June 17, 1842.

* * * * *

The Poor Law has worked well.

I was one of those who supported the poor law as it was introduced some years ago by my noble and learned friend, and I did so on ascertaining the inconveniences and evils which attended the system of working under the old poor law up to that period; and being sensible that the only remedy which could be found for those evils and inconveniences, was in the measure proposed by my noble and learned friend. My lords, I have since had the satisfaction of contemplating the working of the measure, which then became the law of the land, and I must say that I have been satisfied with its results. It has, undoubtedly, improved the condition of the working classes, and it certainly does place on a better footing the relations between the working classes and their employers. It has enabled those who had the care of them to provide better for the aged and destitute than has been hitherto the case; and it has, in general, given satisfaction throughout the country. My lords, I don't mean to say that I approve of every act that has been done in carrying this bill into operation. I think that, in many cases, those who had charge of the working of the bill have gone too far, and that there was no occasion whatever for constructing buildings, such as have acquired throughout the country the denomination of bastiles, and that it would have been perfectly easy to have established very efficient workhouses without shutting out all view of what was passing exterior to the walls. I say, then, that in some respects, the system has been carried farther than it ought to have been, and, I shall also say that its features have assumed a harsher character in some parts of the country than was necessary; but this has been owing, I must admit, in a great degree, to the adoption of another law by parliament, I mean what is called the dissenters' marriage act, the regulations depending on which were connected with the execution of the poor law act, and rendered necessary the establishment of unions in many parts of the country which were not yet ripe for the formation of those unions. But, notwithstanding the circumstances to which I have just now alluded, I must, in general, state my approbation of the working of this act. I have paid great attention to the subject. Wherever I have resided, I have attended the meetings of guardians of unions in my neighbourhood; I have visited several workhouses in different parts of England, and I must say that I never visited one in which the management was not as good as could be expected in such districts of the country, and which did not give universal satisfaction.

July 26, 1842.

* * * * *

The government of Lord Melbourne carried on war all over the world with a peace establishment. That is exactly what we (Sir Robert Peel's government) do not.

February 2, 1843.

* * * * * Real cause of the Chinese War.

I was almost the only individual who stated that the real ground of complaint against the Chinese government was its conduct towards the person employed in the service of her majesty, and representing her majesty in China. I was the only person in this house who defended her majesty's servants. I said that the war was a just and necessary war. I will go further, and say, if it had been otherwise—if it had been a war solely on account of the robbery of the opium—if her majesty's government were engaged in that war, and if their interests and honour were involved in it, I should have considered it my duty to make every effort for carrying it on with success, and have asked parliament for the assistance which would have enabled her majesty's servants to bring it to an early and successful termination.

* * * * *

Eulogium on the Indian Army.

My lords, I know something of that (Indian) army; I have served in its ranks, and I know pretty well what its feelings are; and though there are different castes and religions composing it, the discipline of that army, and the military spirit by which it is actuated, totally do away with all such distinctions. You will never hear in India of any difference of caste or religion in that army, any more than you would in the ranks of the British army. All do their duty,—all are animated by the true feelings of soldiers.

March 9, 1843.

* * * * *

Evils of the Press in India.

The state of things in that country is one of much greater difficulty now than when I was there, because there is now established in India what is called a free press, but which I should make free to call a most licentious press; and by referring to these papers your lordships will see that the mischievous influence of that press is repeatedly complained of. For my own part, I must own, I do not see how the operations of war can be carried on in a satisfactory manner in India, with such a press constantly exercising its influence, and connected through its correspondents with every cantonment of the army.

March 9, 1843.

* * * * *

The Union must be maintained inviolate.

There can be no doubt of the intention of her majesty's government to maintain the union inviolate; and it is the duty of every government, and I will say it is the determination of her majesty's present government, to maintain that union inviolate, and to come down to parliament and call upon parliament to give her majesty's government its support in carrying into execution any measures which may he considered necessary to maintain the union inviolate, and to preserve from turbulence the peace of her majesty's dominions.

May 9, 1843.

* * * * *

The House of Lords should disregard popular Clamour.

As to the remarks which are made on your lordships elsewhere, I am one of those animadverted upon, and I am glad to find myself upon this occasion in such extremely good company. For myself, I can only say that I have been for a great number of years in the habit of treating such criticisms and such assaults with the smallest possible attention; and I shall continue to do my duty to the best of my ability, in the service of my sovereign, or elsewhere, and continue to treat the language referred to with as little attention as heretofore; and I recommend noble lords on both sides of the house to follow my example in this respect.

May 15, 1843.

* * * * *

Sees of St. Asaph and Bangor.

There can have been no object in the measure (the bill for the union of the sees of St. Asaph and Bangor), but to make all the arrangements in the manner most convenient to the country generally. There could have been no desire to injure the dioceses of St. Asaph and Bangor, or any other district in the kingdom; but the object was to make a better distribution of the revenues of the church, and to satisfy the public of a sincere desire to effect such a reformation as would be a real one, and such as would give satisfaction, not only to those who were attached to the church, as my noble friend and myself, but also to others who looked upon it with indifference.

May 23, 1843.

* * * * *

The Duke of Sussex.

My lords, his late royal highness was well known to all your lordships. His royal highness frequently took part in the discussion of those subjects which came under your lordships' consideration; and although it was impossible for every person endowed with such acquirements, and possessed of such an understanding, as belonged to his late royal highness, not to have felt strongly on the various events and questions which from time to time were brought under the consideration of this house, yet his late royal highness always treated those subjects, however exciting they might have been, with much moderation, and with great forbearance towards others with whom he might have a difference of opinion. I must do his late royal highness the justice to say, that though I had the unhappiness to differ from him in opinion on several subjects which came under discussion in this house, yet, notwithstanding that difference of opinion, his late royal highness ever treated me with unvarying kindness, and with the utmost condescension. My lords, his late royal highness having received the benefit of an excellent education, and having in his youth passed a considerable portion of his time in foreign countries, was a most accomplished man; and he continued his studies, in all branches of literature and science, until almost the latest period of his existence. His late royal highness was, during his whole life, the protector of literature, of the sciences, and of the arts, and of the professors and representives of all branches of knowledge. For a number of years his late royal highness was elected president of the Royal Society, and he received the learned members of that body in his house with the greatest amenity and kindness. Having himself sedulously cultivated all subjects of literature, science, and art, his late royal highness was, I may say, the patron, protector, and friend, of all those who pursued such studies, on every occasion when that protection was necessary. But other praise belongs to his late royal highness. His royal highness was not backward—on the contrary, he was equally forward with all the princes of his family—as a patron and upholder, as a supporter and protector, of the various charitable institutions of this metropolis; and, my lords, up to the last moment of his life, he was the friend of the indigent and the unfortunate wherever they might be found.

April 27, 1843.

* * * * *

Reasons for the Dismissal of the Irish Magistrates.

These gentlemen having been some of the persons to instigate and encourage the assembly of those large meetings in Ireland, on which the first law authority had pronounced in writing the opinion that they had a "tendency to outrage;" that "they were not in the spirit of the constitution, and may become dangerous to the State;" the lord-lieutenant of the government could not put any confidence in the performance of their duties by these magistrates and deputy-lieutenants, who had thus excited these meetings, or who presided at them. Your lordships are perfectly aware that on one occasion it was proved that these meetings had a tendency to outrage—indeed, outrage was actually committed. I told your lordships on a former occasion that there was a great difference in Ireland on the subject of the repeal of the union. Now, suppose that two assemblies representing such opinions assemble on the same occasion and in the same neighbourhood, why it is obvious that outrage and bloodshed may occur, and it must be likewise obvious that those magistrates and deputy-lieutenants are not officers on whom the Lord-lieutenant can rely for carrying into execution measures for the repression and suppression of outrage which he may think proper to take on such an occasion. My lords I have besides to observe to your lordships, that for a very considerable period of time it has been a matter of notoriety in Ireland that the members of her Majesty's council, her majesty's servants in this and the other house of arliament, declared it to be the fixed and positive determination of the government to maintain inviolate the legislative union between the two countries. Some of the most distinguished members of both houses of parliament declared, in their places, that they had the same intention; and this declaration of opinion has been communicated to the public more than once; and in no one instance, as I believe, has there been an intention avowed to promote the object of this repeal of the union. Well, then, what must be inferred from the notoriety of that fact? What but that the repeal of the union, so far as a vote of parliament is concerned, is hopeless? It is to be carried then by intimidation, by force, and violence; and, of course, as the government, whose duty it is to resist and repress such acts of intimidation, force, and violence, whenever they should be attempted, by all the means at their disposal, cannot use such instruments as those who excite the people to appear at their head, the lord-lieutenant and lord chancellor have taken measures to remove them from the commission of the peace, and deputy-lieutenancies of their several counties. This is the principle, my lords, on which I conceive the government has acted.

June 9, 1843.

* * * * *

After what passed in both houses of parliament it became a matter of notoriety that the opinion of parliament was, that the legislative union should not be repealed, and that every effort on the part of the government should be made to resist the attempt to occasion that repeal. Then, my lords, under these circumstances, the lord chancellor finds Lord French and other magistrates calling meetings to repeal the union, assisting at the meetings, presiding at them, and urging all the proceedings. At this time the opinion of parliament was notorious, yet meetings consisting of 10,000, 20,000, 100,000, no matter as to the number of thousands, continued. My lords, I wish to know with what object they were continued? Was it with a view to address parliament to repeal the union? No, my lords, they were continued to obtain the desired repeal of the union,—by terror, if possible,—if not, by force and violence. And the persons calling these meetings, I beg your lordships to observe, were the magistrates, the very men who must have been employed by government to take measures to resist this violence, to prevent breaches of the peace, to arrest those who should be guilty of such breaches, and to bring them to justice; and then the noble lord says, that the government ought not to have removed those magistrates from their situations, and that they ought not to draw a distinction as to the time when it became notorious to the whole world what were the views entertained by parliament and the government on this important question. My lords, in this and the other house of parliament, no one would have any idea of repealing the union except in regular course, like another act of parliament; but with these meetings of 50,000 and 60,000 men, was there any question of discussion? No, my lords, the question was terror, force, and violence. That was the ground on which the lord chancellor told these magistrates after the views of the government had become notorious, you must be dismissed if you attend, or excite others to attend, such meetings. I am as much concerned that this state of affairs should exist as the noble lord can be; but of this I am quite certain, that the way to be prepared is not to have in the service of the government—not to have government dependant upon the exertions of—a number of magistrates who have excited and encouraged these proceedings, assisting at and presiding over these very meetings. That could not have been desirable, and I say that the lord chancellor and situation as that of governor-general of India, an officer who was so for little more than two years—an officer who has given satisfaction in so high a situation to those by whom he was intrusted and employed—whose acts have been concurred in and sanctioned in every instance; to recall that officer suddenly, making no provision for the performance of the great duties which are to be performed, and which must he performed in that country—to recall an officer in whom the government fully confided, without the concurrence of that government—is, my lords, an act, to say the least of it, that cannot be called a discreet exercise of the power which is conferred on those who have so used it. My lords, I will say nothing—- I will advert to nothing that is not notorious—that is not strictly in reference to the act of parliament. I beg your lordships to observe, that the body which did this act—which I must call an act of indiscretion, at least—that body, as a body, has no knowledge whatever of the instructions sent out to the governor-general, and under which he acted. They stated reasons for withdrawing the governor-general from India; but, as a body (except the secret committee appointed under the act of parliament), they had no knowledge whatever of the instructions under which the governor-general acted, or of the events which had taken place in that country, except that which is within the general knowledge of this and the other house of parliament, and the whole public of this country. And yet, my lords, they take this responsibility upon themselves—having no knowledge of the instructions which it was deemed at Waterloo. Very possibly not, my lords. Bear in mind what he said in respect to the augmentation of his numbers, and the means of assembling those persons. He said on one occasion, that by the post of one night, he could collect the whole of this force in different parts of the country; and it is perfectly true,—I have not a doubt of the fact.

July 14, 1843.

* * * * *

Remedial Measures of no avail whilst Agitation continues in Ireland.

My lords, I must say, that grieved as I am that there should be so much truth in the representations made by the noble lord of the existing state of the country, and of its prospects, threatened as they are by the continuance of agitation, I must say, that no measure that could be proposed, no new measure which could be adopted, would have the smallest effect in removing any of these evils or inconveniences. My lords, the only mode, the only course to be adopted on the part of the government, is to oppose a strong resistance to everything like a breach of the peace or public order, and to be prepared, as I hope they are prepared, to enforce measures for preserving quiet, and protecting property, in Ireland. My lords, I know of no remedy but that for the state of affairs which exists at present; particularly as it appears that whether the peace of the country shall be disturbed or not, depends on the will of one man, and his influence over the wills and actions of some thousands, who possess influence in various parishes of the country.

July 14, 1843.

* * * * *

Agitation no Relief for the Poverty of Ireland.

My lords, it certainly is true that there is in Ireland a vast number of poor. I have been sorry to see that it is stated in some returns on the table, that there are as many as 2,000,000 of poor in Ireland. My lords, it happens unfortunately, that in all parts of the empire there are poor; but I will beg to observe, that it is not in the power of this government, nor of any government, nor of any parliament, in the course of a few weeks, or a few months, or, I may say, a few years, to relieve the poverty of a great country like that, extending as it does to such a portion of the population. But, my lords, I beg to know whether poverty can be relieved by this description of agitation for the repeal of the union? Is poverty relieved by marches of twenty-five and thirty Irish miles a-day, during the period of spring and summer, to hear seditious speeches? Is poverty relieved by subscriptions of thousands of pounds to the repeal rent, and the O'Connell rent, and other funds of that description? No, my lords, that poverty must be relieved by a perseverance in industry and sobriety; not taken up by fits and starts for the sake of a more orderly appearance at seditious meetings, where the people are marshalled by bands of music and flying colours. The evils, whence that poverty proceeds, are not to be cured in a day. The remedies must be some time in operation; and all I can say is, that the government are sincerely desirous to avail themselves of every opportunity that may tend to benefit the people of Ireland, and to relieve that poverty of which the noble lord so eloquently complains.

July 14, 1843.

* * * * *

Assistance of Foreigners to the Repeal Agitation.—Their Anti-English Motives.

My lords, I do not dispute the extent of the conspiracy—I do not dispute the dangers resulting from organization in Ireland—I have stated it publicly on more than one occasion—I do not deny it—it is notorious, it is avowed, it is published in every paper all over the world. I do not deny the assistance received from foreigners, not from foreign governments,—I have no right to say so,—but from foreigners of nearly all nations; for there are disturbed and disturbing spirits everywhere, who are anxious to have an opportunity of injuring and deteriorating the great prosperity of this country.

August 8, 1843.

* * * * *

The Military in readiness to preserve the Peace in Ireland.

I, whose duty it is to superintend one of those offices on which the execution of the measures of the government depends, feel confident that everything that can be done has been done, in order to enable the government to preserve the peace of the country, and to meet all misfortunes and consequences which may result from the violence of the passions of those men who unfortunately guide the multitude in Ireland.

August 8, 1843.

* * * * *

Mr. O'Connell's Proceedings.

To plunder the public in Ireland of money for the purpose of O'Connell rent, or repeal contribution, or the lord lieutenant would not have done their duty if they had not removed those persons from her majesty's service.

July 14, 1845.

* * * * *

The "Monster" Meetings in Ireland.

The noble lord (the Marquis of Clanricarde) has stated that these meetings were not illegal. I certainly do not consider myself competent to decide whether they were or were not illegal. This I know, that they consist of very large numbers—whether of 10,000 or 100,000 I am sure I cannot tell, and I do not believe any man can tell to a certainty. They are assembled in very large numbers, regularly organised, marching under the lead of persons on horseback, with bands and banners, in regular military array. After having attended these meetings, those present are dispersed by word of command, without trouble, violence, or breach of the peace, and march back, perhaps twenty or thirty miles. * * * My lords, I have had some experience, in the course of a long life, which I have passed in the service of the sovereigns of this country, of revolutions. A distinguished author has written of the French revolution. "On ne conspire pas sur la place." There is no secret in these transactions, and the reason why there is no secret is this, that the great means of operation are deception of their followers, and terror in respect of their adversaries. Accordingly, we hear a learned gentleman exclaiming to his audience, "Napoleon had not in Russia such an army as this is; the Duke of Wellington had not such a one repeal of those laws upon which the reformation in this country has been founded. My lords, I have already taken opportunities of warning your lordships against the assertion of such doctrines in this house, and I must again express a hope that you will observe and beware how they are introduced into it, because you may rely upon it, that there is not an individual in this country, be his religious opinions what they may, be his position what it may, who is not interested in the maintenance of the reformation. Not only our whole system of religion, but our whole system of religious toleration, in which so many people in this country are interested, depends upon the laws upon which the reformation was founded; and I therefore entreat your lordships to give no encouragement to doctrines that might induce a belief that there exists in this house any indifference upon the subject of those laws.

March 18, 1844.

* * * * *

The Compact entered into for the Maintenance of the Protestant Church in Ireland should be held sacred.

The Protestant church in Ireland has existed in that country for a period of nearly three hundred years, and was maintained in that country during a century of contests, rebellions, and massacres; and during a contest for the possession of the crown, the Protestants of that country encountered that contest, and kept possession of their church; and during another century it was maintained through much opposition, and under difficulties of all descriptions. At the period of the union, the parliament—who had the power to consent to the union, or to refuse their consent—stipulated that the Protestant church in Ireland should be maintained, and maintained on the same footing as the Protestant church of England in this country. The parliament had, under the auspices of the king of this country, the power of either making or not making that compact. Your lordships entered into that compact with the parliament of Ireland, and I entreat you never to lose sight of the fact. I entreat you not to suffer yourselves to be prevailed upon to make any alteration in, or to depart in the slightest degree from, the terms of that compact, so long as you intend to maintain the union between this country and Ireland. It is the foundation upon which the union rests,—it is a compact which you have entered into with the parliament of Ireland, and from which you cannot depart without being guilty of a breach of faith, worse than those which have been referred to in other countries,—worse than those pecuniary breaches of faith which have been alluded to in the course of the discussion which took place in your lordships' house this evening upon another subject. I entreat you to listen to none of those petitions or speeches which tend to the injury or the destruction of the church in Ireland. Do what may be necessary,—do what it may be proper to do, in order to render that church more beneficial to the people of that country; but I entreat you to adhere strictly, in spirit and according to the letter, to the compact you have made, and not permit it to be supposed in any quarter whatever that you entertain the most distant intention of departing, in the slightest degree, from that arrangement.

March 18, 1844.

* * * * *

The recall of the Governor-General of India, by the Court of Directors, an act of gross indiscretion.

My lords, I conceive that this right (of recalling the governor-general of India) is one which the court of directors are bound to exercise with due discretion; as all bodies and all individuals ought to do, when they possess extraordinary powers under the provisions of the law. In such cases, my lords, they are hound to exercise that power with the utmost discretion. Now, my lords, I will venture to submit to your lordships, as the opinion of an individual who has had some experience in these matters, that the exercise of the power belonging to the court of directors is not, in this instance, to say the least of it, a discreet exercise of that power. My lords, the court of directors has this power. It has also the power of nominating a successor in the room of the person recalled. But, my lords, it has no other power whatever, as your lordships will find in looking into the law on the subject—it has no other power whatever, my lords, except under the direction and control of the board of commissioners for the affairs of India, and for the acts of that board of commissioners her majesty's government is responsible. Under these circumstances, my lords, I venture again to say, what I before said, that it is not a discreet act of authority to recall from power—to recall from such an important what not, is one thing; to excite the common people of the country to approach as near as possible to the commission of crime, and to do all the mischief that is possible to be done to the country, without exposing one's own person, is another thing; but to corrupt the army is quite a different thing, which, I hope and trust, I may promise your lordships will not be fulfilled.

August 11, 1843.

* * * * *

Eulogium on Major-General Sir Charles Napier.

My lords, I must say, that, after giving the fullest consideration to these operations (in Scinde), I have never known an instance of an officer who has shown in a higher degree that he possesses all the qualities and qualifications to enable him to conduct great operations. He has maintained the utmost discretion and prudence in the formation of his plans, the utmost activity in all the preparations to ensure his success, and, finally, the utmost zeal, gallantry, and science, in carrying them into execution.

February 12, 1844.

* * * * *

Persons of every Religious Denomination interested in the maintenance of the Reformation.

The noble lord (Earl Fitzwilliam) has propounded to your lordships a something, neither the nature of which, nor the period at which it is to be carried into execution, is he himself exactly certain of. Something or other must be done; to that something this country must make up its mind; the noble lord does not state what it is to be; but it is, at all events, to involve the necessary to send out to that part of the globe—and the act of parliament will shew they are bound to have none—having no share in giving those instructions—in short, having no knowledge on which to found a judgment on so important a subject as the recall of a governor-general, they took upon themselves to pronounce their judgment on the conduct of this officer, and to disapprove of it. Now, my lords, I must say, that having no knowledge which could enable them fairly to pronounce their judgment on his conduct, or that could justify them in depriving the government and the country of the best instrument—I say it again, the best instrument to carry on and perform the various duties of that great office, making no provision whatever for the performance of those duties which are now to be provided for by her majesty's government, is an indiscreet exercise of the powers they possess. My lords, as I have said so much on this subject, I will, in order to illustrate the indiscretion of this act (that is the best word I can find for it), go yet a little further. My lords, though I believe this is the first time in the history of the government of India that this extreme measure has been resorted to by the court of directors, it has more than once been in contemplation; but upon the advice and remonstrance of the ministers of the day, the resolution of the court of directors has been always withdrawn. And it is the fact, that it has been in contemplation by these very gentlemen, with reference to this same governor general, in the course of the last twelve months; but they were at that time prevailed upon to withdraw that resolution, and not to persist in the recall of my noble friend. This was previous to the late great military operations in Gwalior, of which we have all heard with so much satisfaction,—operations which I am sure your lordships will have perceived from the perusal of the reports which have been laid upon your table, must have been founded upon the most just and discriminate measures, for the equipment and maintenance of the armies placed in the field, under the direction and superintendence of the governor general—not the equipment only of these armies—but the support of the troops in the field, the maintenance of military communication, and the moans of advance and retreat—in short, all that could tend to insure their success—were amply provided for. Then, my lords, suppose the case to have occurred of the court of directors thinking proper to recall the noble lord six or eight months ago, whilst the measures to which I have just alluded were in contemplation, what would have become of the great operations at Gwalior—operations carried on under the superintendence and direction of my noble friend the governor general. Why, the gentleman who was senior in the council must have succeeded my noble friend—a respectable man no doubt he is, but without the experience of my noble friend; and without the knowledge of the manner of equipping armies, and making proper arrangements for their being called into action, it is needless to add, that such great and successful operations as those to which I have alluded could not be carried on, and I leave your lordships to judge what the situation of India would have been if that expedition had failed, and if such an army as the one which we have seen described in one of the blue books upon this table had continued in existence, threatened, as we were, at the same moment, by a similar body in the Punjaub, on the north-west frontier, and with the province of Scinde still in an unsettled state. Why, my lords, the danger would have been imminent, and this would have been the consequence of the recall of my noble friend six or eight months ago, a measure which was in contemplation, and was only prevented by our representations to those who have now committed this gross indiscretion of recalling the noble lord—it was prevented only by the representations made to those gentlemen of the danger which would ensue to the public interest from the measures which they were about to adopt, the dangers resulting from the impossibility that they would be able to provide for events which most probably would occur if they recalled their officer without the consent of her majesty's government, who would thus be deprived of the instrument in their hands best fitted for carrying their instructions into execution, while the directors, in this country, must be unable to direct the means in existence for securing the safety of their troops, for guarding their frontier, for upholding the honour of Her majesty's arms, and the security of our vast dominions in that part of the world. I say again, as I have said before, and I say the least of it, when I pronounce it to be the most indiscreet exercise of power that I have known carried into execution by any body possessed of power since I have had a knowledge of public affairs, which I am sorry to say is upwards of half a century.

April 29, 1844.

* * * * *

His Support of the New Poor Law (Ireland.)

I will take the liberty of reminding your lordships that the New Poor Law was originated by noble lords opposite, while they were in the service of her majesty, and that I gave the measure my support from a sense of duty, because I thought it was calculated to benefit Ireland. I have throughout supported the measure; I proposed some amendments which I thought likely to promote its beneficial action; I have given it my support ever since; and I am prepared to do all in my power to ensure its successful operation.

May 17, 1844.



INDEX.

Absenteeism, Irish, deprecated, 220.

Abstract questions, opinions on them inexpedient, 474.

Acre, the capture of, the greatest deed of modern times, 460.

Affghanistan expedition, its conduct approved of, 445.

Agitation in Ireland, real meaning of, 192. Deprecated, 260. —— characterised, 331. Agitation by authority, 411.

Agrarian outrages, the, of 1830, 223 —— in Ireland, caused by agitation, 385.

Agriculture and manufactures, 469.

Albocracy, the, 309.

Albuera, battle of, one of the most glorious in the war, 115.

Animosity should be forgotten when war is concluded, 58.

Anonymous letters, meanness of writing them, 118.

Army, how to avoid party spirit in, 84. Control of by the crown, 96. —— British, can bear neither success nor failure, 97. —— in Portugal, croaking spirit among officers, 106. —— British, the worst men only enter as privates, 111. —— what they want is coolness in action, not headlong bravery, 115. —— officers, as well as soldiers, require keeping in order, 118. —— its morale important to discipline, 126. —— Indian, eulogium on it, 479. —— Indian, eulogium on it, and Lord Hastings, 135.

Asiatic policy contrasted with European, 86.

Australia, 463.

Ballot, the, and universal suffrage, dangerous, 427.

Belgium, its neutrality the foundation of its independence, 409.

Beresford, Marshal, characteristic letter to, 134.

Birmingham, riots in 1839, 427.

Bishops in Ireland, objections to reducing their number, 333.

Blockade, what constitutes one, 332.

Blucher, his vandalism averted, 132, 133.

Bourbons, their re-establishment necessary to the peace of Europe, 129.

Bribe, indignant rejection of one in India, 82.

British character for faith must be preserved in India, 89.

Buonaparte, his system hollow, 103. His disgusting tyranny, 113. —— A general re-action predicted, 119. Effects of his government, 128. —— The Duke will not be his executioner, 131.

Canada, plan of operations against the United States, 125. Conduct of the Canadian leaders, 390. —— The rebels must be reduced, 390. Objections to a legislative council, 392.

Canning. The Duke of Wellington felt no hostility to him, 142.

Catholic emancipation, impossible to grant it, 136, 153. —— reasons in favour of it, 155, 156, 158, 160, 162, 163, 166, 169, 172, 173, 180, 183, 184, 186, 187, 190. Repeal averted by it, 221, 240.

Chancellor, the Lord, his right to the patronage of his office, 268.

Charity, money in aid of labour is better than, 118.

China, reasons why the opium trade was stopped, 451. Opium not the real cause of the war, 452. Defence of Capt. Elliot, 452. Real causes of the Chinese war, 479.

Church, the, should educate the people, 308, 456.

Church rate martyrs, real state of the case, 458.

Civil list, principle on which arranged, 235.

Clergy of Ireland, depressed by the Melbourne government, 357.

Colonies, importance of to the mother country, 456.

Commissariat, importance of, to troops, 82.

Corn law of 1828, principle on which founded, 143. —— worked well, 208, 209.

Corn laws. Why imposed, 466, 468. have improved agriculture. 414. Repeal would raise prices, 410. —— If repealed, foreign sovereigns would tax the export of their corn, 417.

Cotton and corn, 469.

County meetings, their constitutional use, 138.

Currency, theory of a metallic, 193, 338. Extended, means unlimited paper circulation, 197. Metallic, leads to reduction of taxation, 200.

Democracy, concessions to it cannot be rescinded, 394. Durham, Lord, his ordinance in Canada illegal, 406.

East India Company, eulogium on, 277. Importance of preserving the authority of, 329.

Enemy's life, secret bargain for, ought not to be made by a commander, 81. Reward for, by proclamation, may be offered, 81.

England the best country for the poor, 473.

Enthusiasm of the people very fine in print, but not to be trusted to, 120.

Equitable adjustment, how far to carry the principle, 213.

Establishment, naval and military, necessary to the national honour, 209, 463.

European and Asiatic policy contrasted, 86.

Evans, General, strictures on his proceedings in Spain, 372.

Expediency better, in politics, than principle, 328.

Faith, British character for, must be preserved in India, 89.

Finance administration of whigs and tories compared, 257.

France, peace with, desirable, but difficult, 270.

Free labour in the colonies, difficulty of getting it, 323.

French retreats their rapidity accounted for, 97.

French revolutionary armies, causes sustained, 98. —— and English armies, their different constitution, 110. —— the, would invade England if we withdrew from Spain, 113.

Game laws, the, increase poaching, 319.

George the Fourth, eulogium on him, 215.

Grey policy, the, tends to war, 260. —— government, the, encouraged the reform agitation, 261. —— Effect of their savings, 310.

Hampden, Dr., his case, 387.

Holy alliance, all connexion with it repudiated, 328.

Imprisonment for debt, principle of, 386.

Income tax, the, justified by necessity, 476.

India, people of, philosophers about their government, 81. We must get the upper hand there, and keep it, 84. Residents in native courts must have military power, 85. Foundation of our power in India, (1803) 86. British "moderation" there, 86. British faith, 89. Civil government must follow on conquest, 89. The Duke's services there neglected, 94. Advice to a native ruler, 93. Danger of interfering with the religion of the Hindoos, 434. Evils of a free press there, 480. Recall of Lord Ellenborough an act of indiscretion, 494.

Intervention, foreign, should be on a national scale, if at all, 375.

Ireland, state of the poor in, 153. Real meaning of agitation, 192. Absenteeism deprecated, 220. Effect of Irish affairs on our Portuguese relations, 224. Agitation deprecated, 260. Its state under Lord Grey's government, 302. Necessity of conciliating the Protestants of, 307, 377, 492. Agitation characterised, 331. Lord Normanby's goal deliveries, 380. Objections to the corporation bill of 1837, 381. Agrarian disturbances caused by agitation, 385. Poverty of the people of, 399. The "monster" meetings, 487. Remedies of no use while agitation continues, 488. Anti-English motives of foreigners in supporting the repeal agitation, 490.

The military in readiness to keep the peace, 490.

Jews, the, their right to citizenship denied, 334. —no right to civil equality, 335.

Judgment, every man's, to be mistrusted in his own case, 95.

Law-breaker, the, always in the wrong, 96.

Legion, the, was sent to Spain for stock-jobbing purposes, 369. Uselessness of it, 371. Its want of discipline, 373. It was a failure, 403.

Leopold, king, (of Belgium) must be independent of foreign powers, 259.

Londonderry, marquis, his appointment to St. Petersburgh, 351.

Lords, house of, should disregard popular clamour, 481.

Magistrates, the, should be appointed by lords lieutenant, 222. —legal redress against them, 429. —(Ireland) reasons, for their dismissals, 483.

Malta, a free press there deprecated, 396, 419. Its riches, 421.

Manufacturing distress, causes of it, 201. Exaggerated, 201, 202, 204.

Market, the home is the best, 211.

Melbourne administration, causes of dismissal in 1834, 347. —treated with moderation by the opposition in the lords, 359. Hostile to the church, 396. Their impotent colonial government, 437. They were not a government, 437. Causes of their weakness, 439, 470, 472. Carried on war with a peace establishment, 478.

Melbourne (Viscount), his services to the queen, 473.

Military operations, importance of time in, 81. —law the will of the general, 103.

Ministers require large private fortunes, 239.

"Moderation," British, in India, very like ambition, 86.

Monster meetings, the, 487.

Municipal bill, (Ireland) dangerous to the church, 309. Objections to the bill, 381.

Napier, Sir Charles, eulogium on him, 491.

National system of education in Ireland, 264.

National credit, how to establish it, 123.

Navarino, battle of, an untoward event, 139.

Navy, the, as a constitutional force, controllable by the legislature, 96. —inadequacy of our, (1838) 407. —compliment to it, 448.

Negotiating parties, a good understanding necessary between them, 99.

Negro emancipation will encourage foreign slave grown sugar, 243.

Newspapers, the Duke's indifference to, 109.

Non-interference, doctrine of, 141, 375.

Normanby, lord, his goal deliveries in Ireland, 380.

Oath, the Catholic, in a principle, 319.

Oaths are necessary, 457. Their abolition considered, 475.

O'Connel, Mr., ought not to have had a patent of precedence, 264. His proceedings, 490.

Officers, British, require keeping in order as well as the men, 118. Their fearlessness arises from their obedience, 126.

Open questions a sign of weakness in a government, 427.

Opinion, a war of, the worst of wars, 242.

Opposition, the, should aid the government where war is inevitable, 405.

Otho, king, the Duke of Wellington's government opposed to his appointment as King of Greece, 308.

Parliamentary reform, declaration against, 218. —arguments against, 225, 227, 232, 240, 246, 247, 248, 250, 251, 272, 273, 290.

Party spirit, in the army, must be avoided, 84.

Peninsular governments, the, must not mind unpopularity, 114. Their disorganised state, 116.

Pledges from members unconstitutional, 245.

Police, a preventive, checks crime, 241.

Poor, principle of relief to, in India, 90.

Poor, difficulty of legislating for, 211.

Poor-law amendment bill, the Duke's reasons for supporting it, 340. —act has surpassed expectation, 365. —commissioners must be made to do their duty, 464.

Poor-law, has worked well, 477. —— his reasons for supporting it, 495. —— (Ireland) reasons for supporting it, 486.

Popular assemblies unmanageable, 99, 124, 392.

Porte, the, our ancient ally, 138.

Portugal must be a military country, 101. Advantage of having the people armed on our side in the war, 101. Letter to a nobleman in, 104. Conduct of the people to our troops, 108. Apathy of the people of, 108, 110. Portuguese troops better than Spanish, 115, 122. As a frontier country, difficult to defend, 122. Ingratitude of the Portuguese to the British army, 124. Its importance to England, 241, 320. Policy of the Wellington government, 313. The civil war in, fomented by the Grey government, 316. Don Miguel, king de facto, 318.

Postage bill, penny, reasons for supporting it, 430.

Protection, not free trade, the principle of our commercial law, 267.

Protestants of Ireland, necessity of conciliating the, 307, 319, 329, 330.

Predatory troops, tactics to be pursued against them, 91.

Printed papers' question, opinion on, 449.

Private considerations must be laid aside by public men, 88.

Public men must lay aside private considerations, 88.

Public works, principle of advances for, 217. —— meetings, numbers at, may render them illegal, 400.

Quadruple treaty, the, 362. Condemned, 367. Effect of the additional articles, 368.

Railway acts ought to be subject to subsequent revision, 358.

Reduction in the public service, principle on which made, 208.

Reform, see parliamentary reform.

Reformation, the, a blow at it, 462. All interested in maintaining it, 492.

Religion should not exclude men from serving the state, 95.

Repeal of the union averted by the emancipation act, 221. Accelerated by reform, 240.

Responsibility, military and civil, doctrine of, 97.

Romana, the Marquis de, his character, 111.

Roman Catholics, the, are interested in maintaining the established church, 354.

Seaton, Lord, eulogium on him, 448.

Secrecy, its importance in public affairs, 93.

Sense better than abilities, 125.

Services, the Duke's, in India neglected, 94.

Shipping interest, the, has not been neglected, 215.

Slave trade, French feelings about it, 126.

Slavery, fiscal regulations for its extinction not defensible, 290. West India property not to be sacrificed to the fancies of abolitionists, 291. The emancipation act of 1833 a premature measure, 320.

Socialism, danger of it, 446.

Sovereign, the, political influence of the personal attendants of, 422.

Sovereigns, foreign, libels on, should not be permitted, 450.

Spain, its distracted state, 100. National disease of, 108. —— the real power is in the clergy, 127. Effects of our intervention under the quadruple treaty, 362. Intervention condemned, 375, 401, 402.

Spaniards, the, cry "viva," but don't act, 123. Jealous of foreigners, 125.

Spanish officers, their inefficiency, 98. And troops, 99.

Spanish leaders, their imbecility, 123.

Sussex, the Duke of, his character, 482.

Talavera, the hardest fought battle of modern days, 102.

Test and corporation acts, reason for repealing them, 148, 151.

Tests are no security to religion, 342. —— university, rendered necessary by toleration, 356.

Thirty-nine articles, the, defended, 354.

Time, its importance in military operations, 81.

Tithes, the most sacred kind of property, 260.

Treaties, their ambiguity accounted for, 85.

Troops, their subsistence must be certain, 82.

Union, the, must be maintained, 480.

Universal suffrage and the ballot dangerous, 427.

Universities, the, their educational system the admiration of the world, 366.

Victoria, H.M. Queen, speech on her majesty's marriage, 442.

Vimiero, battle of, fought without mistakes, 96.

War, when concluded, animosity should be forgotten, 88. —French predatory system, of 121. —A great country cannot wage a little war, 390. —cannot be carried on with a peace establishment, 412.

Waterloo, battle of, its effects, 130. His disgust at them, 131. —described to a soldier, 131. A "pounding match," 132.

Wellington, the Duke of, memoir, 1-79. His Indian services neglected, 94. His reason for being prime minister, 141. Speech on introducing the emancipation bill, 155-190. Would sacrifice his life to prevent one month of civil war, 186. His declaration against reform, 218. Reasons for resigning in 1880, 233. Speech on attempting to resume office, May 1882, 292-302. Explanation of his "dictatorship," in 1834, 349. As a public man, stands on public grounds, 419. His indifference to reports, 422. Never said one thing and meant another, 435. Not a war minister, 459.

West Indian colonists, their short-sighted conduct, 394.

William the Fourth, eulogium on, 384.



THE END.