bring it to a point. When the day is fixed for the motion in the House of Lords I will let you know it, as I think you will wish to be present, and probably may be desirous of expressing your opinion. I consider the Duke of P.'s refusal as an additional proof of the decisive influence Fox possesses over their minds when he chooses to exert it.

You will have seen that the Chancellor opposed the National Debt Bill yesterday by surprise, and had nearly beat us. What this may lead to, I do not yet know; but as at present advised, I think the consequences must be decisive on his situation or ours. But it requires some reflection, and some management in the quarter that you know.

Ever, my dear brother, Most affectionately yours, GRENVILLE.

The "quarter" alluded to had the courage to decide not only wisely but promptly, and Thurlow was peremptorily called upon to resign.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

St. James's Square, May 18th, 1792. MY DEAR BROTHER,

The King has charged Dundas with a message to the Chancellor, stating the necessity he was under of making his option, and therefore requiring him to give up the Seals, leaving the time to his choice. The Chancellor is to see the King to-day, and after that the thing will, I imagine, be immediately announced, though I hardly think it can take place till the end of the session. Our present idea is to put the Seals in Commission, with Eyre at the head, which (with the vacation) will give time for future arrangements. It is impossible as yet to guess at the success of those arrangements, but I imagine they would unquestionably be much facilitated by the sacrifice you so generously offer. I have not, however, thought myself at liberty to make any use of what you say on that subject, nor will I, as I think that if you make up your mind to so very handsome an offer, you ought at least to have the merit with Pitt of announcing it to him, instead of its having the appearance of passing in any manner through me.

We shall, I believe, issue the proclamation to-day or to-morrow at latest, and Friday is, I think, the most likely day for the Address in the House of Lords; but you shall hear further from me. I say nothing of that part of the Indian news which is true, as you will already have seen it in all the papers.

The King has conducted himself towards Pitt in this unpleasant situation in a manner the most handsome possible, and such as must leave a lasting impression in our minds. I do not look without some uneasiness at the increase of personal labour of all sorts which this will bring upon me; mais le vin est tire.

Ever most affectionately yours, G.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

St. James's Square, June 13th, 1792. MY DEAREST BROTHER,

I know you share the happiness I feel, in learning that my travellers were to be at Brussels in the course of last week, and did not purpose making more than four or five days' stay there, so that I may reasonably expect them here from day to day. I am rejoiced that my holidays have begun before they are arrived. We prorogue on Friday, and have finished all our business to-day, which is a great load off my shoulders. The Chancellor is to give up the Seals immediately, and they will be put into Commission with Eyre, Buller, and Wilson, as I imagine, though the names are not yet quite settled. We shall have the summer to look about us; and I feel no great uneasiness even at the thoughts of meeting them again precisely as we are, if that should be the case.

There is no news of any sort, except the continuance of the French follies, which you read day by day in their papers, as fully, and indeed often much more so, than I could detail them. There have been some great failures at Bordeaux, and some at Paris, which makes those few of our merchants who are concerned with them look about them a little.

Our Addresses are going on swimmingly, and it will, I think, soon be time for the loyal county of B. to show itself. They expect a dust in Surrey, which my good Lord Onslow does not seem to have quite wit enough to lay.

Ever most affectionately yours, G.

Two days after the date of this letter, Parliament was prorogued, and the Chancellor sent in his resignation.

The events that were taking place in France had recently awakened in England a spirit of sympathy amongst the lower classes, which it was apprehended might lead to disastrous consequences, if strong measures were not adopted for its suppression. Several associations were established in London and elsewhere to give practical effect to the democratic and revolutionary doctrines of the day, under such titles as the Corresponding Society, the Revolution Society, and the Society for Constitutional Information; and some of them carried their views so far as to transmit congratulatory addresses to the National Assembly. The Government, seeing the peril that was impending over the country, took immediate measures for the suppression of seditious correspondence abroad, and revolutionary publications at home. A proclamation embodying these objects was laid before Parliament towards the end of May, and carried without a division, notwithstanding a violent opposition from Mr. Grey and others, who had formed themselves into a Society called "The Friends of the People," for the ostensible purpose of appeasing the discontents, by obtaining a reform in the representation.

Immediately after the prorogation of Parliament, meetings were held all over the country, to testify to the King the loyalty and gratitude of the population, and to return thanks to His Majesty for the activity and decision with which the dangers of the crisis had been met. In the course of two or three months, the number of addresses that were voted at these meetings and presented to the King amounted to three hundred and forty-one.

It is to these circumstances Lord Grenville alludes in the closing paragraph of the last letter. In the next communication he urges Lord Buckingham to move the Address in his own county; and in the letters that follow he touches upon the progress of the sanguinary drama that was then enacting in Paris. The domestic allusions refer to his approaching marriage.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

St. James's Square, June 21st, 1792. MY DEAREST BROTHER,

Although I have as yet no tidings of my travellers, I feel so confident of their being here before the day fixed for the Address, that I think I run no risk in promising to be there at all events. I have, however, no idea that the noble Marquis will give us the meeting; though I will own to you, there are few things which I should like better. I think the Address perfectly unexceptionable as it now stands; but I should wish to add a sentence somewhere, expressing the satisfaction and concurrence of the county in the sentiments expressed by Parliament on this subject, because I think it may not be indifferent to future debates, to have to quote expressions of this sort, in order to show that, on a great occasion like this, the sense of the people was immediately and completely expressed by Parliament. I enclose you the Devonshire Address, which Fortescue sent me. It was drawn by him; and I think singularly well put together.

It appears to me, that you ought certainly to move the Address yourself; this not being a case where the common objections apply, but rather the contrary. In that case, perhaps, some person of higher rank ought to second than Drake, Duke of Portland, or Lord Chesterfield, or Lord Inchiquin, or Lord Hampden. If, however, you have actually applied to him, it must be managed as well as it can.

Do you advertize the meeting in the London papers? I think you ought to write to Lord Chesterfield. When you return me the Address, I will put it into Tom's hands for the Duke of Portland. I think this meeting ought by no means to supersede the idea of the Grand Jury presentment. If you still think that right, I will contrive that Lord Loughborough, who goes your circuit, shall have a hint to prepare the way for it by his charge. You will, of course, be very civil to him. Whether it will come to anything I have not; but there is reason enough to be civil to him, as I will explain when we meet.

The Berlin news is nothing more than the common story of a squabble between Mistress and Favourite, in which, contrary to custom, Favourite has this time got the better of Mistress. As far as it goes, it is unfavourable to the Jacobins; for the whole project of French interference is Bishopwerder's; and the crime imputed to the other, is a leaning towards the democrats.

I need not tell you how much I feel the kindness of what you say about my domestic concerns, and the near approach of my prospects. I am sure you do me the justice to think that I am not insensible of all your affection to me on that subject, as, indeed, on every other. Till they arrive, I can form no guess of their plans, nor, consequently, of my own; but, as I shall certainly see you so soon, either here or at Aylesbury, we shall be able to talk about it; and, till then, I think you had better not write to Lord C. on the subject of Stowe, for a reason which you perhaps guess.

Ever most affectionately yours, G.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

St. James's Square, June 25th, 1792. MY DEAREST BROTHER,

Having been out of town Saturday and Sunday, I did not get the East India news time enough to write to you. The newspapers contain all we know or have received. There is no doubt of the authenticity of the "Bombay Gazette," the original of which is received. But it seems very odd how the news should first reach Bombay through the Nizam's Durbar. On the whole, however, I see no sufficient ground to disbelieve it; and, if true, it is as good as the most sanguine wishes could have desired.

Lord Camelford is landed at Deal, and will be in town to-morrow night. I shall, therefore, certainly keep my engagement for Friday. I shall see Tom this morning, and will put the Address into his hands, to be communicated to the Duke of Portland, and will also talk to him about the Grand Jury. The new French Ministry is wholly Fayette's, and by his letter he seems to think himself strong enough to take the whole into his own hands and keep it. I have, however, no opinion of his judgment. I am persuaded his plan is to negotiate with the two Courts, and he will find a ready ear to all he can say there. The Princes are wholly excluded, and systematically so, from all that is doing, and will scarce be allowed the honour of fighting should it come to blows. And the King will be too happy to yield to any compromise that he may think will insure his personal safety. And so far for prophecies, in which you know I do not deal much.

Ever most affectionately yours, G.

P.S.—The enclosed is for Lord Buckingham. Pray let it be put among the portraits of other heroes. It is original, and Liston says very like. The whipping-post, knife, and pistol, are also portraits.

I open my letter again to tell you, that by way of anniversary of the 20th, there was a procession of the two faubourgs with pikes, &c., to the National Assembly. From thence they went to the Tuileries, to present what they called a petition to the King. He ordered them to be let in, and they entered, notwithstanding the National Guard, who were there in force, but made no resistance, though it is said they were disposed to it if they had been encouraged. They remained three hours in the King's room, loading him with insults, and demanding the recal of the Jacobin Ministers, and the sanction for the two decrees. They put the red cap upon his head, upon the Queen's, and upon the Dauphin. They were at length persuaded to disperse by Petion telling them that they had sufficiently manifested their patriotism. The King is said to have behaved with uncommon firmness and apparent indifference. The whole was expected, and had been announced for a week, and you see how it was met. The Jacobins feel it a complete triumph, and talk of sending La Fayette to Orleans.

Luckner has taken possession of Menin, Ypres, and Courtrai, the latter after some resistance, in which the Austrians lost about one hundred men. An action was expected every hour.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

July 2nd, 1792. MY DEAREST BROTHER,

I have a whole budget of news for you, but I must begin with what interests myself most, which is, the thanking you again for your kindness to your future sister. I have told her of it, and she feels it as she ought to do. You know I do not deal much in long speeches, nor do you much delight in hearing or reading them; but I am sure that you do me the justice to believe me not the less sensible of all your affection to me, which I have experienced in every stage of my life, and most of all on the most interesting occasion of it. I feel that it is to you I owe my happiness.

When you give your directions to Froggatt, will you be so good as to bid him put in Lord Camelford's name as the trustee.

Now for news. The "Gazette," which Goddard sends you, will tell you of Lord Cornwallis's victory. We have this morning a letter from Brooke at St. Helena, enclosing a "Madras Courier," with the account of a second victory, followed by a peace, in which Tippoo stipulates to cede half his dominions to the allies, and to pay them L3,500,000 for the expenses of the war, and to give his two sons for hostages. Nothing can appear more complete; but I wait with impatience for Lord Cornwallis's despatches, as the above expression relative to the cessions is so very loose.

Lafayette has left his army to go to Paris, and has made a speech to the Assembly, threatening them in pretty plain, though guarded terms, with the resentment of his army, if they do not punish the outrages of the 21st, and demolish the Jacobins. His friends moved to refer his address to the commission des douze, which was carried on the appel nominal by 110 majority. He was afterwards carried in triumph to the Tuileries by the National Guards. But the Jacobins are not stunned, and much disturbance was expected in Paris.

I take it for granted you have told my own news to Lady B., and therefore do not trouble her with a letter. Will you be so good as to say everything that is most kind to her, both from Anne and myself.

Ever, my dear brother, Most affectionately yours, GRENVILLE.

Crowds of emigrants that were driven out of France by the massacres that were going on there, night and day, swarmed into the streets of London, where they wandered about in great distress. The majority of these people were priests; and it was computed that the number of French refugees that landed in England, between the 30th of August and the 1st of October, amounted to nearly four thousand. Large subscriptions were raised for their relief; but as it was essential that the protection extended to them should not be abused, Lord Grenville turned his attention to the necessity of providing some measure for regulating the assistance they received, and guarding against any sinister advantage the disaffected amongst them might be disposed to take of the asylum which the free institutions of this country threw open to them. Here we have the first suggestion of the Alien Bill, which, three months afterwards, Lord Grenville introduced into Parliament.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

St. James's Square, Sept. 20th, 1792. MY DEAREST BROTHER,

We returned here from our expedition the day before yesterday, having passed through Weymouth in our way. We left Lord Camelford far from well, and in the intention of coming immediately to town, in order to set out again for the continent. It is a melancholy reflection to think that he should again so soon be obliged to leave us.

My sudden expedition from Castlehill has delayed my return here so much later than I expected, that I fear it cuts off all hope of my making you a visit in the autumn at Stowe. Pitt goes to-day to take possession of his castle. I suppose you will have heard that Paine had a very narrow escape at Dover. I send you the enclosed, because you may, perhaps, not have seen it, and I am sure it will please you. Pray read Necker's last work.

We have no news from the armies, except that the siege of Thionville was turned into a blockade, and a general action hourly expected. The Duke of Brunswick's progress does not keep pace with the impatience of our wishes, but I doubt whether it was reasonable to expect more. The detail of the late events at Paris is so horrible, that I do not like to let my mind dwell upon them; and yet I fear that scene of shocking and savage barbarity is very far from its close. I deliver this day to the Imperial and Neapolitan Ministers a note, with the formal assurance that in case of the murder of the King or Queen, the persons guilty of that crime shall not be allowed any asylum in the King's dominions. Opinions are a little doubtful about the best means of giving effect to this promise, should the case arise. Our lawyers seem clear, and Blackstone expressly asserts, that the King may prevent any alien from coming into the kingdom, or remaining there. But this power has so rarely been used, that it may, perhaps, be better to have a special Act of Parliament applying to this case. This, however, relates only to the mode. I imagine everybody will think the thing itself right, and some people seem to hope it may prevent the commission of the crime in question. In this hope I am not very sanguine.

We have no account of Spain having declared war, except what comes through France.

God bless you, and believe me Ever most affectionately yours, GRENVILLE.

The retreat of the combined army, under the Duke of Brunswick, cast a gloom over the hopes of the struggling royalists. The soldiers had suffered severe sickness from eating the unripe grapes of Champagne, and, contrary to the expectations in which they had been led to indulge, the peasantry everywhere opposed them by attacking detachments, and breaking up the roads.

Whilst these events were spreading consternation over the continent, the proceedings of the Irish Roman Catholics were of a nature to awaken serious uneasiness in England. The whole country was convulsed on the subject of concessions, the debates in Parliament exhibited unexampled intemperance, and it was said that subscriptions to the extent of nearly three millions had been entered into with the intention of purchasing lands in America, should the demands of the Roman Catholics be refused.

Whatever opinion Lord Grenville and Mr. Pitt might have previously entertained as to the justice or policy of granting further relief, was much shaken by the attitude which the Irish assumed at this alarming juncture. It was no longer possible to deal with the question on the grounds on which it originally rested; and the Imperial Government could not compromise its influence and authority by yielding to menace those claims which it was willing to accept as a legitimate subject for deliberate legislation. Out of these unfortunate checks, hindrances, and distrusts on both sides, arose that calamitous condition of Ireland which broke out a few years afterwards into open rebellion; but, looking back dispassionately on these events at this distance of time, it is difficult to see how that disastrous issue could have been prevented. The hazard lay between going too far and not going far enough, with the certainty that whatever was done must have fallen short of satisfying one party, and in an equal degree must have dissatisfied another. It was also a matter of continual perplexity with the Government to find the right moment for initiating the policy of conciliation. There were always moments when, in certain shapes, it would have suited one party or the other; but the moment when it would have suited both never came.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

St. James's Square, Oct. 11th, 1792. MY DEAR BROTHER,

We go to Dropmore to-morrow, to fix ourselves for the remainder of the autumn—if any autumn remain. I shall be very much obliged to you for your cargo, whenever Mr. Woodward's prudence allows him to send it.

We are all much disappointed with the result of the great expectations that had been formed from the Duke of Brunswick's campaign. According to the best accounts I can get, of a business involved in almost inextricable mystery, the flux—which had got into his camp—was the true cause of his retreat. Whatever be the cause, the effect is equally to be regretted. The plan seems now to be, to hold Verdun and Longwy; and to employ the interval before the spring allows them to march forwards again, in besieging the different frontier towns in the neighbourhood. But the example of Thionville will prevent the success of intimidation, or of coups de main; and the opening trenches is impossible, at least, till the post comes. Clairfayt's corps of about twenty thousand men is to march towards the Low Countries, to prevent them from being insulted.

I have thought much of the Irish business. I am very much inclined to think that the alarms stated by the people there are much exaggerated, partly with the view of producing an effect here, and partly, because you know such is the genius of that people to carry everything to extremes. Allowing, however, for this, there is certainly much real cause for alarm. It is, I think, clearly impossible not to resist the demands of the Catholics, in the manner and circumstances in which they are now made. How far it was prudent to have gone last year, in voluntary and gratuitous concession, I know not, and really feel that it requires more local knowledge than I possess to decide. My leaning was certainly in favour of going as far as could be gone with safety, but no person is authorized to state even that leaning; and the subsequent conduct of the Catholics does, in my opinion, go far to shake any opinion which might then have been entertained in favour of further concession.

My idea, therefore is, that the Irish Parliament must be enabled to meet the struggle, if struggle there is to be, by having the means put into their hands of calling forth all the resources of that country; which, if called forth, I believe to be very great indeed. That this may not ultimately lead to some drain upon the purse and force of this country, is more certain than any man would affirm, who sees what has passed in France. But the probability is, I think, against it. I am inclined to believe, that the voting an increase of the army may be a wise measure of intimidation, and as such, it will be stated to that Government for consideration; but, on the other hand, any increase of expense, which is to lead to increase of taxes, is certainly objectionable. My own persuasion is, that with a very little firmness, the Convention of 1793 will vanish like that of 1783; but this is no reason for neglecting reasonable measures of precaution.

Ever most affectionately yours, GRENVILLE.

In these letters occur the first allusions to Dropmore, Lord Grenville's seat in Buckinghamshire, which he had recently purchased, and upon the embellishment of which he bestowed all the spare hours he could rescue from the fatigues of public business. The trees, acknowledged in the following letter as having been just received from Stowe, were destined to convert a common into pleasure-grounds, under the direction of his accomplished taste, which "made the wilderness smile," and transformed a remote country nook into a scene of singular and matchless beauty.

The state of Europe, and the views of the writer in reference to it, are treated at large in this letter, which is of great historical value as an exposition of the firm and judicious course pursued by Lord Grenville through a period of universal panic and confusion. To have kept England in tranquillity aloof from the perils that were devastating the continent, and to have sustained her in such prosperous circumstances as to justify the hope that in the next year the Government might be enabled to announce a further remission of taxes, furnishes a triumphant answer to the charge so frequently brought against Mr. Pitt's Administration, of wantonly encouraging a policy that plunged the country into a profligate war expenditure.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

St. James's Square, Nov. 7th, 1792. MY DEAR BROTHER,

The trees arrived safe at Dropmore yesterday, and we were at their unpacking in the middle of such a fog as I never saw before. They will answer admirably well for my purpose, and will make a great figure on my hill in the course of a century or so, provided always that the municipality of Burnham does not cut them down sooner.

I cannot deny that you have some reason to complain of my silence for the last month, but you have the kindness to assign the true cause; unless, indeed, I was to add another almost equally strong—I mean the absolute want of anything to say. This sounds strange, but it is not the less true. The events you read in the newspapers, often before I get them, and they have been such as it could give me little pleasure to detail. The causes have been hid, caliginosa nocta, in a fog almost as thick as that of yesterday, and I have been among the guessers only, and not always among those who were luckiest in their guesses. I bless God, that we had the wit to keep ourselves out of the glorious enterprize of the combined armies, and that we were not tempted by the hope of sharing the spoils in the division of France, nor by the prospect of crushing all democratical principles all over the world at one blow. But having so sturdily resisted all solicitation to join in these plans, we have been punished for our obstinacy by having been kept in profound ignorance of the details by which they were to be executed, and even of the course of events, as far as that could be done, which occurred during the progress of the enterprize. Now that it has failed, we must expect these deep politicians to return to the charge, and to beg us to help them out of the pit into which they wanted to help us. But they have as yet been in no hurry to begin this pleasant communication, and most assuredly we are in no disposition to urge them on faster. You have here, therefore, the explanation of the total impossibility in which I find myself to explain all the inexplicable events of the last two months otherwise than by conjecture. It is but lately that I have thought I had even grounds enough to guess by. But you shall hear my guess. The Austrians and Prussians thought they were marching to certain victory. The emigrants, who had given them this idea, confirmed them in it till the facts undeceived them. The Duke of Brunswick, who joins to great personal valour great indecision of mind, and great soreness for his reputation, hesitated to take the only means that could have insured success—a sudden and hazarded attack. The more he delayed, the more difficult his position grew. He then attempted to buy a man, who, under other circumstances, would have been very purchasable; failed in this; lost time; excited distrust and jealousy among his allies; dispirited his own troops; and ended his enterprize by a disgraceful retreat, which coffee-house politicians are, as usual, willing to attribute to all sorts of causes except the natural and obvious one. The subsequent successes of the French are natural. An army that expected to be in Paris in October, had naturally taken little precaution to prevent the French from attacking Germany in the same month. The French officers, who could have no authority over their armies in defeat and disgrace, have naturally acquired it in success; and the business will begin again in the spring, being about twice as difficult as it was when it began this autumn.

I have little doubt that this is the project of both parties. The Austrians may perhaps put themselves a little more forward than the Prussians; and from what I have heard of the conduct of the latter, the enterprize may not fare the worse for this difference. The Emperor must feel that he has now got an enemy whom he must devour, or be devoured by it. And the governing party at Paris have very many very obvious reasons for continuing the war. The rest of the empire will give their contingent, unless they have been lucky enough to be forced to sign a capitulation of neutrality. The King of Sardinia and Italy will defend themselves as they can, which will probably be very ill. What Spain will do, she does not know, and therefore certainly we do not. Portugal and Holland will do what we please. We shall do nothing. Sweden and Denmark can do nothing, and Russia has enough else to do, and has neither the will nor the means of doing much against France. And there is the tableau of Europe for next year, according to my almanac.

You will not complain that this time I have not given you speculation and prophecy enough—more than any man ought to make who has profited, as I have done, by the experience of all these events, to learn that human wisdom and foresight are somewhat more shortsighted personages than the most shortsighted of us two, whichever that is.

All my ambition is that I may at some time hereafter, when I am freed from all active concern in such a scene as this is, have the inexpressible satisfaction of being able to look back upon it, and to tell myself that I have contributed to keep my own country at least a little longer from sharing in all the evils of every sort that surround us. I am more and more convinced that this can only be done by keeping wholly and entirely aloof, and by watching much at home, but doing very little indeed; endeavouring to nurse up in the country a real determination to stand by the Constitution when it is attacked, as it most infallibly will be if these things go on; and, above all, trying to make the situation of the lower orders among us as good as it can be made. In this view, I have seen with the greatest satisfaction the steps taken in different parts of the country for increasing wages, which I hold to be a point of absolute necessity, and of a hundred times more importance than all that the most doing Government could do in twenty years towards keeping the country quiet. I trust we may again be enabled to contribute to the same object by the repeal of taxes, but of that we cannot yet be sure. Sure I am, at least I think myself so, that these are the best means in our power to delay what perhaps nothing can ultimately avert, if it is decreed that we are again to be plunged into barbarism.

I find that I am growing too serious, even for you, upon a subject on which I know you are serious enough, and it is high time to release you. God bless you, and thank you once more in my name, and my little woman's, for your trees. May we long continue to love one another as we do, and we shall both, I trust, have a comfort in our long affection and friendship, which the study or practice of the art of governing men seems very little likely to afford in our time.

Ever, my dear brother, Most affectionately yours, GRENVILLE.

The disasters of the Duke of Brunswick reanimated the factious spirit which the vigorous measures of the Government had previously succeeded in subduing. The prosecutions instituted under the proclamation against seditious publications had been followed by the most decisive results; and Thomas Paine, who was the chief offender, foreseeing the inevitable issue of his impending trial, although Mr. Erskine was engaged to defend him, had absconded to France, where he was admitted to a citizenship more congenial to his principles, and enjoyed the doubtful honour of being returned by two constituencies as a member of the National Assembly.

The flight of Paine broke down the courage of his disciples; and the circulation of seditious libels was effectually arrested, until the misfortunes of the Allies once more revived the hopes of the disaffected. Fresh measures of prevention and defence were now rendered necessary to preserve the peace of the country. The Militia was to be augmented by volunteer companies, and the law officers of the Crown were to exercise with vigilance the powers entrusted to them for bringing malcontents to justice. But it was not by such means alone the Administration proposed to meet the evil. It appealed to the good sense and loyalty of the people. Upon these elements it depended for the ultimate success of its efforts. The language of patriotism never found more felicitous or energetic utterance than in these words of Lord Grenville's: "The hands of Government must be strengthened if the country is to be saved; but, above all, the work must not be left to the hands of Government, but every man must put his shoulder to it, according to his rank and situation in life, or it will not be done."

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, Nov. 14th, 1792. MY DEAR BROTHER,

The events in Flanders have brought so much hurry of things to be done and thought of upon me, that I really have been unable to answer your letter, which I have been some days intending to do. With respect to what you mention about prosecutions, you do not advert to the forms of our laws, by which no step of that nature can be taken by the Attorney-General, except in term time, when alone his informations can be filed. No seditious publication has ever come to my knowledge, without my referring it to the Attorney-General for prosecution; and out of the five which you mention, viz., Jockey Club, Paine, Cooper, Walker and Cartwright, the three first have been so referred, the two last I have never seen. In truth, without assistance from the magistrates and gentlemen of the country, who give none except Addresses, it is very vain for Government to attempt to see and know, at Whitehall, every libel which may be dispersed in the country.

But the real fact is, that these people were completely quelled, and their spirit destroyed, till the Duke of Brunswick's retreat. Since that they have begun to show themselves again, and nothing that I know of has been neglected that could tend to put the law in force against them. Steps are now taking by Government to send persons into the counties to purchase these libels, with a view to indictments at the Christmas Quarter Sessions; but this is a thing that can be done but once, and could not be continued without an expense equal to that of the old French police. Our laws suppose magistrates and Grand Juries to do this duty, and if they do it not, I have little faith in its being done by a Government such as the Constitution has made ours. If you look back to the last time in our history that these sort of things bore the same serious aspect that they now do—I mean the beginning of the Hanover reigns—you will find that the Protestant succession was established, not by the interference of a Secretary of State or Attorney-General, in every individual instance, but by the exertions of every magistrate and officer, civil or military, throughout the country.

I wish this was more felt and understood, because it is a little hard to be forced to run the hazards of doing much more than one's duty, and then to be charged with doing less.

As to what you mention of overt acts, those things are all much exaggerated, where they are not wholly groundless. The report of what is called "Cooper's Ass-Feast" (Walker's I never heard of), and of the Scotch Greys being concerned in it, reached me by accident, for of all the King's good subjects, who are exclaiming against its not being noticed, not one thought it worth his while to apprise the Secretary of State of it. I took immediate steps for inquiring into it, and am satisfied that the whole story has no other foundation than Mr. Cooper having invited two officers to dine with him in a small company, and having given them, by way of curiosity, as a new dish, a piece of a young ass roasted. I inquired, in the same manner, about the riot stated to have happened at Sheffield; and learn from Lord Loughborough, who lives in the county, and is enough on the qui vive on the subject, that there was nothing which, even in the most peaceable times, could deserve the name of a riot. That supposed at Perth I never heard of yet, though Dundas has been within a short distance of that place.

It is not unnatural, nor is it an unfavourable symptom, that people who are thoroughly frightened, as the body of landed gentlemen in this country are, should exaggerate these stories as they pass from one mouth to the other; but you, who know the course of this sort of reports, ought not too hastily to give credit to them.

It is, however, not the less true that the danger exists, and perhaps not the less from its not breaking out in the manner stated. The conquest of Flanders has, as I believe, brought the business to a much nearer issue here than any reasonable man could believe a month ago. The hands of Government must be strengthened if the country is to be saved; but, above all, the work must not be left to the hands of Government, but every man must put his shoulder to it, according to his rank and situation in life, or it will not be done. I could write much more of the same sort, but I have already people waiting for me.

Ever most affectionately yours, G.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, Nov. 25th, 1792. MY DEAREST BROTHER,

Our hopes of anything really useful from Opposition, are, I am sorry to say, nearly vanished. In the meantime the storm thickens. Lord Loughborough has declined, and Fox seems to govern the rest just in the old way.

We are called upon on all sides for counter associations, and indeed it seems too clear that the peace of the country cannot otherwise be preserved. The army, though I trust still steady, is too small to be depended on. We must look to individual exertions, and to the Militia. I forgot to beg you to state to me the grounds you had to think parts of that body infected. It is material to know the truth on that subject. Our plan is to enable the King to authorize the Lord-Lieutenants to commission volunteer companies to be added to the Militia on the first appearance of tumult. This seems to add the advantage of subordination to regular power to that of association.

In the meantime, we are preparing an association in London, which is to be declared in the course of next week. I enclose you the plan of their declaration, in which you see the great object is to confine it within the limits of the regular Government, and not to go beyond that point. A few persons of rank cannot be kept out of it, but we mean it chiefly to consist of merchants and lawyers, as a London society, and that the example should then be followed by each county or district—including there as many farmers and yeomen as possible. In this we shall of course have no difficulty. Probably we need hardly appear much before the Quarter Sessions. It seems desirable that at the different Quarter Sessions the magistrates should name an adjourned day for receiving the reports of their different constables, &c., &c., relative to the state of their districts in this respect, and taking the necessary measures thereupon.

I throw out these ideas to you for your consideration, as it is now clear I cannot see you before Saturday, if then. If I cannot leave town I will let you know in time.

Ever yours, G.

I really have not time to extract for you a state of the Austrian and Prussian armies. Both Courts are making the utmost possible exertions to march down fresh troops. But then, I apprehend, the amazing superiority of numbers must keep them on the defensive, unless they can cut off Custine, of which I have little hope.

I am delighted with the spirit and feeling of your son's letter, which are, I hope of the best augury, with a view to a game in which he will probably be called upon to play his part pretty soon.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, Nov. 29th, 1792. MY DEAREST BROTHER,

As we have, I think, nearly determined that, in consequence of the situation of affairs, both at home and abroad, we cannot discharge our duty to the country, nor even answer for its security, without calling the whole or a considerable part of the Militia immediately, I lose not a moment in apprizing you of it, both that you may be enabled to hold yourself in readiness to take your measures, and also to beg you to suggest to me any particular of importance that may occur to you respecting the mode of doing the thing.

Parliament must, as you know, by law be assembled within fourteen days; and it will, I think, be so within twelve days of the proclamation, which I expect to issue on Friday. But the precise day is not yet determined, because we are desirous, before the thing is known, to have troops enough round London to prevent the possibility of anything happening in the interval, which they would of course try if they saw an opening.

You must not, from this measure, think the alarm greater than it is. The step is principally founded on the total inadequacy of our military force to the necessary exertions.

At the time that the order is sent, directions will be given to the Lord-Lieutenant immediately to assemble the serjeants, &c., and to place the arms under proper guard. I am, as you will easily believe, too much hurried to be able to go into more details.

We have nothing new from abroad.

Ever most affectionately yours, G.

I am afraid all visits to Dropmore are quite out of the question.

I do not understand what you say in one of your letters about quarters instead of lodging.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Saturday, Dec. 1st, 1792. MY DEAR BROTHER,

The King's orders are this day given to embody the two-thirds of all the Militias of the counties on the east coast from Scotland to London, which, together with Cumberland, Westmoreland and Kent, give us a strength of about five thousand one hundred men.

Parliament will meet on Thursday sev'nnight. Before that time, I conclude I shall see you here. I am really so occupied, as not to have a moment to spare.

Dumourier is advancing towards Liege; and I think if some blow is not already struck by their small force from Ostend against Flushing, the season secures Holland for some months, during which much must happen of all sorts.

We have, I trust, secured the Tower and the City, and have now reason to believe that they are alarmed, and have put off their intended visit; but we are prepared for the worst.

Ever yours, G.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, Dec. 5th, 1792. MY DEAR BROTHER,

We determined last night to call out, in addition to the regiments already ordered, the Militias of the maritime counties from Kent to Cornwall, inclusive, and those of Berks, Bucks, Herts, and Surrey. You will, in consequence, receive by this messenger the warrant and letter for that purpose. The reason of the addition is partly the increasing prospect of hostilities with France, and partly the motives stated in your letter. Our object at first was to limit the number, in order not to give too great an alarm. The spirit of the people is evidently rising, and I trust that we shall have energy enough in the country to enable the Government to assert its true situation in Europe, and to maintain its dignity.

We shall certainly proceed to business on Thursday; but how long we shall sit, it is impossible as yet to decide. I think the present idea is to bring forward the bills immediately which are necessary for strengthening the hands of Government. Hitherto, we have every reason to be satisfied with the impression our measure has made.

Ever most affectionately yours, G.

Parliament stood prorogued to the 3rd of January; but it was convened by proclamation on the 3rd of December, in consequence of the urgent necessity that existed for adopting immediate measures of internal defence. On the 17th, Lord Grenville introduced his Alien Bill; and two other measures were rapidly passed for interdicting the circulation of French assignats, and preventing the exportation of naval stores and ammunition.

The signs of the future were now darkening the horizon. The French Republic sent over an ambassador extraordinary, under the title of Minister Plenipotentiary, to demand of England whether France was to consider her as a neutral or a hostile power. Lord Grenville refused to negotiate with him in a character which England could not acknowledge; but intimated that if France was desirous of maintaining peace with Great Britain, she must renounce her views of aggression and aggrandizement, and confine herself to her own territory, without insulting other Governments, without disturbing their tranquillity, without violating their rights.

The sequel need not be detailed. The King of France was brought to trial, sentenced to death, and beheaded. This terrible catastrophe terminated the mission of the French Ambassador, who was informed by Lord Grenville that he could no longer remain in this kingdom in a public character, and ordered to retire within eight days. In a week from that time, the Convention passed a decree declaring the Republic of France at war with the King of England and the Stadtholder of Holland.



1793.

CAUSES AND OBJECTS OF THE WAR—SECESSIONS FROM THE OPPOSITION—REVERSES IN HOLLAND—DISASTERS OF THE ALLIES—STATE OF FRANCE AT THE CLOSE OF THE YEAR.

The policy of England in reference to the proceedings in France had hitherto been that of a conservative neutrality. The letter of Lord Grenville to the Marquis of Buckingham, dated 7th November, 1792, to which attention has been specially directed, clearly and unequivocally establishes that fact. Had the motive commonly imputed to Ministers, of having entered into the war for the vindication of the monarchical principle and the restoration of the Bourbons, been really the actuating object, it would have appeared in these confidential communications. Not only, however, is there no such motive avowed or contemplated, but, on the contrary, Lord Grenville declares that the greatest source of pride and satisfaction he finds on reviewing the line of conduct he had acted upon throughout that reign of anarchy, is in the reflection that he had kept England out of it. Up to the last moment, so long as France confined her public acts and the dissemination of her new doctrines to her own territory, the English Government remained merely a spectator of events in which she took no part, and evinced no concern. The case was altered when France invaded Holland, and passed a decree fraternizing with the people of other countries, and offering them assistance to procure their liberties. These were the measures of oppression and aggrandizement referred to by Lord Grenville in his communications with the French Envoy; and upon these grounds, and these grounds alone, England accepted and prosecuted the war.

Immediately after the declaration of hostilities by the Convention, the King sent a message to Parliament explicitly declaring the causes of the war, which were, the occupation by the French of the Scheldt, the exclusive navigation of which had been guaranteed by treaty to the Dutch; the fraternizing decree which invited the people of other countries to revolutionize their Governments; and the danger with which Europe was threatened by the progress of the French arms. In one aspect this was a war of principles; in another, it was a war of self-defence. In both, it was just and inevitable. Even the Opposition admitted the validity of the grounds on which it proceeded, although they could not resist the temptation of assailing the Minister, while they adopted his measures. The resolutions founded on the message were carried with scarcely a shadow of objection in either House of Parliament. The people of all classes were wholly with Mr. Pitt. Amongst the last to be convinced was Mr. Wilberforce, who had a moral aversion to all wars, but who ultimately expressed himself converted to the necessity of war on this occasion.

The effect of the message from the King was remarkable. Numbers of the most influential men, who had previously voted with the Opposition, passed over to the Ministerial benches, including Burke and Wyndham, and the Lords Portland, Spencer, Fitzwilliam, Loughborough, and many other peers and commoners. Lord Loughborough, who had so often run in couples with Thurlow, was now appointed to succeed him on the Woolsack; and Ministers, acquiring augmented strength from all quarters, addressed themselves vigorously to the task of preparation.

The letters of this year are scanty, but not unimportant, in their references to passing events. Taken in connection with the history of the period, which is too familiar to require any further elucidation, they will be found to throw a new light upon some points of contemporary interest.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, Jan. 19th, 1793. MY DEAREST BROTHER,

It is at length settled that Lord Loughborough shall take the Seals on Wednesday. He has written a long letter to the Duke of Portland, which has not been answered. It is as yet very difficult to say what proportion of the ci-devant Opposition will follow Lord Loughborough's example, and join Government avowedly, but I am inclined to hope a pretty large one. The Prince of Wales has also written to the Duke of Portland, and sent a message to us, declaring his intention to join Government. I have not seen the letter, but my informant, to whom it was shown yesterday morning by the Duke of York, told me it was proper and explicit.

424 against the referring the judgment to the Assemblees Primaires, 283 for it.

The first question, of guilty, decided almost unanimously; the third, that punishment should be inflicted, was deferred to the 10th.

Brissot's report, which you will see in the French papers, seems well enough calculated for our purpose. The thing must now come to its point in a few days; and we shall, I trust, have appeared to the public here to have put the French completely dans leur tort.

Ever most affectionately yours, G.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, June 12th, 1793. MY DEAREST BROTHER,

In consequence of what you requested in the conversation we had at Dropmore, I write to mention to you that the vacant Ribands are to-day to be given to Lord Salisbury, Lord Westmoreland, and Lord Carlisle. I did not learn this yesterday till it was too late to write to you. With respect to what you mentioned to me of your own intentions, you know too well what my opinion is, and how anxiously I am impressed with that opinion, to make me feel it right to urge you with what could only be a repetition of all I have already stated. But I wish to make it my earnest request to you that you will not take any actual step till you have seen Pitt. I have not told him anything of your idea of taking any measure on this occasion but I have stated to him in general terms the uneasiness you still seemed to feel on the subject of the former request, and the possibility that this impression might be strengthened, supposing Lord Camden's death to produce that sort of arrangement to which you had so handsomely consented, but which might, nevertheless, bring the other idea more forward in your mind.

His plan was (if he had not been hindered by the gout) to have run down to Somersetshire for a week, at the close of the business in the House of Commons, and to have been back before he could almost be known to be gone. He had then intended to take Winchester in his way. I have not seen him for several days, and cannot therefore say whether this idea still holds, but at all events there could be no difficulty in your coming to town for a day or two for that purpose.

I urge this because I know you may fully rely upon his friendship, and that even if he should not be able to alter the thing itself, which I am sure I know not how he can, it is still, in my opinion, very desirable that you should not take so marked a step without hearing the advice of those who love you best, supposing even that after all you should not be influenced by their reasoning upon it.

I say nothing about myself in all this, because I am sure you believe me truly sensible of your constant and unvaried affection to me, and unwilling to intrude upon you repetitions which I must fear would be useless. But you will not attribute it to indifference or unconcern about the thing itself, which, God knows, are sentiments the reverse of what I feel upon it.

We have no news of any material event at the army. The siege was to be opened on Monday, and they seem to entertain very sanguine ideas indeed as to its speedy success. I have some doubt whether the report from Paris, respecting Marat's new revolution, is to be credited, though all the late accounts from thence seemed to indicate an approaching crisis. I have a confused account from the Hague, of the Duke of Brunswick having gained a decisive advantage over the army that was Custine's. But it is not distinct enough to place much reliance upon it.

Mudge is returned by the way of China with despatches from Vancouver. I have not yet seen them, but I understand, generally, that some difficulty arose about the restitution of Northa. It is not, however, of a nature to create any real embarrassment. He has brought a letter for poor Lady Camelford from her son, whom he tells me he left in great health and spirits. We have not opened it, but wait till Lord C. comes, which I hope will be about the end of this month at latest. From what he says, Vancouver's expedition is likely to continue so much longer, that I think of proposing to Lady C. that her son should return by the first opportunity, in order to go into some larger ship, which at his age now will clearly be desirable. He will have served his time before he can hear from Europe. Juan de Fuca's inlet is explored, and found to be closed with high lands.

Ever most affectionately yours, G.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

St. James's Square, Sept. 11th, 1793. MY DEAR BROTHER,

I am sorry to acquaint you that we have unpleasant accounts from the army, and the more unpleasant from their uncertainty. All that seems to be certain is, that the Duke of York thought himself obliged to raise the siege of Dunkirk, at least for the present, in consequence of an attack which I imagine to have taken place on the evening of the 7th; and which must, of course, have been bloody, and the event unfavourable to us. We have no direct account from the army, but the report is that of an officer of the navy, who comes, I understand, from Nieuport, and states that he had prevented any other letters from coming over, in order to prevent the spreading an alarm till the official accounts arrive.

There is also a letter from Watson, the Commissary-General, which seems to confirm the intended retreat, and says that he has provisions, &c., enough in the rear of the army; but he mentions no particulars of what has happened, except that he says the spirit of the troops is good—that they have suffered, but have not been beaten. His letter is from Furnes, on the 8th.

I am sorry for the suspense in which this must leave you, as it does us. If we hear more before the post goes out, I will add a line to this letter.

Ever most affectionately yours, G.

I should have added, that the same officer brings the account that they had got at Ostend of the capture of Quesnoy, which I credit, because my last letters from the Austrian army state the fall of that place as certain within a very few days. This is the more important, as P. Cob. would then be at liberty to march towards Flanders, if necessary.

Since I wrote the above, I have seen the narrative of the officer in question—Lieutenant Popham. It is long, and full of little details; but the result of the whole is, that he was going, by Macbride's orders, to communicate with the Duke of York, and turned back on account of the news he heard; that he met on the road parties of our cavalry evacuating Furnes on the 8th, and many wounded soldiers going to Ostend; but he does not appear to have collected accounts of what had happened, and indeed it is most probable that individuals could not give any general information. It does not appear whether they were going from Furnes by orders or not.

Five, P.M.

I have just got the enclosed letter to Bruges from a young man I sent as Secretary to Sir James Murray; and as it is very doubtful whether I shall get the particulars time enough to send you anything further, I would not omit letting you have this, which will at least put you at ease for individuals. You will observe it is dated from Furnes, on the 9th. It is brought by an officer charged with the despatches.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dropmore, Sept. 15th, 1793. At Night. MY DEAR BROTHER,

You will receive with this letter, which will be sent you from London, the good and the bad accounts together. For the Flanders war, I fear the latter overbalance the former; there is, however, in my opinion, very little reason to be discouraged at these checks, which must be expected whenever the French took the resolution to leave the sieges on the side of Hainault to their fate, in order to break in upon the line of communication. This must have happened equally if the combined armies had remained together, and undertaken a joint operation; and the proposed plan had the advantage of being the only one whose success would have remedied this inconvenience, resulting from the nature of an attack from an open country against such a barrier.

It must be left to military decision what is precisely the best point of attack, combined or separate, which now remains; but the loss of Menin as a post of communication does not tend to lessen the difficulties of any plan, and I am decidedly averse to anything that shall hazard the delaying the West India expedition, for which, when you consider how much is to be done there, you will not think a whole season too much.

After all, a few towns more or less in Flanders are certainly not unimportant; but I am much mistaken in my speculation, if the business at Toulon is not decisive of the war. Only let your own mind follow up all the consequences of that event, and you will, I believe, agree with me that the expression I have used is not too sanguine. We have news that the people of Lyons have defeated Dubois Cranee, with a loss to the latter, as it is said, of four thousand men. Allow this to be exaggerated, as I suppose it is, but take the fact to be true that he has been defeated, and it is everything to us. The next month or six weeks will be an anxious period, and big with events.

You asked me some time ago about Parliament, and that with a view to your own motions. Nothing can, of course, be absolutely fixed on that subject; but I think it highly improbable that Parliament should meet before January. I heartily wish that we may arrange it so as to meet, though in the present moment I should be afraid even of such a distance as Stowe. At all events, when your camp breaks up, I trust you will take Dropmore in your way, as indeed I believe it will lay directly in your road, if you come by town, and not far out of it, if you go straight to Stowe.

My dear wife desires best love to you and Lady B. Lady Camelford is, I think, better than we could have hoped.

Ever most affectionately yours, G.

16th.

This ought to have gone to-day, and I am sorry to find it this evening in one of my boxes here. We have nothing new to-day, except the account of the murder of the King of Poland, which is believed.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Walmer Castle, Oct. 1st, 1793. MY DEAR BROTHER,

Your letter of the 27th followed me here yesterday, and I have just received that of the 29th. With respect to the first, I can only say that I have by this post sent your letters to Pitt, and am very sure that if it depends on him, what you wish will be done.

Lord Amherst's answer of the reduced state of the regiments at home is, however, surely not quite so much out of the way as you state it. It is a great pity that your protege is in Canada, where no promotion can be going forward, and from whence, I conclude, he cannot be brought into regiments upon actual service. Sir C. Grey conveyed to me the other day a wish to know whether there was any officer in his army that I felt interested about; but I know of none that I should think it worth laying myself under an obligation for. If Talbot had happened to be in one of the regiments in Nova Scotia, he would probably have been in this predicament; but I suppose the force in Canada is little likely to be weakened, in the present state of America.

I am delighted to find that you are so well pleased with the manifesto. I have hardly had time yet to consider your observations on the particular passages you have marked, but I will do so, and am much obliged to you for the trouble.

The Duke of Richmond will, I am persuaded, not resign in the present moment, though he has been talking and doing foolishly. As far as I can learn, there is no sort of ground for the accusation of delay on his part relative to Dunkirk. When I see you, I can say on that subject what for many reasons I do not choose to write. Au reste, the Duke of Richmond's campaign seems completely to have annihilated the little popularity he ever had; and though I am satisfied he will not resign till after the meeting of Parliament, and perhaps till after the session is over, I am equally persuaded he will not continue another year in the Cabinet.

We are sending Hessians to Toulon, and shall soon have there a really respectable force; the interval is the only thing to be feared; but Mulgrave's being there is a great comfort to me; as great, indeed, entre nous, as if I knew the new Governor was actually arrived there. We have nothing like force enough for all the objects that present themselves, and you know my settled aversion to undertaking little points of detail; some of which might succeed, but the result of the whole must be to cut to pieces the small force we have, without adequate success. Besides this, the reliance on the dispositions of the country, with the single exception of Toulon, pressed as it was by famine at one door, and the guillotine at the other, has always failed us.

I believe it is true, that almost in every part of France they detest the Convention, but that they are quite incapable of giving any solid footing in the country.

Ever yours most affectionately, G.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM

Walmer Castle, Oct. 11th, 1793. MY DEAREST BROTHER,

I was just going to write to you when I received your letter. My present plans are to return to town about Tuesday next, and to get to Dropmore by dinner on Friday, if possible; but I would not wish you to let your dinner depend on that. I conclude, from what you say of your having been reviewed, that you will be able to get away soon, and it will be a great gratification to us both to see you, especially if, as I hope, Lady Buckingham comes with you. Lady Camelford writes to Anne that she much wishes to see you, and if she knows of the time of your coming will endeavour to contrive to be with us. I return you Freemantle's letter, for fear of accidents. You have, perhaps, guessed that it anticipates part of what I had to say to you, but I hope you have also felt the singularly embarrassing situation in which the King's Ministers are placed in this respect, with the cause of Royalty to defend, and with the great obligations they owe to the extreme liberality and honour of the King's conduct towards them. They are obliged, therefore, to say nothing, and to let nothing be said: and indeed I hardly know what I should wish to be said, so great is the difficulty in all respects. I know I may reckon upon your discretion, not only in saying nothing from me, but also in saying as little as possible from yourself, which would not fail to be repeated, and to be ascribed to me. We will talk this over fully when I see you, and I really much wish to know what you think ought ultimately to be done on the subject. You will have seen that it is not the camp of Mauberge, but the advanced posts that had been unsuccessfully attacked. The attack of the camp itself was to take place somewhere about this time, and yesterday the British troops marched to Cysoing, where they thought it not improbable they might be engaged with the French, who are collecting at Bouchain and Cambray.

George Nugent had written to me twice on the subject of his proposal, and I sent him Lord Amherst's answer, which is negative, at least for the present. He seems to have an invincible aversion to new corps, I fancy, from all the badgering he got upon that subject last war. He now states only the plea of seniority, that the number intended to be raised is filled up by older Lieutenant-Colonels. I fancy Nugent had not received my letter when he wrote to you.

The language of the Convention looks as if some serious attack might be expected here; serious at least as they intend it, but ridiculous, I trust, it will prove. An attempt in force requires preparations they have not, and a superiority in naval force which they certainly have not. Buccaneering expeditions I take to be practicable, with only the certainty of much greater loss to themselves than to us. They would be unpleasant in their effect here, but what help.

I have profited of your advice about the manifesto, and now send you the English translation which I have prepared, with the transpositions you recommended. I do not think it reads as well in English as in French, which I am sorry for, as it must be read in English by John Bull, whose approbation of my writings I should like to retain. I hardly know how to ask you to correct, as it must be a translation, and a literal one. But mark what you dislike, and I will try if, retaining the translation, it can be altered. I have kept guerre defensive and that pour cause: which indeed you may guess, when you see in the papers that His Prussian Majesty is returned to Berlin, and when I tell you that we had no previous notice of his journey.

Ever most affectionately yours, G.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

St. James's Square, Nov. 21st, 1793. MY DEAREST BROTHER,

I had already spoken to Pitt upon the idea of G. Nugent's being appointed one of the aides-de-camp, if the promotion mentioned by him should take place. I have reason to be sure, that for the present no idea exists of that promotion. If it had, I should certainly have pressed his declining the offer of the corps; because, though that is no absolute bar according to any rule, yet it may, certainly, in the King's mind, stand in his way; and such exceptions as Lord Chenton and Lord Rawdon do not prove much. I am very confident, that, as it is, whatever can be done by Pitt will be done, if the promotion should hereafter take place; but I am sure you know that the King's Ministers do not name his aides-de-camp; and that the pressing such a request, beyond a certain point, makes difficulties in his mind, instead of removing them. Besides his wish to oblige you, Pitt is personally well-disposed towards Nugent, and I have reason to think that Lord Amherst is so too.

Sir James Murray will, I think, not continue in his present situation; and the mode of removing him, will probably be by putting him at the head of some corps; but this is not yet mentioned to him, and, therefore, I rely on your not speaking of it to any one else. I do not know whether, in that case, the King will fill up his place as aide-de-camp, or not; but one vacancy cannot be expected to make room for Nugent, who is at the end of his year; besides, the natural claim which Manners has on the King. It is, therefore, I think, better on the whole, that Nugent should go on with his corps.

With respect to your lesser army jobs, I say nothing about them, because I really do not understand them, and am unable to judge of the facility or difficulty of Lord Amherst's complying with them. It is useless for me to talk about Pitt's share in all this, though I certainly do not think it very fair that he should bear on his shoulders all the grievances of cornetcies and lieutenancies, which Lord Amherst or any other Commander-in-chief is sure to create.

I have spoken about the precis, and you will certainly have them whenever there is news to send. The army is safe, and I hope quiet, in its winter quarters. Lord Moira sets out to-morrow morning, and will find everything ready for him at Portsmouth. You see how right you was about the impossibility of keeping secret at Portsmouth the new destination of this force. Luckily, it is so ready, that the thing itself will take place even now as soon as the news can reach Paris.

Lord Malmesbury is going to Berlin, to bring our good ally to a point—ay or no. I think it will end in no.

I certainly will not forget my engagement; and I still hope we shall find a Saturday and Sunday for Stowe.

God bless you, my dear brother, and believe me

Ever most affectionately yours, G.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

St. James's Square, Dec. 12th, 1793. MY DEAREST BROTHER,

At your request, I certainly will do a thing extremely disagreeable to myself, by putting into Mr. Pitt's hands the letter you desire me to show him. In any case where you or yours could have the smallest interest, I should never consider whether a compliance with your wishes is or is not pleasant to me; but I freely own, that I hardly think you would be repaid, by Mr. Pigott's getting his company, for the uneasiness I feel in being made (unprofitably, too, as I think, even to the object) the channel of such a communication between two persons whom I have so much reason to love and value.

The accounts of the Duke of Brunswick's victory, though they have not come to us from any channel that we can consider as strictly official, are such as to leave no doubt of the fact. There appears to have been different actions for three days, from the 29th of November to the 1st of December; and on the last of these days the victory was obtained, which persons, pretty well informed, seem to consider as decisive of the fate of Landan. The great object of the French was to relieve that place, and surround Wurmser; and in both they have failed, having been repulsed in a last attack they made on the latter the 1st instant. It appears likely now that little more will be done on that frontier till Landan is obliged to surrender; nor anything after that.

All our expectations are turned towards Brittany; but the news from that quarter is by no means favourable, as far as it goes. The Royalist army appears unable to make any siege, or even to continue twenty-four hours in the same place; and this for want of provisions. There is, besides, among them much disunion, and a total want of discipline; and they seemed to have formed the resolution of retiring inwards into France. Whether they will be deterred from this by the communications since made to them, and by the knowledge of our force being actually at their doors, remains to be seen.

I did not send you the account of the failure of all our hopes, from Lord Howe. I was not in town; and if I had been, I do not know whether I was not too much vexed to write. He is still off Ushant; so that the idea of sending out the second fleet is, for the moment, at least, out of the question. Some of those ships are, as you know, destined for other services; and the whole, without Lord Howe, would not be strong enough to meet the Brest fleet; and with him, would be much too strong.

The business of St. Domingo is highly important. The possession of the Mole, though not beyond what we had looked to, is much beyond my hopes. Dansey's letter to Williamson expresses much confidence of maintaining himself there, with such a force, as I trust, by this time, and long before, he actually has there.

Ever most affectionately yours, G.

At the close of the year France was stronger than at the commencement. The destruction of her navy at Toulon was the principal reverse she suffered. On the other side the allies had encountered defeat at almost every point; the Prussians compelled to retreat to Mentz, the Imperialists driven beyond the Rhine, and the English forced to raise the siege of Dunkirk. The enthusiasm of the masses, sustained by these successes, and acted upon by the popular appeals of the Jacobins, placed at the disposal of the Republic an enormous physical force, which the whole winter was occupied in augmenting and organizing for the campaigns of the ensuing year.



1794.

PREPARATIONS IN ENGLAND FOR THE PROSECUTION OF THE WAR—INACTIVITY OF THE AUSTRIANS—LORD SPENCER AND MR. THOMAS GRENVILLE SENT ON A MISSION TO VIENNA—HOSTILE RESOLUTIONS OF THE OPPOSITION—SEVERAL OF THE LEADING WHIGS JOIN THE ADMINISTRATION—LORD CORNWALLIS APPOINTED TO THE COMMAND ON THE CONTINENT—PROGRESS OF THE NEGOTIATIONS—LORD FITZWILLIAM NOMINATED TO THE LORD-LIEUTENANCY OF IRELAND—HIS CONDUCT ON THAT OCCASION.

Parliament was convened on the 21st of January, 1794; and the Speech from the Throne expressed a sanguine hope on the part of His Majesty that the resources of France would be speedily exhausted. There was certainly little in the operations of the last year upon which the country could be congratulated; and the only remaining encouragement that could be held out was in reference to the future. The prodigious exertions of the Republic undoubtedly justified the expectation, that she could not long continue to meet the increasing demands which the extension of the war was making upon her means and energies; but it was difficult, in the heat and excitement of the conflict, to form an adequate estimate of the devotion with which the French were prepared to follow up their successes. A series of fortunate incidents and some brilliant achievements had inflamed the national vanity to such a height of exultation as to produce a perfect military mania in all parts of the country; and when Mr. Pitt, in the course of the opening debate, declared that "France had been converted into an armed nation,"—an expression that elicited much criticism at the time—he described accurately the exact state of the people, and the lengths they were prepared to go in the assertion of the principles they had baptized in the blood of the Sovereign.

There were not wanting persons in England who sympathized with the republicans of France, and regarded their martial spirit with something of the admiration which the impassioned and the thoughtless bestow upon gallantry and heroism. But the bulk of the nation entertained a different opinion, and viewed with alarm and detestation the sanguinary excesses by which the war was initiated and sustained. While the former class, few in number, and confined chiefly to the lowest dregs of the population, continued to give occupation to the Government at home, the latter were ready to make any sacrifices the exigency of circumstances required to support the policy of the Government abroad.

Parliament unanimously voted an augmentation of eighty-five thousand men to the navy, and sixty thousand to the army. Ample preparations in other respects were made for the approaching operations; and, amongst the extraordinary measures resorted to, arrangements were made for augmenting the Militia, and raising voluntary subscriptions for the maintenance of the war. The spirit of the country was awakened to the defence of those constitutional principles which presented the surest safeguard for the public liberties; and the delusions which at first had seized upon the factious and discontented rapidly vanished as the war advanced. Success alone was wanted to confirm the confidence of the people; but as yet the genius and headlong valour of France was in the ascendant, and the solid endurance of England was doomed to a long and harassing term of fluctuating fortunes.

The Correspondence traces some of the principal events of the year; and maps out in advance the plans and difficulties of Ministers, by which we are admitted, so to speak, to the deliberations of the Cabinet upon nearly every fresh exigency that arose in the course of the campaigns.

MR. T. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Charles Street, Jan. 1st, 1794. MY DEAR BROTHER,

I had no sooner received your letter, than I communicated it to Lord Grenville; and desired him to write to you as soon as he could. It gives me great pain to see, by the language of it, how very much your mind is oppressed and disturbed in the impression under which you write. Of the proposition which you suggest, it certainly does not in any shape become me to offer any opinion; I am precluded from doing so, both by the magnitude of the question, and by its being of a nature upon which I cannot have either the pretence or the means of exercising any judgment; and I so expressed myself to Lord Grenville, when I read your letter to him; all that, on my part, can be for me to do is, what I am sure you will believe is the honest feeling of my mind, to express to you the anxious and earnest wish of my heart, that all disquietude and uneasiness may vanish from your mind; and that you may heartily and happily continue to co-operate with Lord Grenville and Pitt, at a time when the greatest interests which this country ever knew seem to me to be at stake. For myself, you know that I am but a private man, and have no other concern in these great public questions, than that sense of common danger and common interest, which ought, I think, to produce but one common voice in the country. Mr. Wilberforce, you see, thinks otherwise, but does not change my opinion by having changed his.

I am much obliged to you for the naval letter, which the post of to-day brings me from Stowe; I will make the use of it which you allow me to do, and will then return it to you. I hope Dr. Pegge will find Lady B. better. I take for granted we shall soon meet here.

I hear no news.

God bless you, my dear brother.

P.S.—As soon as I heard from you to-day (which was very late, as I had gone out before the post came in), I sent to Lord G., to tell him that if he wrote to-day, he must direct to Stowe.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

St. James's Square, Jan. 30th, 1794. MY DEAREST BROTHER,

I believe Pitt's budget is finished, as it is to be opened on Wednesday. I have, however, sent him your project; though I do not conceive favourably of it, as the object appears so small, and such a nest of hornets to be brought upon one by it.

The French seem certainly disposed to try their scheme of invasion. This leads to the necessity of some augmentation of interior force, and possibly some of our last year's plans will be resorted to. Our best defence is unquestionably our water-guard, which is very strong, and will, I trust, every day get stronger. In the meantime, Lord Moira's force stationed at Cowes, and with its transports ready to put to sea at the shortest notice, is no inconsiderable check upon them.

I have no faith in their attacking Flanders; but rather believe they will wait our attack. But two Dutch, and as many Flanders mails are due.

Mack returns to the army to the great joy of every one. We expect him over here every day.

Ever my dear brother's Most affectionately, G.

The Budget was brought forward by Mr. Pitt on the 2nd of February. It estimated the total supply for the year at twenty millions; and proposed for the ways and means a loan of eleven millions, and the imposition of some new taxes.

Here was the first great pressure of the war on the industry of the people. It was a trying moment with Government; but the demands of the Minister were, nevertheless, heartily responded to. The interior force of the kingdom at this time amounted to one hundred and forty thousand men; and the foreign troops in British pay to forty thousand more. The augmentation of the Militia, which was not carried into effect till the following month, was now occupying the consideration of Government.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

St. James's Square, Feb. 1st, 1794. MY DEAREST BROTHER,

The idea of augmentation which I think most practicable, is that of militia cavalry, to be raised by volunteers, in the same manner as the additional companies in the last war, but to a much larger extent than you mention in your letter. Dundas told me two days since that he had been looking for your plan of last year, but had mislaid it. Have you a copy? It does not seem advisable to broach this idea much in conversation or discussion with Lord-Lieutenants and Colonels till it is to a degree matured; for the St. Albans' meeting, though very good for supporting a measure resolved upon, or even for arranging particular details of a plan, of which the outlines are already fixed, is but a bad place to prepare the plan itself. As far as I am capable of judging, I think that the natural defence of this country against an enemy once landed, is by the immense irregular cavalry that might be collected, and formed round small bodies of disciplined horse. This, of course, does not exclude the necessity of some infantry to oppose the enemy in front, while the cavalry harass his flanks and rear, and while your naval force, even supposing it unable to have prevented the landing, cuts off all possibility of supplies from France. We are preparing, partly with the latter view, and partly as a means of defence where frigates cannot act, a formidable force of gun-boats.

You say that all this is superfluous, and that the attempt will not be made. I think its being made or not depends wholly on the other employment which we can find for their force, and this depends on points which we cannot command; viz.: internal commotion, and the exertions of the German Powers on the side of the Rhine.

That they are making preparations with a view to having the thing in their power is unquestionable, and we should be very deficient in our duty if we did not put the country in a state to be prepared for all events.

The employment of Lord Moira's force, and its future destination, depend on plans of continental operations, but in the meantime its effect is almost beyond calculation in its present position, menacing everything from Dunkirk to Brest, and defending everything from Yarmouth to the Land's End. You will see this in a minute, if you compare the facility of moving that force, either by land or sea, with the efforts of the same sort that the enemy can make, either offensively or defensively.