The following account given by Lieutenant Saumarez of the action with the Spanish Galleon, off Manilla, cannot be read without much interest. It is dated on board the Centurion, 1742.

"I shall run over briefly the dates of our voyage, and give you a rude sketch of our proceedings: to enlarge on particulars would exceed the limits of a letter.

"You will recollect our squadron left England on the 18th September 1740. We had a tedious passage of forty-one days to Madeira, the usual one being ten; to this accident several secondary ones succeeded, as loss of time, and the season proper for navigating the Southern seas, and declining health of the men, especially the soldiers. We stayed a month at this island, employed in watering, and taking in our stock of wine. It is highly probable that we narrowly escaped a squadron of the enemy, which were discovered from the mountains, cruising off the west end of the island, and which, if the commanders had behaved like disciplinarians, might have intercepted us, and it would have fully answered the designs of the Spanish court if they had disabled us from pursuing our voyage, which must have been the consequence of an engagement. They had also the advantage of being double our number; but, leaving them to their reflections, we pursued our course, and crossed the line and tropic without any remarkable accidents occurring, excepting that fever and fluxes began to attack us, especially the soldiers; and in forty-four days we arrived at the island of St. Catherine, on the coast of Brazil, on the 19th March 1740.

"We stayed at St. Catherine's twenty-eight days, employed in recovering our sick, who lived on shore in tents, and in making preparations for doubling Cape Horn in a tempestuous and advanced season.

"We sailed hence on the 18th of January 1741, and soon after began to meet with uncertain, stormy weather, in which the Tryal sloop lost her mainmast, and was towed by one of the squadron; the rest separated from us, but as our rendezvous was at St. Julien's, a port on the coast of Patagonia, or, as others term it, Terra Magellanica, in 49 deg. 30' South, we rejoined them there, by which we heard of Pizarro's squadron, from whom we narrowly escaped off Pepy's Island. We stayed here eight days, employed in putting all our lumber on board the store-ship, and were in hopes of meeting with the Spanish squadron.

"The coast here is a sulphureous and nitrous soil, abounding with salt lakes, but destitute of verdure, shrub, tree, or fresh water, and seems the seat of infernal spirits; nor indeed was there the trace of any animals, besides seals and birds. We here took in salt and refitted the sloop.

"Captain Kidd's death made a revolution by promotion amongst us, and I was appointed first lieutenant of the Commodore; but my predecessor, to whose command the sloop descended, was taken dangerously ill, and became incapable of taking possession of his charge. I was ordered to take the command until his recovery; and here I must confess to you, I was sanguine enough to flatter myself with the same addition of good fortune, some favourable crisis in my behalf: but I was born to be unfortunate.

"We sailed hence on the 27th of February 1741: my station was a-head of the squadron, to keep sounding and make timely signals of danger.

"The 4th of March we discovered the entrance of the Strait of Magellan, and on the 7th passed through the Strait le Main, lying at the extremity of Terra del Fuego, between that and Staten Land.

"This day was remarkably warm and favourable, and though in latitude 55 deg. 50' South, we began to look on the conquest of the Peruvian mines and principal towns in the Pacific sea as an amusement, which would naturally occur. From this time forward, we met with nothing but disasters and accidents. Never were the passions of hope and fear so powerfully agitated and exercised; the very elements seemed combined against us. I commanded the sloop at the time of the separation of the ships that returned home, being stationed to look out for islands of ice; and had to endure such fatigue from the severity of the weather, and the duty which the nature of the service necessarily brought on me, that really my life was hardly worth preserving at the expense of such hardships. Our own ships had several miraculous escapes, which, in the obscurity of the night and the violence of the weather, often endangered foundering the sloop.

"Having had the command of the sloop several weeks, I was at length superseded by her proper captain, who had recovered on board the Commodore's ship; and I returned to my post.

"During this time, the scurvy made terrible havoc among us, especially the soldiers, who, being either infirm old men or raw inexperienced youths, soon lost their spirits, grew sick and disabled, and from the stench they occasioned, contributed to infect our seamen.

"This distemper is the consequence of long voyages, and exhibits itself in such dreadful symptoms as are scarcely credible, viz. asthma, pains in the limbs and joints, blotches all over the body, ulcers, idiotism, lunacy, convulsions, and sudden death. Nor can the physicians, with all their materia medica, find a remedy for it equal to the smell of turf, grass, or a dish of greens. It is not my province to account for what is a matter of much doubt and perplexity even to the most learned, but I could plainly observe that there is a je ne sais quoi in the frame of the human system, that cannot be removed without the assistance of certain earthy particles, or, in plain English, the landsman's proper aliment, and vegetables and fruits his only physic. For the space of six weeks we seldom buried less than four or five daily, and at last it amounted to eight or ten; and I really believe, that, had we stayed ten days longer at sea, we should have lost the ship for want of men to navigate her.

"At length we arrived at the island of Juan Fernandez, in the South Sea, after having had several imminent dangers of shipwreck on the coast of Chili, off which the nature of our rendezvous required us to cruise, in hopes of rejoining the squadron.

"We anchored here on the 16th June 1741, as we subsequently learned, just ten days after the departure of a Spanish ship of war, which was sent by the Admiral of these seas to gain intelligence, himself having cruised with his squadron of four sail a considerable time, in hopes of meeting with us, well judging the condition our ships might be in. You will be surprised to hear that in a sixty gun ship, on our arrival at this island, we mustered but seventy-two persons, including officers and boys, capable of appearing on deck; the rest being all sick, having lost 228 since our leaving England, which includes nine months.

"We were joined by the Gloucester and Tryal sloop, (vide Anson's Voyage, p. 114,) the crews of which vessels had suffered still more, so that had there been an experienced enemy to have dealt with us, they might have made a very easy conquest of us all. But, 'whatever is, is right.' They gave us time to recover our spirits and rally our forces, for which we visited them afterwards and shut up their ports.

"I shall not attempt a description of this island at present, but only tell you it is the most romantic and pleasant place imaginable, abounding with myrtle trees, and covered with turnips and sorrel. Its bays, teeming with all kinds of fish, seem calculated for the reception of distressed seamen. We stayed here three months, employed in refitting our ships, and restoring the health of the sick, and this without any loss of time to us, it being the winter season, in which, from April to September, navigation is judged unsafe by the Spaniards. In the beginning of this month (September) we were agreeably surprised by the sight of a sail, to which we immediately gave chase, slipping our cable; but night intervening, we lost her. We soon after fell in with another, who was her consort, of 500 tons, and much richer, having about 18,000l. in money on board, besides a cargo, which would have been valuable (being chiefly sugar) could we have brought it to a proper market; but in these parts it is a misfortune that nothing but money is truly valuable, having no ports whereat to dispose of anything. Here I commenced captain again, in the Tryal's prize, having twelve guns, besides swivels, with thirty men, and had a separate cruise ordered me with Captain Saunders. (Vide Anson's Voyage, p. 114.) She was a ship he had taken in the sloop, which then proved so leaky and disabled in her masts by a gale of wind, that she was sunk, and her prize commissioned in her room. As nothing appeared on our station, which was to leeward of Valparaiso, we had no opportunity of exerting ourselves. We next proceeded along the coast of Peru, and took two prizes, both very valuable to the Spaniards, the one being loaded with ship timber, and the other with iron bars, but to us of no great service; by the latter, (viz. the Nuestra Senora del Carmin, 250 tons of cargo, value 400,000 dollars,) we had information of a rich vessel in the road of Paita, bound to Lousuata on the coast of Mexico, the money being still in town. This was a chance worth pursuing; and having arrived off the port in the night, we sent in all the boats manned and armed, with fifty men, surprised and took the town with scarcely any resistance or loss, except one killed and one wounded on our side; the inhabitants abandoning their houses, and retiring to the neighbouring mountains.

"This event happened on the 15th of November 1741. (Vide Anson's Voyage, p. 149.) We kept possession of the town two days and a half without any disturbance from the natives, and, having plundered it, set it on fire, but spared the two churches.

"We found here about 30,000l. besides jewels; there was much more, but the inhabitants carried it off. We sunk two galleys and two snows, and carried away with us the small ship that was to have carried the money. We departed hence on the 16th, and some days after joined the Gloucester, which had been ranging the coast, and intercepted some vessels, though not so valuable as ours. We then proceeded along shore, burning some of our prizes, which proved dull sailers, and arrived at the island of Quibo, 17th December 1741, a delightful uninhabited place, abounding with wild deer and other refreshments. Having watered here with all imaginable expedition, we sailed hence on the 19th December, with a design to cruise off Acapulco, on the coast of Mexico, for a rich ship that was expected from Manilla, on the island of Luconia, in the East Indies.

"There is a yearly ship whose cargo amounts to an immense sum, and could we but have had a favourable passage thither, she must indubitably have been ours; but we were disappointed, having been seventy-nine days in effecting a passage which has been performed in twenty, meeting with a long series of calms and uncertain weather. Hence we arrived five weeks too late, and therefore hoped to speak her on her return, which generally is in March; she would then have been laden with money to purchase another cargo. We cruized off this port and the coast of Mexico two months, at a distance not to be discovered from the shore, and having intelligence, by a boat we took, of the day of her sailing, we made no doubt of her being ours. We were five sail in all, with our prizes, and lay at three leagues distance from each other, and ten from the port. During this time we lived on turtle, which we caught daily in our boats. Our squadron described a half moon, our boats being at the same time three leagues from the shore within us to watch the port. The disposition was so just and regular, it was impossible she could have escaped. I was so curious as to calculate my share, which would have amounted to 10,000l.; but Providence ordained it otherwise.

"I should have told you that that ship mounted sixty guns. Having cruised till our water was almost all expended, and having an enemy's coast whereon to replenish, we were obliged to depart, but left a boat behind to watch her motions. After many searches, we found a convenient bay for watering called Chequetan, where Sir Francis Drake had refitted. We sunk and burnt all our prizes, in order to cross the great Southern Ocean, and, with the Gloucester in company, go to the East Indies. We learned afterwards that this rich ship was detained, having had information from the coast of Peru of our being on the coast. We left Acapulco on the 6th of May 1742; and here begins another series of misfortunes and mortality surpassing the first. We had a passage of three months and a half to the Ladrone Islands, which is generally made in two; yet it was a vulgar opinion amongst our people that we had sailed so far as to pass by all the land in the world! Length of time and badness of the weather rendered both our ships leaky; this, joined to our mortality, the scurvy raging amongst us as much as ever, obliged us to destroy the Gloucester, which ship was ready to founder, and receive the men on board, who were all sick and dying. It is impossible to represent the melancholy circumstances wherein we were involved previous to our arrival at these islands. We anchored at one called Tinian, uninhabited, but abounding with wild cattle, hogs, fowls, and fruits: we could not have fallen in with a better place. I am convinced, had we stayed out ten days longer at sea, we should have been obliged to take to our boats, our leak increasing so fast, and our people being all infirm and disabled. We immediately sent all our sick on shore, and began to hope for better times, feeding plentifully on roast beef, when an accident fell out, on the 22nd September 1742, which nearly ruined us all.

"My post as first officer generally confined me on board the Commodore, whilst most of the officers and men were on shore for the recovery of their health, when a storm came on and rose so mountainous a sea as none of us ever saw before. The ship was in danger of being pooped as we lay at anchor; at last we parted both our bower-cables and drove out to sea, with the sheet-anchor hanging in the hawse, a whole cable and three quarters of another out (excuse these barbarous sea terms), and narrowly escaped driving on a ledge of rocks, that was near, and leaving the Commodore and all the rest behind. The ship, by her labouring in such a troubled sea, made so much water that I was in doubt whether she would not have foundered; our ports and the guns were but ill-secured, owing to the suddenness of the storm, which also upset the long boat. Under these circumstances we drove to sea with one hundred men and boys on board, not knowing whether I should not at last be a captain in spite of my teeth. In this manner I drove seventy leagues, and was fifteen days before I recovered land, beating up against a fresh trade and the current. The Commodore, you may imagine, was overjoyed at my return, as were all the rest. They were very busy in building a vessel to carry them all to China, as they preferred venturing to sea in it to remaining in an uninhabited island, or to be exposed to the cruelty of the Spaniards who live in the neighbouring islands, the Commodore concluding that either the ship was lost, or that I should never be able to beat to windward. At last, after many hazards, we sailed on the 22nd of October 1742, and met with a tolerably good passage to the island of Macoa, a Portuguese settlement on the coast of China, where we arrived on the 11th November, having buried one hundred and sixty men since our leaving Acapulco, or four hundred and twenty since we left England, including Indians and negroes, whom we detained as prisoners."

Commodore Anson arrived at Macoa, and having careened and repaired the ship, and been reinforced by some Lascars or Indian sailors, and by some Dutchmen, he sailed from Macoa on the 1st May, giving out that he was bound to Batavia, Captain Saunders of the Gloucester having gone to England in a Swedish ship; but when fairly at sea he made known to his crew that he was going to cruise off Manilla for the purpose of intercepting the two galleons expected there, one of which he ultimately took on the 20th June, just a month after they arrived off the station, after a severe action, in which the galleon, which was called the Nostra Signora Cabadonga, commanded by General Don Jeronimo de Montivo, had sixty-seven killed and eighty-four wounded, while the Centurion had only two killed, and a lieutenant and sixteen men wounded. Lieut. Saumarez, who had highly distinguished himself in this action, was now made Post Captain of the prize, which he safely conducted to Canton. She had on board 400,000l. in specie, besides property estimated at 600,000l. which was destroyed; he had now therefore obtained his rank, and a considerable share of prize money.

On the 7th of December 1743, they sailed from Canton, and arrived in England, to be welcomed by their families and friends, on the 15th June 1744, after an absence of four years, wherein they had endured hardships of every description. Captain Saumarez went to Bath for the recovery of his health. He subsequently served in the Sandwich, York, and Yarmouth: in the York he encountered a heavy gale, in which his superior seamanship was severely put to the test. He was subsequently removed to the Nottingham, of sixty guns, and on the 11th October 1747 fell in with the Mars, a French sixty-four gun-ship, with five hundred men, commanded by M. de Colombe, being one of the ships that had separated from D'Anville's fleet in the storm off Newfoundland. She was returning to Brest. The Nottingham had sixty guns and four hundred men. After an engagement of two hours within pistol shot, in which the Mars had twenty-three killed and nineteen wounded, she struck. On board the Nottingham only three men were killed and nine wounded, which was attributed to the superior seamanship of the Captain, who obtained an advantageous position in the battle.

Captain Saumarez had been often heard to say that his highest ambition was to fall in with an enemy of equal force, and on this occasion his honourable feelings were completely gratified. He received congratulations from all his friends, and particularly from the Lords of the Admiralty, who expressed their highest approbation of the skill and courage he displayed on this occasion; but his mild, liberal, and generous treatment to a vanquished enemy was no less conspicuous in this instance than his bravery; it was indeed one of the strongest traits in his character. On this subject he received the following letter from the Secretary of the Admiralty:—

"The Chevalier de Crenay, late Captain of the Mars, having taken notice to the Lords of the Admiralty, in a letter their lordships received from him and his officers and company, I am commanded to let you know, that your civil treatment of them after they were taken, has been no less satisfactory to their lordships than your resolution and success in taking them.

"I am, sir, &c. &c. "THOS. CORBETT, Sec."

A letter from Chevalier Crenay himself is written in the strongest terms of gratitude and regard; after enumerating many civilities, he declares that every article had been restored, even to a box of porcelain, and that his officers and men all joined in offering their grateful thanks. It may be added, that Captain Saumarez did all in his power to obtain Captain Crenay's exchange. The Mars was carried into Plymouth, and being found worthy of repair, was, from the representation of Captain Saumarez, taken into his Majesty's service: she was nearly 300 tons larger than the Nottingham, and found afterwards to be an excellent ship.

Captain Saumarez' ship was speedily refitted, and on the 3rd May 1747, he joined Lord Anson's squadron, which obtained a complete victory over the French fleet, commanded by M. Jonquiere, taking six men-of-war and three East Indiamen. After the engagement, the Nottingham, with two more ships, was detached to pursue the convoy, and had the good fortune to capture four very valuable vessels from St. Domingo.

Captain Saumarez afterwards cruised under Admiral Warren, and on the 10th of September following he was ordered to join Admiral Hawke: he remained with that officer until the 14th October, when the Admiral came up with a French fleet, commanded by Monsieur De l'Etendiere, off Cape Finisterre, which he defeated, and took six of the enemy's ships; but the Tonnant, an 80 gun ship, with the Intrepide, 74, having escaped, Captain Saumarez, with the Yarmouth and Eagle, immediately gave chase to them. Having come up with the Tonnant, although the Nottingham was so unequal in size and number of guns, he gallantly engaged her before the other two English ships joined. After about an hour's close action, a shot from the enemy put an end to the existence of this brave officer, who, during his whole life, had served his king and country with honour and zeal; he died lamented by all those to whom he was known.

The following is an extract from the Rear-admiral's despatch: "Having observed that six of the enemy's ships had struck, and it being very dark, and our own ships dispersed, I thought it best to bring to that night, and seeing a great firing a long way astern of me, I was in hopes of seeing more of the enemy's ships taken in the morning; but, instead of that, I received the melancholy account of Captain Saumarez being killed, and that the Tonnant had escaped in the night, with the assistance of the Intrepide, who, by having the wind of our ships, had received no damage that I could perceive."[18]

[18] Ships taken:—Le Terrible; Le Monarque, 74; Le Neptune, 70; Le Trident; Le Fougueux, 64; Le Severn, 50.

The last will of Captain Philip Saumarez is an interesting document, inasmuch as it portrays his true character as an officer and a Christian, impressed with the uncertainty of human life, and almost anticipating the glorious fate which ultimately befel him; and as it is also replete with piety, morality, gratitude, and the other virtues which adorn the life of a hero, we shall conclude this memoir with some extracts taken from the original, which begins thus:

"I, Philip Saumarez, commander of H.M.S. Nottingham, from a reflection of the uncertainty of human life in general, particularly when engaged in a military profession: in order therefore to face death cheerfully, whenever duty or nature shall call upon me, I hereby dispose of whatever Providence has blessed me with, in the following manner:

"To my honoured mother, I bequeath the sum of 1500l. to be paid after my father's death, and until then to remain at interest; if she dies before him, to be divided equally among my eldest brother John's children.

"To my sister Anne, 300l. To my sister Elizabeth, 300l.

"To my brother John, 1000l. all my silver plate, and a diamond ring, formerly belonging to Lady Carteret.

"To my niece and godchild, Carteret Saumarez, my brother John's daughter, I bequeath 1000l.

"My brother Matthew Saumarez, 1500l. and all my books; and to his daughter, 500l.

"My brother Thomas Saumarez, 1000l. with all my linen, liquors, furniture, and apparel.

"My brother-in-law, Philip Durell and his wife, I bequeath 50l. each, their fortunes being sufficient: his wife to buy mourning.

"To my aunt Durell, at Westminster, 100l.

"My aunt Sauvaine, 10l. to buy mourning.

"Mr. Solomon Durell, 40l.

"To my worthy friend James Wallace, commissioner of the victualling office, 100l.

"To my steward, 30l. besides a suit of mourning; and to my other servants, 5l. each.

"In case I am killed in action, or die whilst I command the Nottingham, to the three lieutenants a suit of mourning each, which I beg they will accept; and to Mr. Surroude, my chaplain, I bequeath the sum of 100l. in regard to his large family; and to Mr. Redley, my clerk, the sum of 30l. for the trouble of making up my accounts.

"To Admiral Anson and Sir Peter Warren, I desire they will accept a mourning ring each, my executors to lay out 30l. in each ring; and to the former I recommend my brother Tom.

"I likewise desire that 300l. may be laid out to purchase a handsome monument, made in London, to the memory of my late aunt, the Lady Carteret, to be erected in the church where she is interred, and a due epitaph, enumerating her exemplary virtues and life, to be inscribed on it in French and English, and recorded to posterity; and this I desire my brother John will see duly performed, as well as my other executors, with expedition; this piece of gratitude to her memory having been neglected by all her relations.

"In case it should not be attended with any inconvenience, the surgeon to preserve and embalm my corpse, to be interred in a military manner on shore, in whatever port the ship may put in; and the surgeon to be presented with 30l. for his trouble. I bequeath to my brother officers, Captains Thomas Coates, Martyn, Keppel, Rodney, and Timothy Brett, a mourning ring of 10l. value each; the same to Mr. Logie, first lieutenant of the Nottingham.

"To the poor of the parish in the island of Guernsey, where I was born, 100l. to be distributed: the remainder of what fortune I may have to bequeath, to my honoured father. And I do hereby constitute and appoint my worthy friend Pussey Brook, Esq., James Wallace, Esq., and my eldest brother John Saumarez, Esq., executors of this my last will and testament, revoking all former wills by me heretofore made. In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and seal, at sea, this 30th day of June, and in the twenty-first year of the reign of our sovereign Lord George the Second over Great Britain, France, and Ireland, &c., and in the year of our Lord 1747.

"PHILIP SAUMAREZ." (L.S.)

"Signed in the presence of, Robert Richards, Master. Alexander Gray, Gunner."

The wishes expressed in the will of this brave officer were implicitly complied with; his body was embalmed and sent to Plymouth by the admiral, in the Gloucester, commanded by Captain Durell, (afterwards Admiral Durell,) his brother-in-law, and was buried in the church at Plymouth with military honours. A neat tablet is erected in the said church, with the following inscription: "Near this place lies the body of Philip Saumarez, Esq. commander of H.M.S. Nottingham. He was the son of Matthew de Saumarez, of the Island of Guernsey, by Anne Durell, of the island of Jersey, his wife, families of antiquity and respectability in those parts. He was born 17th November 1710, and gloriously but unfortunately fell by a cannon-ball, 14th October 1747, pursuing the ships of the enemy that were making their escape, when the French were routed by Admiral Hawke."

Out of respect to his memory, his brothers and sisters caused a plain monument to be erected to him in Westminster Abbey, with the following inscription:

"ORBE CIRCUMCINTO,

"Sacred to the memory of Philip De Saumarez, Esq., one of the few whose lives ought rather to be measured by their actions than their days. From sixteen to thirty-seven years of age, he served in the navy, and was often surrounded with dangers and difficulties unparalleled: always approving himself an able, active, and gallant officer. He went out a lieutenant on board His Majesty's ship Centurion, under the auspicious conduct of Commodore Anson, in his expedition to the South Seas: he was commanding officer of the said ship when she was driven from her moorings at the island of Tinian.

"In the year 1747, being captain of the Nottingham, a sixty gun ship, he (then alone) attacked and took the Mars, a French ship of sixty-four guns.

"In the first engagement in the following year, when Admiral Anson defeated and took a squadron of French men-of-war and Indiamen, he had an honourable share; and in the second, under Admiral Hawke, when the enemy, after an obstinate resistance, was again routed, in pursuing two ships that were making their escape, he gloriously but unfortunately fell.

"He was the son of Matthew De Saumarez, of the island of Guernsey, Esq. by Anne Durell, of the island of Jersey, his wife.

"He was born November 17th, 1710; killed October 14th, 1747; buried in the old Church at Plymouth, with all honours due to his distinguished merits; and this monument is erected, out of gratitude and affection, by his Brothers and Sisters."



APPENDIX A.

The first of the De Sausmarez (Saumarez) family found on the public records of the metropolis, is Nicholas, the son of Matthew de Sausmarez, who in 1331 made application for a confirmation of his rights and prerogatives as formerly enjoyed by his ancestors, and whose son Thomas was Lord of the Seigneurie of Sausmarez in the year 1481. Thomas married Colishe, daughter of Nicholas Fonachin, bailiff of the island of Guernsey, and had two sons and two daughters; one of whom, Michael, inherited the estate, and was succeeded by his eldest son John, who in 1543 was jurat of the island of Guernsey, and married Margaret, daughter of James Guille, then bailiff. John was succeeded by his son Thomas, also a jurat of the Royal Court, who married Rebecca Hancock; and the property descended to his son, likewise a jurat of the Royal Court, who married Bertrand, daughter of Cardin Fautrart: he was succeeded by his son Thomas, who married Martha Nicholi, and does not appear to have been of any profession. His only son, Michael, who was married to Charlotte, daughter of James le Marchant, jurat of the Royal Court in 1681, became the next heir, and was succeeded by Matthew de Sausmarez, his only son, who was the eleventh in the direct line since the year 1331. This Matthew was born at Guernsey on the 4th June 1685, was colonel of militia of the island, and married Anne, daughter of John Durell, Esq. lieutenant-bailiff of the island of Jersey, on the 1st of January 1705. By this, his first wife, he had—first, John de Sausmarez, who was born on the 12th January 1706, and died 4th April 1774. He was Attorney General in the island of Guernsey; and married first, Martha, daughter of Daniel Delisle, Esq. of Guernsey, and the lady who repossessed the estate, which had become the property of John Andros, in right of his wife, Judith de Sausmarez. The second son died an infant. The third son was Philip de Sausmarez,[19] born on the 17th November 1710. He was first lieutenant with Commodore Anson, and commanded the Nottingham 64, when that ship captured the Mars, French 74. Anne married Captain Philip Dumaresq; Elizabeth, Margaret, and Magdalen, died unmarried. Matthew Saumarez was the fourth son; he was born on the 10th October 1718; and was the father of the late Lord de Saumarez. He was drowned on his passage to England in March 1778. Thomas, the fifth son, born 20th April 1720, is particularly mentioned in the commencement of this work. William, the sixth son, was born 29th April 1722, and died in the East Indies; and Michael, the seventh and last son, was born on the 8th October 1725, and died an infant.

[19] See a biographical notice of this distinguished officer, page 348.

We now come to the brothers and sisters of the first Lord de Saumarez, children of Matthew, the fourth son, already mentioned as remarkable for his urbanity of manners and hospitality, particularly to strangers.

By his first wife, daughter of Thomas Dumaresq, Esq. of Jersey, Matthew Saumarez had issue Susannah, an only child, who married Henry Brock, Esq. of Guernsey: by his second wife, Carteret, daughter of James le Marchant, Esq. he had a numerous family. First,—Anne, the eldest daughter, was married to Isaac Dobree, Esq., and is now living a widow: she has four daughters, all married. Charlotte, second daughter, married Nicholas Peter Dobree, rector of St. Mary. Mary, the third daughter, is unmarried. Carteret, fourth daughter, married Peter Lihou, Esq. colonel of militia. Philip, the eldest son, was a lieutenant in the Royal Navy, and died at Gibraltar, 1774. John, the second son, surgeon-general to His Majesty's forces on the island, became heir to his father; he married Judith, daughter of William Brock, Esq. sister of Harriet, wife of Sir Thomas. James, was the third son, and first Lord de Saumarez. Sir Thomas, the fourth son, was born at Guernsey, 1st July 1760, and entered the army at the age of 15.[20] He married Harriet, daughter of William Brock, Esq. of Guernsey.

[20] See a separate notice of this distinguished officer in page 332.



APPENDIX B.

THE ACTION OFF DOGGER BANK.

"Fortitude, at Sea, 6th August 1781.

"SIR,

"Yesterday we fell in with the Dutch squadron, with a large convoy, on the Dogger bank: I was happy to find I had the wind of them, as the great number of their large frigates might otherwise have endangered my convoy. Having separated the men of war from the merchant ships, and made the signal to the last to keep their wind, I bore away with the general signal to chase. The enemy formed their line, consisting of eight two-decked ships; ours, including the Dolphin, consisting of seven. Not a gun was fired on either side until within the distance of half-musket shot; the Fortitude being then abreast of the Dutch Admiral, the action began and continued with unceasing fire for three hours and forty minutes: by this time our ships were unmanageable. I made an effort to form the line, in order to renew the action, but found it impracticable; the Bienfaisant had lost her fore-topmast, and the Buffalo her fore-yard; the rest of the ships were not less shattered in their masts, rigging, and sails. The enemy appeared to be in as bad a condition; both squadrons lay a considerable time near each other, when the Dutch with their convoy bore away for the Texel. We were not in a condition to follow them.

"His Majesty's officers and men behaved with great bravery, nor did the enemy show less gallantry. The Fortitude was extremely well seconded by Captain Macartney in the Princess Amelia, but he was unfortunately killed early in the action; Lieutenant Hill has great merit in so well supporting the conduct of his brave Captain.

"As there was great probability of our coming into action again, Captain Macbride very readily obliged me by taking command of that ship, and I have appointed Mr. Waghorne, my first lieutenant, to the command of the Artois. This gentleman, although much hurt in the action, refused to leave my side while it lasted. Captain Graeme, of the Preston, has lost an arm.

"Inclosed, I transmit a list of the killed and wounded, and an account of the damage sustained by the ships.

"The enemy's force was, I believe, much superior to what their Lordships apprehended; and I flatter myself they will be satisfied that we have done all that was possible with ours.

"I am, Sir, "Your most obedient and most humble servant, "H. PARKER.

"P.S. The frigates this morning discovered one of the Dutch men-of-war sunk in twenty-two fathoms water; her top-gallant masts were above the surface, which Captain Patton has struck and brought to me on board: I believe she was the second ship of the line of 74 guns."

* * * * *

Return of killed and wounded on the action of the 5th of August 1781.

English Fleet.

Ships' Names. Guns. Men. Killed. Wounded. Total.

Fortitude 74 620 20 67 87 Bienfaisant 64 500 6 21 27 Berwick 74 600 18 58 76 Princess Amelia 74 620 19 56 75 Preston 50 300 10 40 50 Buffalo 50 450 20 64 84 — —- —- 93 306 399 Dutch Fleet.

Ships' Names. Guns. Commanders. Killed. Wounded. Admiral Generaal 74 Com. J.S. Kinsbergen 7 41 Admiral de Ruyter 68 Rear-admiral Zoutman 48 90 Hollandia 64 Capt. Dedel 25 45 Erfprins 54 " J.S. van Braak 23 42 Batavier 54 " J.W. Bentinck 18 49 Admiral Piet Hein 54 " W. van Braam 9 58 Argo 54 " E.C. Staringh 11 87 Medenblik 54 " D.G. Rynveld No returns. —- —- 141 412 141 —- 553 —-

From the most authentic accounts, however, the Dutch were known to have lost 1,100 men, although their published report was for only half that number.



APPENDIX C.

DUTCH ACCOUNT OF THE ACTION OFF DOGGER BANK.

"Sunday, August 5th, 1781, at break of day, between the hours of three and four in the morning, we saw a great number of strange ships to the N.N.W. of us; we got everything ready for an engagement: the wind was N.E. and our course was N.W. We made the signal to form the line of battle at a cable's length distance from each other as we advanced. The Ajax cutter, Captain Count Wilderen, came up in the mean time to make a report that the fleet he saw was a convoy of the enemy, which had sailed on the 26th through the Sound, escorted by eleven English men-of-war and four cutters. At seven o'clock the ships-of-war hoisted their English colours, among which was a Vice-admiral's flag, and bore down upon us, their convoy remaining to windward. I made the signal to tack, and we came up thus in order of battle, and took our station to the E.S.E., and ordered our merchantmen to the westward. We saw that the eight English men-of-war that bore down upon us in a line, were sixty, seventy-four, ninety, and one of forty guns. At eight the English Vice-admiral being abreast to windward of me, they turned with us, and the action began. At that instant the fire was very brisk on both sides, and the whole line was engaged. I was constantly and very briskly cannonaded by two large ships. The engagement lasted till half-past eleven, and was very bloody. Our ships, mine included, were greatly disabled, and received so much damage that they could not be worked any longer. The English Admiral must have equally suffered, for he wore to the eastward. At noon we took down the signal to engage, and bore away to the westward to repair our ships as much as possible, all being extremely crippled by the constant fire of so long an engagement. We perceived also that the English Vice-admiral tacked about half-past twelve with his ships, and stood to the N.W., where he remained floating to repair also their damage. Among their ships we saw also a three-decker, whose main topmast fell by the board.

"We found ourselves at noon in fifty-five degrees, fifty-six minutes N. and consequently the point of Ternaus in Norway, N.N.E. 1/3 N. thirty leagues from us. All the ships-of-war were become unserviceable: we made the signal for the convoy to run it, with the frigates the Medenblik and Venus, and put themselves according to circumstances out of danger, to avoid being taken, or falling into the hands of the enemy.

"In bearing away the Batavier, whose mizen-yard was turned upside down, and who had lost her mizen topmasts, she almost fell on her side: one of her officers cried out to us her captain was wounded, and the ship so disabled she was no longer manageable. I sent two frigates to assist and take her in tow; but before they could come up with the Batave, she drove before the wind, and came up to us.

"Captain Kinsbergen sent a boat with Captain Abreson and Captain Staring to report their situation, and that they were much crippled. I told them that as soon as we should be a little refitted and able to manage the ships, I would make the signal to return to port. Captain Dedel made the signal of being greatly damaged; Captain Van Braam that he was much embarrassed. I made the signal for the Zephyr frigate to come alongside. She reported having spoken to Captain Van Braam, and that his ship had some shots under water; I sent her off immediately to give all possible assistance to Captains Van Braam and Dedel.

"In the mean time Captain Dedel fired guns of distress, and steered his course southward towards the coast of Holland. I made the signal for Captain Van Weenzel to come to speak to me, and I despatched him to assist Captain Dedel, with orders to stay with him and to seek a port. Between four and five P.M. I made signal to sail, upon which all the ships near us repeated the signal to Captain Kinsbergen, and bore away as well as they could with what they could make use of. I came near to Captain Van Braam, who cried out to me that he had several shots under water; that his ship made much water, but was now much diminished by the help of the pumps. In the evening we saw all the ships under sail with us.

"The Admiral de Ruyter has many killed and wounded, and is, as well as the ships in general, damaged in their hull, masts, and rigging; but I hope, with the help of God, we shall be able to gain a port of the republic.

"I send this despatch by Count de Welderen, who can in person make a more ample report to your Serene Highness.

"I have the honour to commend myself to the gracious protection of your Serene Highness; and to subscribe myself with respect,

"Your Serene Highness's "Most humble and obedient servant, "J.A. ZOUTMAN."

"Dated on board the Admiral de Ruyter, 7th August 1781, Kykduyn, bearing south eighteen miles from us.

"N.B. All the officers and men on board the ships displayed a constant courage, fought like lions, as well as my own people, all of whom, I am extremely well satisfied with, from all the information I have received at present."



APPENDIX D.

LETTER WRITTEN BY H.S.H. THE STADTHOLDER, ADDRESSED AS FOLLOWS.

"Noble, respectable, virtuous, well-beloved, and trusty subjects!—We have learnt with the highest satisfaction that the squadron of the State under Rear-admiral Zoutman, although much inferior in ships, guns, and men, to the English squadron of Vice-admiral Parker, did, on the 5th instant, so valiantly resist its attack, that the English fleet, after an obstinate engagement, which lasted from eight in the morning till half an hour past eleven, was obliged to cease firing and retire. The heroic courage with which Rear-admiral Zoutman, the captains, officers, and subalterns, common sailors, and soldiers, concerned in the action, and who, through the blessing of Almighty God, so well discharged their duty during the engagement, merits our particular approbation and praise; therefore we have thought proper, by this present, to write, to thank publicly, in our name, the said rear-admiral, captains, officers, subalterns, sailors, and soldiers, by causing it to be read on board every ship which partook in the action, and whose captains and crews fought with such valour; and that an authentic copy of it be delivered by the secretary of the fleet to the State, as well as to the said Rear-admiral Zoutman, as the commander of the ships under his orders with whose conduct the said admiral has reason to be satisfied; further testifying that we doubt not that they, and all the officers of the state, sailors and soldiers, will, on every occasion that may offer, give proofs that the State wants not defenders of their dear country and its liberty; and that the ancient heroic valour of the Batavians still exists, and will never be extinct.

"Wherefore, noble, respectable, virtuous, and well-beloved subjects, we recommend you to the Divine protection.

"Your affectionate friend, "G. PR. D'ORANGE."



APPENDIX E.

BY RICHD. KEMPENFELT, REAR-ADMIRAL OF THE BLUE.

"You are with the utmost despatch to proceed with his Majesty's ship under your command to Barbadoes, and if any ships-of-war are there, you are to deliver to the senior officer one of those letters addressed to the commander of any of his Majesty's ships, acquainting him that you have one to the same purpose to the commander-in-chief, following such directions as he may think proper to give you.

"If none of his Majesty's ships should be at Barbadoes, you are then to inform yourself where the commander-in-chief is, and proceed with all diligence in quest of him.

"You are carefully to avoid coming near any vessel you may see on your passage.

"You are to communicate to all King's ships you meet with, or others of our nation, as also to all governors of islands you may touch at, the intelligence you are charged with, in order to its being as speedily and generally dispersed as possible.

"RICHD. KEMPENFELT. "Dated on board his Majesty's ship Victory, "at sea, 15th December 1781.

"To Capt. Saumarez, H.M.S. Tisiphone."

(CIRCULAR LETTER.)

"SIR,—Having fallen in on the 12th instant (Ashurst bearing N. sixty-one degrees E. distance fifty-three leagues) with a squadron of the enemy's ships-of-war with about two hundred transports, having on board 12,000 troops, 10,000 of which, the prisoners I have taken inform me are designed for the West Indies, with such ships of the line as are marked in the enclosed list, I have therefore thought it expedient to despatch this intelligence to you. I am, sir, your obedient servant,

"R. Kempenfelt."

"To the senior Officer," &c.

List of ships of the line with the French convoy (agreeing with Admiralty intelligence).

Guns. La Bretagne 110 Capt. Mons. Le Comte de Guichen. L'Invincible 110. Le Majestueux 110 " Mons. Le Comte de Rochoin. Le Royal Louis 112 " Mons. de Bausset. Le Terrible 110. La Couronne 84 " Mons. de la Mothe Piquet. Go as far as Madeira, then to Cadiz.

Le Triomphant 84 Capt. Le Marquis de Vaudreuil. Le Pegase 74. Le Magnifique 74. L'Actif 74. Le Dauphin Royal 70. Le Bien-Aime 74. Le Zodiaque 74. Le Brave 64. Le Robuste 74. To separate off Madeira with convoy for the West Indies.

Le Fendant 74. L'Argonaute 64. Le Hardi } Jamaica fleet. L'Alexandre } Bound to the East Indies with 3,000 troops.

Le Lion 64. L'Indien 64. To go to Cadiz with de Guichen.



APPENDIX F.

ADMIRAL RODNEY'S LETTER.

"On the 5th of April I received intelligence that the enemy were embarking their troops on board the ships-of-war, and concluded that they intended to sail in a few days. Captain Byron of the Andromache, an active and diligent officer, watched their motions with such attention, that on the 8th inst. at day-light he made out the enemy's signal of coming out and standing to N.W. I instantly made the signal to weigh, and having looked into the Bays of Fort Royal and St. Pierre, I made signal for a general chase, and before day-light came up with the enemy under Dominique, where both fleets were becalmed, and continued so for some time. The enemy first got the wind, and stood towards Guadaloupe.

"My van division, under that gallant officer Sir Samuel Hood, received it next, and stood after them. At nine the enemy began to cannonade my van, which was returned with the greatest briskness. The baffling winds did not permit part of the centre division to get into action with the enemy's rear till half-past eleven; and then only the ship next me in line of battle, &c. The enemy's cannonade ceased upon my rear's approach, but not before they had done considerable damage to the ships in the van, and disabled the Royal Oak and Montague, &c.

"The night of the 9th inst. the fleet lay-to to repair their damages. The 10th they continued to turn to windward under a very easy sail, the enemy continuing to do the same; and always had it in their power to come into action, which they cautiously avoided, and rendered it impossible for me to force them in the situation they were in, between the Saints and the island of Dominique.

"On the 11th, the enemy having gained considerably to the windward, and the wind blowing a fresh steady gale, I made the signal for a general chase to windward, which continued the whole day; and towards sunset one of the enemy's ships, damaged in the late action, falling to leeward, the Count de Grasse bore down with his whole fleet to her protection, which brought him so near that I flattered myself he would give me an opportunity of engaging him next day. With that view I threw out the signal for the form of sailing, and stood with the whole fleet to the southward till two in the morning, then tacked, and had the happiness, at day-light, to find my most sanguine desire was near being accomplished, by my having it in my power to force the enemy to battle."

Note from Lord Rodney's narrative contained in a private letter.

"The 10th of April and the 11th were employed in endeavouring to bring the enemy to battle, and on the 11th, late in the afternoon, the enemy bore down to protect two of their own ships, who were in danger of being cut off. This brought them to the position the Admiral wished; he instantly issued orders to sail during the night in the order of sailing; to put out all lights; to stand to the southward till two in the morning, and then the whole fleet to tack without signal. This deceived the enemy, who had no conception that the British fleet should be so near them at day-light: we instantly formed the line of battle on our starboard tack, the enemy formed theirs on the larboard tack, and had made the signal to wear; but the nearness of the British squadron prevented its being put into execution; and the British fleet taking the lee gage, the Admiral made the signal to engage and close."

List of the French fleet commanded by the Comte de Grasse in order of battle 9th and 12th April, 1782.

WHITE AND BLUE SQUADRON.

First Division Flag, half White half Blue at the Fore.

Ships. Guns. Le Souverain 74 Le Commandeur de Glandive. L'Hercule 74 " La Clochetterie. L'Auguste 80 " Bougainville. Le Northumberland 74 " De Saint Cezaire.

Second Division, half White half Blue at the Main.

Le Zele[21] 74 Chev. Gras. Preville. Le Duc de Bourgogne 80 Commandeur Espinose. Le Conquerant 74 " De la Grandiere. Le Marseillois 74 " Lombard.

[21] Disabled on the night of the 11th, and returned to Guadaloupe.

Third Division, half White half Blue at the Mizen.

L'Hector[22] 74 Com. La Vicomte. Le Cesar[22] 74 " Marigny. Le Magnanime 74 " Comte le Besgue. Le Diademe 74.

WHITE SQUADRON.

Fourth Division, White at the Fore.

Le Glorieux[22] 74 Com. Comte d'Escar. L'Eveille[22] 64 " Rilly. Le Sceptre 74 " Comte de Vaudreuil.

[22] Taken on the 12th of April.

Fifth Division, White at the Main.

Le Languedoc 80 Com. d'Arros. La Ville de Paris 100 {Le Comte de Grasse {Com. La Villeon. La Couronne[23] 80 " Comte de Mithon.

[23] Joined at St. Kitt's.

Sixth Division, White at the Mizen.

Le Reflechi 64 Com. Chev. de Boades. Le S. Esprit 80 " Marquis de Chabert. Le Scipion 74 " Grimouard. Le Palmier 74 " Martelli.

BLUE SQUADRON.

Seventh Division, Blue at the Fore.

Le Jason[24] 64 Com. Chev. de Villages. Le Destin 74 " Goimpy. Le Citoyen 74 " Comte d'Ethy. Le Dauphin Royal[23] 74 " Montperoux.

[24] Not in the Fleet on the 12th.

Eighth Division, Blue at the Main.

L'Ardent[22] 64 Com. Gourillon. Le Triomphant[23] 80 " Marquis de Vaudreuil. Le Neptune 74 " De Touches. Le Bien-Aime[23] 74.

Ninth Division, Blue at the Mizen.

Le Caton[23] 64 Com. Comte de Fremond. Le Brave[23] 74 " Marquis d'Amblimont. La Bourgogne 74 " Champmartin. Le Pluton 74 " D'Albert de Rions.

Frigates attached to each Squadron.

WHITE AND BLUE SQUADRON.

L'Experiment 50 Com. De Langle. La Sagittaire 50 " La Villebrune. La Resolue 32 " La Perouse. La Hypocrite 32. Le Cornwallis 20. La Concorde 36 " Launay Tromlin. L'Engageante 36 " La Taille.

WHITE SQUADRON.

Le Richmond 32. La Medee 36 Com. Marquis de Kerquiron. L'Iris 32. Le Clairvoyant 20 " Le Grass Simeront. La Galathee 36.

BLUE SQUADRON.

La Friponne 36 L'Astree[24] 36 La Ceres[24] 16 L'Amazone 36

Le Fier and Le Minotaure arme en flute.

[24] Not in the fleet on the 12th.

Total, thirty-four sail of the line, two of fifty guns, thirteen frigates, seven armed brigs, two fire-ships, and one cutter.

The Ville de Paris had 1,300 men on board at the commencement of the action on the 9th.

List of Swedish Officers on board the French Fleet on the 12th April 1782.

Le Conquerant Lieutenant Blessing. Le Magnifique Montell. Le Destin Toll. Le Glorieux Baron Rebinder. Le Sceptre Baron Cederstroem. La Couronne Baron Palmquist. La Ville de Paris Rosenstein. Le Languedoc Wergus. L'Auguste Hohenhausen. Le Northumberland {Nauckhoff. {Tornquist. Le Palmier Lieutenant Brunmark. Le Souverain Baron Rayalin. Le Hercules Zachan. L'Astree (frigate) Schults and Deborabur.

Memorandum of the author made at Carlscrona in 1808.

Captain Tornquist said, that after the Russell gave the Northumberland her first broadside, the helm was put up, and a great number of the crew ran from their quarters; the Couronne bore up also at the same time, and left the Ville de Paris, which had exchanged broadsides with several ships, but was never closely engaged but by the Russell. He says that the Barfleur did not fire a shot at the Ville de Paris.

Squadron sent under command of Rear-admiral Kempenfelt, to intercept the French West India convoy, which had sailed from Brest, under M. de Guichen, December 1781.

Names. Guns. Commanders. Victory 100 {Kempenfelt, R.A. of the Red, {Captain Cromwell. Britannia 100 Capt. James Bradby. Queen 98 " Hon. F. Maitland. Duke 98 " Sir Walter Stirling. Ocean 90 " George Ourry. Namur 90 " John Dalrymple. Edgar 74 {John Elliot, commodore. {Captain Thomas Boston. Alexander 74 Capt. Lord Longford. Couragueux 74 " Honourable Charles Phipps. Valiant 74 " Samuel C. Goodall. Agamemnon 64 " Benjamin Caldwell. Medway 60 " Henry Harmood. Renown 50 " John Henry. Arethusa 38 " Sir Richard Pearson. Monsieur 36 " Honourable W.C. Finch. La Prudente 36 " Honourable Wm. Waldegrave. Tartar 28 " Robert M. Sutton. Tisiphone fire-ship James Saumarez.

French fleet under M. de Guichen, when it fell in with Admiral Kempenfelt, on the 12th of December 1781.

Names. Guns. Commanders. La Bretagne 110 Com. Le Comte de Guichen. Le Majestueux 110 " Le Comte de Rocheaut. Le Royal Louis 110 " M. de Beausset. L'Invincible 110 Le Terrible 110 La Couronne 84 " Mons de la Motte Piquet. Le Triomphant[22] 84 " Mons. de Vaudreuil. Le Pegase 74 Le Magnifique 74 L'Actif 74 Le Dauphin Royal 74 Le Bien-Aime 74 Le Zodiaque 74 Le Robuste 74 Le Fendent 74 Le Brave[22] 74 L'Argonaute 64 Le Lion 64 L'Indien 64 L'Alexandre armee en flute. Le Hardi do. do.

[22] Taken on the 12th of April.

A List of the British Fleet in the action of the 9th and 12th April 1782, commanded by Sir George Bridges Rodney, Bart. K.B.

Red Division.

Ships. Guns. Men. Commanders. Killed. Wound. Royal Oak[25] 74 600 Capt. T. Burnet 8 30 Alfred 74 600 " W. Bayne 12 40 Montague 74 600 " G. Bowen 12 31 Yarmouth[25] 64 500 " A. Parry 14 33 Valiant[26] 74 650 " S.C. Goodall 10 28 {Sir S. Hood, Rear-adm.} Barfleur 98 767 {of the Blue } 10 37 {Capt. John Knight } Monarch 74 600 " F. Reynolds 16 33 Warrior[22] 74 600 " Sir J. Wallace 5 21 Bellequeux 64 500 " A. Sutherland 4 10 Centaur 74 600 " I.H. Inglefield Magnificent[25] 74 600 " Robert Linzee 6 11 Prince William 64 500 " A. Wilkinson 0 0 {E. Affleck, Esq. Com.} Bedford 74 617 {Capt. Thomas Graves } 0 16 Ajax 74 550 " N. Charrington 9 40 Repulse[25] 64 500 " T. Dumaresq 3 11

[25] Came from England with Sir G.B. Rodney.

[26] Joined the fleet off Antigua.

White Division.

Ships. Guns. Men. Commanders. Killed. Wound.

Canada 74 600 Capt. Hon. W. Cornwallis 12 23 St. Albans 64 500 " C. Inglis 0 6 Namur 90 750 " R. Fanshawe 6 25 {Sir G.B. Rodney, Bart. } { Admiral of the White. } Formidable[25] 98 780 {1 Capt. Sir Charles Douglas,} 15 39 { Bart. } {2 Capt. J. Symonds. } {Lord Cranstoun, Volun. } Duke 98 750 Capt. A. Gardner 13 60 Agamemnon 64 500 " B. Caldwell 14 24 Resolution 74 600 " Lord R. Manners 4 35 Prothee[25] 64 500 " C. Buckner 5 25 Hercules[25] 74 600 " H. Savage 7 19 America 64 500 " S. Thompson 1 1

Blue Division.

Russell 74 600 Capt. James Saumarez 10 29 Prudent 64 500 " A. Barclay (not in action.) Fame[26] 74 600 " R. Barber 3 12 Anson[26] 64 500 " W. Blair 3 13 Torbay 74 600 " Lewis Gideon 10 25 Prince George 98 750 " W. Williams 9 24 {F.S. Francis Drake, Esq.} Princessa 70 577 { Rear-adm. of the Blue } 3 22 {Capt. C. Knatchbull. } Conqueror[26] 74 600 " G. Balfour 7 23 Nonsuch 64 500 " W. Truscott 3 3 Alcade 74 600 " C. Thompson Arrogant[26] 74 600 " S. Cornish 0 0 Marlborough[26] 74 600 " Tay. Penny 3 16

[26] Joined the fleet off Antigua.

FRIGATES ATTACHED TO EACH DIVISION.

Red Division.

Ships. Guns. Commanders.

Lizard[27] 28 Le Nymphe[27] 36 Capt. J. Ford. Champion (repeat signals) 24 " A. Hood. Alecto, fire-ship " W. Fisher.

White Division.

Convert 32 Capt. H. Hervey. Endymion 44 " E.T. Smith. Alarm 32 " C. Cotton. Andromache 32 " J.A. Byron. Flora (to repeat signals) 36 " S. Marshall. Alert, brig 14 Sibyl 28 " Rodney. Pegasus[27] 28 " S. Stanhope. Salamander, F.S.[27] Fortune[27] 38 " H.C. Christian. Zebra[27] 14 " J. Boucher.

Blue Division.

Germain[27] 14 Blast, F.S.[27] Eurydice (to repeat) 24 " G. Wilson. Santa Maria[27] 32 " J. Linzee.

[27] Not with the fleet in the action.

List of officers killed and wounded on the 9th and 12th April 1782.

Royal Oak Mr. Gwatkin, 1st lieutenant, killed; Captain of the marines wounded.

Alfred Captain Bayne killed on the 9th.

Montague Mr. William Code, master, killed; Lieutenants Briedan and Buchan, R.M., wounded.

Valiant Mr. R. Wimbleton, 2nd lieutenant, killed; Mr. W. Brown, 5th lieutenant, Mr. Backhouse, master, wounded.

Warrior Mr. Stone, master, wounded.

Magnificent Captain Bagg, of marines, wounded.

Ajax Mr. John Elliot, 1st lieutenant, and Mr. Thomas Rositer, pilot, wounded.

Repulse Captain of marines and master wounded.

Formidable Lieutenant Hall killed; Captain Bell and Lieutenant Harris of marines wounded.

Duke Lieutenant Cornish, Mr. Cooper, master, Mr. Scott, boatswain, wounded.

Agamemnon Lieutenants Incledon and Brice wounded, the latter since dead.

Prothee Thomas Love, master, wounded.

Hercules Lieutenant Hobart killed; Captain Savage wounded.

America Lieutenant Colbonhill killed; Lieutenant Trelawney wounded.

Anson Captain Blair killed.

Torbay Lieutenant Monier, of marines, killed.

Princessa Lieutenants Dundas, McDonald, and Laban, of marines, wounded.

Centaur No return.

Alcide No return.

EXTRACT FROM THE LOG OF THE RUSSELL.

Wind, East by North.

Russell, 12th April 1782, off Dominica, E.S.E. 4 or 5 leagues.

Friday 12th, fresh breezes and fine weather. At five P.M. the Admiral made the signal to close in the order of sailing. At six, the America's signal to go ahead and carry a light during the night. At half-past seven saw the flashes and heard the report of several guns to windward, supposed to be from the French fleet. At half-past one A.M. the Admiral made the signal to tack. At sunrise saw the French fleet to the northward about three leagues. At half-past five the Admiral made the signal to form a line ahead, and for the blue division to lead. At six, the Conqueror's signal was made to chase to the N.W. At half-past six the Admiral made the signal for the line to form N.N.E. and S.S.W, two cables' length asunder, and for the third in command to lead; the French fleet to windward forming the line ahead, standing to the southward. At seven the Admiral made the signal for all cruisers to come in and to close the line one cable's length asunder. At thirty-eight minutes past seven the Admiral made our signal for being out of our station; forty minutes past, the signal for the fleet to close in a line of battle; forty-three minutes past, repeated it; our fleet in a line ahead standing to the southward. At three quarters past seven the enemy began firing on our van. The Admiral made the signal for action—our van began to engage the enemy's van. Fifty minutes past seven we backed the main topsail, and began to engage. Fifty minutes past eight, engaging the enemy very close, backed and filled occasionally; at nine luffed up and backed the main topsail, and raked the enemy's sternmost ships. Having passed all their line, ceased firing, the centre and rear still engaging as they passed the enemy. Our masts, yards, sails, and rigging, very much damaged; the mizen-mast, dangerously wounded, struck the mizen yard, and sent topgallant-masts and yards down upon deck, unbent the mizen topsail, a spritsail, topsail, and a jib for a mizen. At twenty-five minutes past nine saw the Prince George to leeward without a fore-mast. Employed fishing the fore and mizen topsail yards, and fitting the rigging, and shifting powder from forward to aft, and cleared the decks up ready for action. At half-past nine wore to stand for the enemy. At ten the Admiral made the signal for the commander of the third post to tack and gain the wind of the enemy; the signal for engaging flying, and the signal for the line, hauled down. At three minutes past eleven the Admiral made the signal for the van to tack: saw one of the enemy's ships with all her masts and bowsprit shot away; Sir Samuel Hood's division and part of the centre still engaging the enemy's fleet: the rear, having been broke through, bore away.

13th P.M. Body of Dominica E.S.E. 9 or 10 leagues, Wind, Noon, E.S.E.

The van and centre, engaging at forty minutes past seven, wore to the southward. The topsail-yard being fished, set the fore topsail standing for the enemy's fleet; people employed repairing the rigging. At half-past one the Admiral made the Alert's signal to come within hail. At twenty minutes past two he made the Royal Oak's signal to take the French ship in tow that was dismasted, part of the fleet still engaging. The Admiral made the Bedford's signal to get into her station. One of the French ships struck to the van. Coming up with the enemy's fleet, beat to quarters. Forty minutes past three we began to engage some of the enemy's ships to leeward on contrary tacks. At ten minutes past four, having passed them, ceased firing and hauled up the courses; wore ship ahead of the Formidable two of the enemy's ships struck their colours. At half-past four the Admiral made the Conqueror's signal to make more sail. At a quarter past five he made the signal to close in line of battle; set the foresail. At six bore down, and ran under the Ville de Paris' stern, raked her, then hauled up after her; at twenty minutes past six saw her strike her colours. At seven P.M. the Admiral made the night-signal for the fleet to bring-to on the starboard tack; shortened sail, hauled our wind, and backed the main topsail, some of the fleet engaging to leeward. During the action we had ten men killed and twenty-nine wounded; the French fleet going away with all sail set to the N.W. At half-past eleven, saw a ship on fire blow up.

On the 4th of March, at half-past three, the Russell struck on a rock and damaged her rudder and stern frame; at eight weighed and run further out. On the 5th, at four, made the signal for assistance, and went to the Carenage. On the 6th, warped in and unhung her rudder, sent it on shore, and found that all the lower pentles were broken off. 11th, came out of the Carenage; fifteen men deserted; in coming out, she again struck on a rock. Before the action, she received twenty-three men from the Shrewsbury.

Signed on the 23rd September 1782, by JAMES SAUMAREZ.

Lord Rodney's Victory.—Canada's Log, 12th April 1782.

April 12th, at daylight, six, moderate and cloudy. Quarter past seven the Admiral made the signal to call in all cruisers. At twenty-five past seven he made the signal for the line of battle ahead a cable's length asunder. The enemy formed a line of battle ahead on the larboard tack, standing to the south, and we formed the line of battle ahead on the starboard tack, and stood to the northward. At eight the Admiral made the Russell's signal to get into her station; at five past eight, he made the signal to close. At fifty past seven, the van of our fleet began to engage, as did all the other ships as they came abreast of enemy. There was a great interval in the enemy's line; our fleet cut through to windward about twelve ships of them. At twenty past eight the enemy's ships, as they passed, began firing at us; at twenty-five past eight we began to engage. At twenty past nine one of the enemy's ship's main and mizen-masts went over the stern just as she got abreast of our quarter, and soon after our fore-mast and bowsprit went also. At twenty-five past nine, having passed the enemy's fleet, some of whom went to leeward of us, the Admiral made the signal to tack. At thirty-eight past ten he hoisted signal for the commander of the third post to make more sail; observed the Duke's main topmast go over the side. At fifty past ten, observed the Prince George with her fore topmast gone. We ceased firing, as did most of the ships on both sides, except Sir S. Hood and some of the squadron who were to windward, who exchanged a good many shots with the enemy, as he bore down. At eleven, observed that the Admiral had hauled down the signal for the line; at five past eleven the Admiral made the signal to tack; wore at three quarters past eleven. We fired several shots at the enemy, to try the distance, but finding they did not reach, ceased firing. At fifty past eleven the Admiral made the Conqueror's signal to tack, and made and shortened sail occasionally. Wind, E. P.M. E.S.E. 13th (at noon) P.M., moderate and clear, inclinable to calm. At five P.M. the Admiral made the Endymion's signal to stay by a disabled ship in the N.W. At ten P.M. one of our ships ahead fired a good many shots at a frigate, which had a disabled ship of the enemy in tow; and soon after the frigate cast her off. We fired several shots, at times, to try the distance. At twenty-three, P.M. the Admiral made the signal that the van were at too great a distance from the centre; the ships astern exchanged a good many shots with the enemy as they came up with them. At fifty P.M. the Admiral made the Alcides and Marlborough signal to make more sail; at fifty-three, P.M. to engage close; fired several shots, at times, to try the distance. At a quarter past one, two of our ships to windward exchanged a good many shots with the enemy. At half-past one the Admiral made our signal to close; twenty-five past one, we began to engage; at fifty past one the Admiral made the signal to the Monarch to get into her station. At twelve past two he made the Alert signal to come within hail; half-past two he made the Royal Oak's signal to take the ship in tow that had struck her colours. At twenty-two past two the Admiral made the Resolution signal to tack, and we discontinued engaging. At twenty-three past two some of our ships upon our larboard beam began firing, as did the rest of the ships as they came up with the enemy. At three quarters past three the Admiral made the Repulse and Alcides signal to bear down. At four the Admiral made the signal to veer; at seven past four the Admiral made the Torbay signal to veer; at twenty past four a French line-of-battle ship struck to us after engaging her eighteen minutes. At a quarter past four the Admiral made the Repulse and Resolution signals to make more sail; at three quarters past, Sir S. Hood steering after some enemy's ships to the N.W. About this time the firing ceased on both sides. At fifty past four the Admiral made the signal for the first ships to bear down. At five we began to engage; at a quarter past five our ships engaging as they came up; at fifty-five past five observed another French line-of-battle ship had struck her colours. At five past six the Admiral made the signal to the Princess and Bedford to get into their stations. At thirty-five past six observed that the Ville de Paris had struck her colours. At forty past six discontinued the engagement. At seven beat the retreat. At nine, saw a ship on fire, and another soon after blow up, all without the main topsail. Wind, E.S.E.

(A true copy.) J. Ross.

Although in the above logs, and in several others which we have examined at the depot, by permission from the Lords of the Admiralty, it does appear that the Canada was engaged with the Ville de Paris, yet we have no doubt of the fact, having the testimonies of Sir L. Halsted and Admiral Giffard, who were in the Canada on the 12th of April, extracts of whose letters we subjoin, which also prove that the Canada was not the ship that was engaging the Ville de Paris when the Barfleur came up, and when the French Admiral struck his colours. Sir Lawrence Halsted, in his letter to us, after giving a brief account of the capture of the Hector, and of the Canada's previous and subsequent attack on the Ville de Paris, relates, that the Canada, on seeing some ships bearing down on the Ville de Paris, of which, he believes, one was the Russell, "bore up in pursuit of a French Rear-admiral in the Triomphant 84;" and he concludes, "I trust that that part in Lord de Saumarez' letter is satisfactorily answered, as it is quite clear that the Canada was not near the Ville de Paris at the time she surrendered." Admiral Giffard, in answer to our application, says,

"I am of opinion the Canada was engaged with the Ville de Paris earlier in the day than the Russell."

Extract of a letter from Capt. G.W.H. Knight, R.N., son of the late Admiral Sir John Knight, K.C.B., who was captain of the Barfleur on the 12th April, 1782.

"I have never been able to lay my hand on my father's letter, wherein he gave me some account of the 12th of April 1782, but this I recollect quite well, that he said, 'he accompanied Sir Samuel (afterwards Lord Hood) on board Lord Rodney's ship the day before the battle of the 9th of April, (my father being captain of the Barfleur, Sir Samuel's flag ship,) and on that occasion not one word was said, or order given, for any attempt to break through the enemy's line in the expected engagement, nor was any order afterwards given previous to the 12th of April. That on the 9th, the van squadron, commanded by Sir S. Hood, which was most engaged, made no attempt to break the line, nor did the van or centre (the line being inverted) on the 12th make any such attempt; and my father attributed the Formidable, and those that followed her, getting through, to the circumstance of a change of wind, which brought those ships up with the rest of the rear of the British fleet, while it broke off the ships in the French line, and consequently left openings.' He further said, 'that from the density of the smoke they could see nothing, and that the first intimation they had (the Barfleur) of passing through the enemy's line was, from receiving fire on both sides.' He gave another reason for supposing it was altogether accidental, which was, that no attempt was made or order given by signal to double on the enemy, and that the advantage gained by passing through the line was never made use of when my father took possession of the Ville de Paris, and received Count de Grasse's sword, and afterward conveyed him to his Admiral; no remark was made upon any circumstance having taken place different from the usual practice. These are the heads of what I recollect."



APPENDIX G.

List of the English squadron, commanded by Vice-admiral Sir J. Saumarez, off Port Baltic, 1st September 1803.

Capt. B. Martin, 1 Capt.

Ships. Guns. Captains. Victory 100 {Dumaresq. {Sir S. Hood. Centaur 74 Webley. Implacable 74 Pipon. Goliath 74 Puget. Mars 74 Lukin. Africa 64 Barrett. Salsette 32 Bathurst. Ariel 18 T. White. Rose 18 T. Mansell. Cruiser 18 McKenzie. Erebus 18. Baltic 10. Thunder Bomb.

List of the Swedish fleet, commanded by Rear-admiral Nauckhoff.

Ships. Guns. Gustaf IV. Adolf 78 Adolf Frederick 74 Manligheten 74 Dristigheten 74 Tapperheten 74 Forsigtigheten 74 Gustaf den Tredje 74 Faederneslandet 74 Uladesloff 74 Frederick Adolf 64 Bellona 40 Camilla 40 Euridice 40 Yarramus 32 Waenta Litet 18 Komma Straxt 18

Russian Fleet.

Ships. Guns. Commanders. Blagadod. 110 Admiral Henikoff. Angel Gabriel 100 Rear-admiral Mueller.

Ships. Guns.

Amgallen 74 Boreas 74 Eagle 74 Michael 74 North Star 74 Sewolod (taken) 74 Argus, Hero, and Rapid 50



APPENDIX H.

List of the French Fleet opposed to the English, 23rd June 1795.

Ships. Guns. Le Peuple 120 Le Nestor 80 Le Redoubtable 80 Le Mucius 80 Le Tigre (taken) 80 Le Fougueux 80 Le Zele 74 Le Formidable (taken) 74 Le Jean Bart 74 Les droits de l'homme 74 L'Alexandre (taken) 74 Name unknown 74 Le Brave, rase 56 Le Scaevola, rase 56

Frigates.

La Virgine 44 La Fidelle 44 L'Insurgente 44 La Fortitude 44 La Regenere 44 La Naute 44 La Fraternite 44 La Proserpine 36 La Cocade 36 La Dryade 36 Le Renard 36

Corvettes.

La Constance 22 La Talente 18 La Senseure 22 La Papillion 18

List of the Fleet under the command of Admiral Lord Bridport, June 23rd 1795, with the number of killed and wounded.

Ships. Guns. Killed. Wound.

{Lord Bridport, Admiral} Royal George 110 {of the White. } — 7 {Captain Domett. } Queen Charlotte 110 Capt. Sir A.S. Douglas 4 32 London. 98 " E. Griffiths — 3

Queen. 98 {Sir A Gardner, Bt. Vice Admiral of {the White: Captain Wm. Bedford

Prince of Wales. 98 Capt. J. Bazely. Prince George. 98 " W. Edge. Barfleur 98 " J. Richard Dawes. Prince 98 " C.P. Hamilton

{Lord Hugh Seymour, } Sans Pareil 80 { Rear Adm. of the Blue. } { Capt. H. Browell } 10

Orion 74 Capt. Sir James Saumarez. 6 18 Valiant. 74 " Jos. Larcom (acting).

Killed. Wounded.

Orion 6 18 Irresistible 3 11 Queen Charlotte 4 32 Sans Pareil 10 2 Colossus 6 30 Russell 3 10 London 0 3 Royal George 0 7 — —- Total 31 113

The above statement shows the total numerical loss sustained by each of the ships that were so fortunate as to get into action.



APPENDIX I.

Orion, St Helen's Roads, 30th December 1796.

MY LORD,

I HAVE had it in contemplation for some time past, to lay before your Lordships the enclosed plan for the establishment of a Marine Artillery for the service of the Navy, but was prevented from doing it by the late prospect of a peace; at present, as the haughtiness of our enemies seems to have removed that desirable object to a distant period, and as a further augmentation to our forces may in consequence take place, it may not appear unseasonable.

If it has the good fortune to meet with your Lordship's approbation, I shall think myself amply recompensed for the time I have bestowed upon it.

I have the honour to be, My Lord, Your Lordship's most obedient And very humble servant, JAMES SAUMAREZ.

A PLAN FOR FORMING A CORPS OF ARTILLERY FOR HIS MAJESTY'S NAVAL SERVICE.

"In consequence of the present great increase of the royal navy, it becomes from time to time necessary to augment proportionably that very useful body of men, the Marines,—but that very respectable corps would be rendered of far greater importance to the service, were they trained up and exercised in the management of the great guns; for which purpose it is humbly submitted, that a division be established at either Woolwich or Deptford, to be composed of drafts from the divisions of Portsmouth, Plymouth, and Chatham, in order to be instructed in the exercise and use of artillery; and thereby become expert gunners when ordered to be embarked on board His Majesty's ships; their numbers to consist of one man to every four guns in each line-of-battle ship, which would compose about one third of their present complement. In addition to which, two companies should be quartered at the other three divisions, to complete such vacancies as occasionally would occur on board the fleet.

"The great utility of this corps must appear obvious when it is considered that the only person supposed to be qualified and experienced in gunnery on board His Majesty's ships, is the gunner, who, too often ignorant of his own duty, is totally unable to instruct others. In the quarter bills of most ships, it is well known that a very small proportion of the marines are reserved for musketry, the greater part being in general divided on the different batteries. With what advantage would they not go to their quarters, after having been well practised and exercised as artillery-men; and how soon would not the rest of the ship's company become also expert gunners in emulating their example.

"These men would also be found particularly useful on expeditions abroad, in landing or making a descent on the enemy's coast, when a well-served artillery is often of the greatest importance.

"The officers might be appointed from the other divisions, and should consist of those who, from their age and services, were incapable of being engaged in actual duty;—they would here find a comfortable asylum during life, and end their days in the service of their country.

"The expenses incurred by this establishment would be inconsiderable; and no doubt can be entertained of its proving a lasting advantage to His Majesty's service, and adding strength to the great bulwark of this country,—the Royal Navy.

"JAMES SAUMAREZ, Orion."

"The Right Honourable Earl Spencer, &c. &c. &c."

"Admiralty, 2nd January 1797.

"DEAR SIR,

"I hazard a line in the uncertainty whether you may not have sailed before this reaches Portsmouth, to thank you for your paper on the establishment of a Corps of Artillery for the naval service. The idea is one which I have often heard discussed, and in many points of view a very good one; but I fear that there would be so many difficulties in point of official arrangements to overcome in carrying it into execution, that no very sanguine hopes can be entertained of its succeeding.

"It is, however, a subject well worthy of attention, and which, at a less pressing moment, it may perhaps be worth while to renew.

"I am, "Dear sir, "With great regard, "Your very obedient, humble servant, "SPENCER."

"To Sir James Saumarez."



APPENDIX K.

"Madrid, 10th March 1797.

"The following account of the action with the British squadron, on the 14th day of February last, has been received by D. Juan de Langara, in a letter addressed to his Excellency by D. Joseph de Cordova, commander-in-chief of the Squadron, dated del Oceano, the 2nd of March, at the entrance of Cadiz Bay.

"From the instant of my proceeding to sea, after securing the gun-boat at Algeziras, I had the winds E.N.E. to S.E. that drove me to the latitude of Cape St. Vincent; however, on the morning of the 14th, it changing to the west, I steered to the E.S.E., and formed in three separate columns, in the order of sailing with convoy. Several vessels from the left, at nine o'clock in the morning, observing a strange sail, I ordered the Principe de Asturias to chase; shortly after, the St. Firmin and the Pearl frigate discovered the number to increase to eight sail, and although the foggy weather prevented their being seen from the Trinidad, I forced the whole squadron to a press of sail; but counting already at ten o'clock from fifteen to eighteen of the enemy's ships, besides several frigates, I ordered our squadron to form immediately the line of battle, in the best manner possible, on the larboard tack, to maintain the weather gage. In tacking, the ships Principe, Conde-de-Regla, and Oriente, fell so much to leeward, that they were unable to join in the line without the risk of being cut off by the enemy, that now, but at a short distance and under a press of sail, met us in the most regular order: in consequence, I ordered these vessels to tack that they might fall in the rear of the line, which, although done by the two first, could not be effected by the Oriente, and she ran to leeward of the enemy.

"At a quarter before eleven, from the position of the squadron, the enemy's headmost ship commenced the action with the nearest situated to her ahead of the Trinidad, running along the whole of our rear, and successively bearing up before the wind. The Trinidad happened to be the last of our line, and consequently the centre and van remained out of the action.

"The rear of the enemy sailed but slowly, and for this reason, as well as to benefit by some means the fire from our van, I made a signal at half-past eleven for all the ships ahead to tack, in order to come round the enemy and attack their rear. My ordering this manoeuvre appeared the most opportune for many weighty reasons; but, misunderstood by the ships to which it was directed, I now looked upon the loss of the Principe, Regla, and the whole of our rear, as unavoidable. The favourable moment for this movement being lost, I made a signal for the whole squadron to bear up at the same time, with a view to contract our distance with the enemy, and to bring into action several other ships in our centre and van. At the time of bearing up, the Trinidad was ahead in close action with the enemy, within musket-shot, and having been engaged by the whole English line, was very much damaged.

"So soon as their headmost ship had passed athwart our stern, she tacked, followed by five or six others passing our line to windward; the remaining ten ships, that were before on our larboard side, then bore up at the same time, and passed through our line in different positions, and consequently remained on the other tack fighting us in great order, with a heavy and well-directed fire: this manoeuvre decided the action in their favour. I did not fail to guard against this from the commencement, and anticipated it by ordering the ships ahead to tack and gain the enemy's rear to leeward; and if the commanders of the Principe, Regla, Oriente, and Firmin had availed themselves of the opportunity to join six or eight ships of the van, they would have placed the enemy between two fires, and terminated the action in a very different manner.

"Although the Principe and Regla were not able to fall into the rear of our line, they notwithstanding did their utmost from their situation, engaging the enemy at the time of passing our line, till they had obtained the weather gage. The attack of the enemy was now principally on the Trinidad, which, from the crippled situation of her mast and rigging, fell to leeward. By word of mouth, and by signals, the Salvador, San Josef, Soberano, and San Nicholas were ordered to shorten sail, and to form in our rear, which they executed with celerity, maintaining a severe action. The van continually remaining to windward, at two I made them a signal to shorten sail, and bear down for a general attack.

"The Mexicano formed upon our bow about three in the afternoon, and engaged the foremost ship of the enemy's line; they now for the remainder of the day fixed their whole attention against the San Josef, Mexicano, San Nicholas, and San Yisidro, which were the only ships that bore the principal and hottest part of the action against the whole enemy's squadron.

"In this situation it would have been highly expedient that our centre and van should have come to our support, but it was out of my power to intimate to them the necessity of this movement, the ships being in want of masts, rigging, and every necessary for making signals. I cannot refrain from giving due praise to the valour of the above-mentioned ships formed at my stern, and expressing the gallant manner in which they behaved during the engagement: but at length, being dismasted and destroyed, some struck, and others left the action. The Trinidad was attacked the whole afternoon by a three-decker, and three ships of 74 guns, that raked her fore and aft at pistol-shot; and notwithstanding her having upwards of two hundred men killed and wounded, she still continued the action for a full hour longer. Such was the dreadful situation of the Trinidad at six o'clock, after an uninterrupted engagement, when the San Pablo and Pelayo, that in the morning had been detached by my orders, and crowded every sail from the moment of observing the action, now reached the squadron.

"The reinforcement of these two ships happened at the opportune junction of the Conde-de-Regla; the Principe arrived shortly after, and the enemy, observing our van standing towards them, immediately retired together, covering the captured ships San Josef, Salvador, San Yisidro, and San Nicholas.

"No one will be surprised at the ultimate consequences of the action, when the series of misfortunes and unforeseen events from the moment of our seeing the enemy is considered; and further, that when cruising, they should sail in a readier condition to form the line of battle than could be performed by our squadron, in the order of sailing with convoy, with the wind on our quarter. For the above reason, scarcely were they discovered, than they formed in regular order of battle, and so near as to oblige my forming the line hastily, without attention to posts, or the consequences that might result from this bad position of the ships and commanders; to which must be added, that the Pelayo and San Pablo were ahead by order,—that the Firmin and Oriente remained to leeward of both lines,—that notwithstanding the exertions made by the Principe, Regla, and Firmin, they did not enter into the line till the afternoon, the latter wanting a foretop-mast. So that of all the ships of my squadron, only seventeen formed in the line of battle, the St. Domingo included in the number, loaded with quicksilver, and of very inconsiderable force. Of the seventeen above mentioned, some were in action only at intervals, and many did not fire a gun; resulting from the circumstance of the enemy's line being entirely engaged against six Spanish ships, and their defence is the more praiseworthy, as they were all in want of men. The Trinidad remaining entirely dismasted, without the power of making signals with flags or lights, I desired Lieutenant General D. Juan Joachim Moreno to reestablish the line of battle close on the larboard tack, and gave orders that jury-masts should be fixed on the Trinidad and the Moredes frigate, to protect her to Cadiz, profiting by the wind and the situation of the enemy at night-fall.