CHAPTER XVIII.



(M789)

The time was fast approaching when the queen would find herself unable any longer to maintain her frequent cry to the council board, "No war, my lords, no war!" and she began to concert measures to frustrate any attempt that might be made to attack her crown and realm by the subtle device of the Pope's emissaries or the more open hostility of Philip.

(M790)

There were two ways in which the Pope and Spain could attack England, the one by making a descent upon the coast, the other by undermining the loyalty of the queen's subjects by the aid of missionaries. A descent upon the English coast was, for the present at least, out of the question, but it was possible to wound England by fostering insurrection in Ireland. Accordingly, in 1579, a large force landed at Limerick under the authority of the Pope. It was, however, overpowered and destroyed by Lord Grey, the lord deputy.(1618)

Then followed the rebellion under the Earl of Desmond, who six years before had regained his liberty on a promise to use his influence to destroy the Catholic religion in Ireland.(1619) Throughout the Desmond rebellion the Londoners were constantly being called upon to furnish men and munition of war. The trouble was protracted by the landing of a force of 800 men from Spain, with the connivance, if not with the authority, of Philip. When the rebellion was suppressed distress drove many Irish to England, and the city became their chief refuge.(1620) A special day was appointed for apprehending "all suche rogishe and begging Ireishe people as well men weomen as children" as should be found wandering abroad in the city,(1621) and steps were taken subsequently to convey all Irish beggars to Bristol with the view of sending them back to their native land.(1622)

(M791)

Whilst appealing to force to accomplish their object in Ireland, the Catholics resorted to intrigue to gain the same object in England and Scotland. For some years past there had been a steady flow from the continent of seminary priests, who worked silently and secretly making converts to the old religion. Every precaution was taken to prevent their inculcating their dangerous opinions into the minds of the inhabitants of the city and drawing them off from their allegiance to the queen and to the established Church. The aldermen were instructed to make return of those in their ward who refused to attend church. This was in 1568.(1623) In 1574 all strangers who had crept into the city under colour of religion and were found to be of no church were ordered to leave.(1624) In the following year (9 June, 1575) every stranger was called upon to subscribe the Articles of religion before he was allowed to take up his residence within the city, and those who refused to subscribe or to attend church were to give bond for their appearance before her Majesty's Commissioners for Ecclesiastical Causes to answer such matters as should be objected against them.(1625) The aldermen were instructed to make diligent search in their several wards for such as held conventicles under colour of religion and inter-meddled with matters of State and civil governance.(1626) In 1580 a regular Jesuit mission, under two priests, Campion and Parsons, was despatched to England as part of an organised Catholic scheme. Campion had at one time been a fellow of St. John's College, Oxford. Their first step was to remove a difficulty under which devout Catholics had laboured ever since the issue of the Bull of excommunication against Elizabeth in 1571. That Bull had reduced them to the necessity of choosing between disobedience to the Church and treason to the queen. The new missionaries helped them out of the dilemma by explaining that the censures of the Church only applied to heretics; Catholics might feign allegiance and the Church would say nothing.

(M792)

Under these circumstances it can scarcely be wondered at that the government proceeded to strong measures—A proclamation was issued requiring English parents to remove their children from foreign seminaries, and declaring that to harbour Jesuit priests was to harbour rebels;(1627) whilst parliament imposed fines upon all who refused to attend the service of the established Church, in addition to the penalties imposed in 1571 upon those who claimed to absolve subjects from their allegiance and to receive them into the Church of Rome. In the city a strict watch was again ordered to be kept on all those who failed to attend regularly their parish church.(1628) It was further proposed to appoint special preachers to counteract the baneful influence of the Jesuit priest, and the Bishop of London was ordered to make a list of the best preachers and to appoint them districts.(1629)

(M793)

These instructions Bishop Aylmer forwarded to the lord mayor with a request for a contribution to enable him and his associates, the dean of St. Paul's and the dean of Windsor, to carry them into effect. The mayor replied (6 Sept., 1581) that, as for himself, his office was already so burdensome, both in work and expense, that it would go hard with him if he was called upon to pay more than any other parishioner in a Church matter. Both he and his brethren the aldermen were no less desirous than others to promote the knowledge of true religion and to inculcate obedience to the queen by lectures in the city, but the commons would have to be consulted first. He enclosed a list of lectures already established in the several parishes, and drew attention to the great yearly charge incurred by the companies and private persons in the city in maintaining students at the universities to serve the Church in the office of preaching and reading.(1630) This expense, the mayor said, warranted the City and the Companies asking to be no further burdened. The writer concluded by intimating that, however willing the corporation might be to assist in the good work, its ability to do so had been much diminished by the indiscreet demeanour of the bishop's own chaplain, Mr. Dyos, who had recently defamed the citizens in a public sermon at Paul's Cross, "as favorers of userers, of the familye of love and puritanes," saying "that if the appointing of preachers were committed to us we wold appointe preachers such as should defend usirie, the familie of love and puritanisme as they call it." The City was liable to make mistakes, just as the bishop himself had made a mistake in appointing so indiscreet a person for his chaplain, but in other respects they had no cause to reproach themselves in the matter of appointments. In conclusion they desired his lordship to take order for the reparation of their good fame.

Hitherto the City had received no direct communications from the Privy Council on the subject, but three days after the date of the lord mayor's letter to the Bishop of London the lords of the council made a direct appeal to the mayor and aldermen suggesting that a collection should be made among the clergy and other inhabitants of the city in order to "oppose the supersticion of popery wch by the coming over of divers Jesuits and seminarie preistes hath ben of late much increased."(1631) Little appears to have been done in the matter by the civic authorities until the beginning of the next year, when the first step was taken by the appointment of a committee (25 Jan., 1582).(1632)

(M794)

Campion meanwhile had been arrested and subjected to cruel torture. He was eventually executed. Parsons, his companion, escaped to the continent, where he continued to carry on an intrigue against the life of Elizabeth in conjunction with Allen, who some years before had established the famous seminary at Donay for the purpose of keeping up a supply of Jesuit priests for England.

(M795)

In 1583—soon after Edward Osborne(1633) had been elected to the mayoralty—a conspiracy, which had long been on foot, for the assassination of Elizabeth and the invasion of England by a French army was discovered. Matters began to look serious, and it behoved the queen to dismiss the Spanish ambassador from England (Jan., 1584) and to see to her forces. Lord Burghley drew up "a memoryall of dyvers thynges nesessary to be thought of and to be put in execution for this sommer for ye strength of ye realme to serve for martiall defence ageynst ether rebellion or invasion,"(1634) containing suggestions for holding musters and training soldiers. The navy was got ready for sea.

(M796)

In April (1584) the City received orders to muster 4,000 men and to revive the military shows on the eve of the Feasts of St. John the Baptist and St. Peter the Apostle as accustomed to be held in the days of Henry VIII. These displays had gradually fallen into desuetude; it was now the queen's policy to renew them.(1635) The citizens showed themselves equal to the emergency, and "mustered and skirmished" daily at Mile End and St. George's Field, so that in little more than a month they were in a fit state of discipline and training to appear in Greenwich Park before the queen herself, who thanked them graciously for their energy and pains, and declared that she had no subjects more ready to suppress disloyalty and to defend her person.(1636)

(M797)

In July news arrived of the assassination of the Prince of Orange (10 July). Englishmen well knew that those who plotted against his life were plotting also against the life of their queen, and with wonderful unanimity—Catholics and Protestants alike—they joined in a "Bond of Association" for the defence of her majesty's person. The terms of the association were afterwards embodied in a bill and submitted to parliament, specially summoned for the purpose.(1637)

(M798)

Staggered by the sudden loss of their beloved leader, the Netherlanders despatched envoys the following year (1585) to England offering to acknowledge Elizabeth as their sovereign. Upon their arrival in London the envoys were lodged and hospitably entertained—although not at the City's expense—in Clothworkers' Hall,(1638) and on the 29th June were received in audience by the queen at Greenwich. After much hesitation, as was her wont, she at last consented to take the Netherlands under her protection and to despatch troops to their assistance, but only on condition that the States gave security for expenses to be incurred.(1639)

(M799)

On the 9th July the mayor, Sir Thomas Pullison,(1640) issued his precept to the aldermen for each to make a survey in his ward of all such persons as were suitable and willing for service in the Low Countries, where it was intended they should have good allowance.(1641)

(M800)

Every effort was made to save Antwerp, but it was too late. By chaffering and bargaining with the envoys Elizabeth had lost her opportunity and Antwerp fell (19 Aug.). She could be resolute at times, but it wanted much to rouse her into activity. The news of Antwerp's fall administered to her the necessary incitement to deal "roundly and resolutely" with her new allies. Fresh forces were despatched to Flanders under the Earl of Leicester, making in all some 10,000 men that had already been sent thither, nearly one-fourth of which had been furnished by the city of London.(1642) The queen grumbled at having to send so many—"I have sent a fine heap of folk thither, in all ... not under 10,000 soldiers of the English nation," said she to the envoys in October(1643)—and she kept the earl so short of money that he had to mortgage his estate.(1644) The City did what it could and made him a present of L500 in "newe angells," but the City itself was in pecuniary difficulties and was compelled to borrow or "take up" money to defend its title to its own lands,(1645) which had been in constant jeopardy ever since the appointment of the royal commission to search for "concealed lands" in 1567.(1646)

(M801)

The direct effect of the fall of Antwerp upon the city of London was to flood its streets more than ever with strangers, and on the 30th October, 1585, the mayor was once more called upon by the lords of the Privy Council to make a return of the number of strangers within the city, and more especially of the number of French and Flemish strangers that had arrived "sithens the beginninge of the presente trobles moved by the house of Guise in Fraunce and the rendringe of the towne of Andwerpe."(1647) In April and May of the following year (1586) the year of the disastrous battle at Zutphen and of the death of the Chevalier sans peur et sans reproche, Sir Philip Sidney—another call was made in the city for volunteers for service in the Low Countries,(1648) and the civic companies were ordered to lay in a stock of gunpowder to be ready "uppon eny ymminent occacioun."(1649)

(M802)

Whilst operations, more or less active, were being carried on in the Netherlands against Spain, a new Catholic conspiracy against the life of Elizabeth, with Anthony Babington at its head, was discovered by Walsingham. The delight of the citizens at the queen's escape drew forth from her a letter which she desired to be read before the Common Council, and in which she testified her appreciation of their loyalty. The letter was introduced to the council by some prefatory remarks made by James Dalton, a member of the court, in which he expatiated upon the beauties of the reformed Church as contrasted with the Roman religion.(1650) The discovery of the plot led to stringent measures being taken against suspected persons in the city, and returns were ordered to be made setting forth for each ward: (1) the names of the ablest men for service, (2) the names of those past service, (3) the names of all who were suspected as to religion, and (4) the names of all strangers born.(1651)

(M803)

The discovery had also another effect: it brought the head of Mary Stuart to the block. A commission of peers sitting at Fotheringhay found that the conspiracy had been "with the privitie of the said Marie pretending tytle to the crowne of the realme of England," and it only remained for Elizabeth to sign the warrant for her execution to remove for ever a dangerous rival. This, however, the queen long hesitated to do, and when at length prevailed upon she caused public proclamation to be made of the reasons which induced her to take the extreme course.(1652)

(M804)

To add to the general gloom, England was threatened before the close of the year (1586) with a famine, caused partly by the inclemency of the seasons and partly by a "corner" in wheat, which some enterprising engrossers had managed to bring about.(1653) In November the mayor caused the city companies to lay in 6,000 or 7,000 quarters of wheat and rye for the relief of those who had already suffered from the extreme dearth, and to raise a sum of L2,500 over and above such sums as they had hitherto disbursed for the provision of corn and grain,(1654) and the Court of Aldermen (3 Jan., 1587) agreed to erect a new garner at the Bridgehouse.(1655)

(M805)

After the execution of Mary Stuart, Philip of Spain laid claim to the crown of England. For years past he was known to have been preparing a fleet for an invasion of the country. Preparations were now almost complete, and in 1587 expectation was that the fleet might be seen any day bearing down upon the English coast. The inhabitants of villages and towns on the south coast forsook their homes in terror of the invasion and sought shelter inland.(1656) The evil hour was put off by the prompt action of Drake, who, with four ships of the royal navy and twenty-four others supplied by the City and private individuals,(1657) appeared suddenly off the Spanish coast, and running into Cadiz and Lisbon, destroyed tons of shipping under the very nose of the Spanish lord high admiral, and threw into the sea the vast military stores that had been accumulated there. Having thus accomplished the object for which he set sail—that of "singeing the king of Spain's beard"—he returned, and the sailing of the Armada was put off for a year.

(M806)

Preparations were in the meanwhile pushed on in the city to meet the attack whenever it should be made. Ten thousand men were levied and equipped in a short space of time.(1658) Any inhabitant of the city assessed in the subsidy-book at L50 in goods, and who, being under fifty years of age, was called upon to serve, and refused, was forthwith committed to Newgate.(1659) If any fault was to be found with the city's force it was the inefficiency of its officers, whom the municipal authorities always claimed to appoint. The Earl of Leicester, who was in command of the camp which had been formed at Tilbury, held but a poor opinion of Londoners as a fighting force.(1660) "For your Londoners," wrote the earl to Walsingham,(1661) I see their service will be little, except they have their own captains, and having them, I look for none at all by them when we shall meet the enemy." He declares that he knows what burghers be well enough, even though they be "as brave and well trained" as the Londoners; they would be useless without good leaders,(1662) and on this he had always insisted. He warns Walsingham against yielding to the wishes of "townsmen" at such a critical juncture, for they would look for the like concession at other times. The Londoners were not peculiar in their desire to have their own officers, according to the earl's own showing, for the letter continues:—"You and my lords all know the imperfection at this time, how few leaders you have, and the gentlemen of the counties here are likewise very loth to have any placed with them to command under them, but well pleased to have some expert man with them to give them advice." Two years later a code of regulations for the "trayninge of capytaynes" was forwarded by the government to the city, and there put into execution.(1663)

(M807)

In addition to the land force the City agreed (3 April, 1588) to furnish and fully equip for war sixteen of the largest and best merchant ships that could be found in the Thames, and four pinnaces to attend on them.(1664) A committee was nominated to sit at Clothworkers' Hall and take the necessary steps for fitting out the vessels, the cost of which was to be met by an assessment on citizen and stranger alike.(1665) Nothing was said at the time about victualling the fleet, but we learn from a later entry in the City's Journal that they were victualled for three months. On the 16th July the City agreed to supply victuals for "those twentie shipps lately sett forth" for one month longer, and on the 10th August the Common Council again passed a similar resolution.(1666)

(M808)

At last the blow fell. On Friday, the 19th (o.s.) July, the Armada was sighted off the Lizard. A strong wind from the south-west was blowing at the time, and it was thought advisable to let the fleet pass and to follow it up with the English vessels then lying in Plymouth harbour. On the following day the two fleets hove in sight of each other. According to the report made to Walsingham by Richard Tomson—a Londoner serving on board the Margaret and John, one of the ships furnished by the City—the Spanish fleet numbered at that time 136 sail, ninety of which were large vessels, whilst the English fleet numbered no more than sixty-seven.(1667)

Notwithstanding the great superiority of the enemy's fleet in numbers and tonnage, the English admiral, Lord Howard, opened fire the next morning, but took care not to come to close quarters. "We had some small fight with them that Sunday afternoon," reported Hawkins to Walsingham.(1668) The admiral had other reasons for preserving caution. His ships were but ill-furnished with provisions and with ammunition, and even thus early he had to beg the Secretary of State to send him "for God's sake some powder and shot."(1669) The same deficiency of ammunition was experienced the whole time that the two fleets were opposed to each other, and but for this the enemy would not have got off so cheaply as it did. Scarcely a day passed without some cannonading taking place, but never a general engagement. The English trusted to their superior seamanship and to the greater activity of their own light vessels compared with the heavier and more unwieldly Spanish galleons. Again and again they poured broadside after broadside into the enemy, but always making good their retreat before the Spanish vessels could turn in pursuit. On Tuesday (23 July), wrote Hawkins, they had "a sharp and long fight" off Portland, on Thursday "a hot fraye." And thus the Armada made its way up channel, pestered with the swarm of English vessels that would never leave it at peace. On the Saturday following (27 July) it finally dropped anchor in Calais roads, with the intention of awaiting there the arrival of Alexander Farnese with his promised aid before making a direct descent upon the English coast. Farnese did not arrive for the reason that he was blockaded by the Dutch fleet; but the English received an accession of strength by the arrival of Lord Henry Seymour with a squadron of sixteen ships, which hitherto had been lying off Folkestone.(1670)

At this juncture the lord mayor (Sir George Bond), having received information of the critical state of affairs and that a general engagement was imminent, issued his precept to the aldermen to summon the pastors and ministers of each ward, and bid them call their parishioners to church by toll of bell or otherwise, both in the morning and afternoon of this eventful Saturday, in order that humble and hearty prayers might be offered to Almighty God "by preaching and otherwise," as the necessity of the times required.(1671) Three days before (24 July) he had given orders for a strict watch and ward to be kept in the city, and for a goodly supply of leather buckets in case of fire.(1672)

(M809)

After more than one consultation together, the English commanders determined to resort to stratagem. They sent for a number of useless hulks from Dover, and having filled them with every kind of combustible, sent them all aflame on Sunday night into the thick of the enemy. The result was a panic; cables were cut and frantic attempts made to escape what seemed imminent and wholesale destruction. The ships fell foul of each other; some were wrecked and others burnt. When Monday morning dawned only eighty-six vessels out of 124 that had anchored off Calais thirty-six hours before could be found, and these for the most part were seen driving towards the coast of Flanders. The English fleet at once prepared to follow in pursuit, but attention was for a time drawn off to the action of the flagship of the squadron of galeasses, a huge vessel which had become disabled by loss of rudder, and the crew of which were endeavouring by the aid of oars to bring into Calais harbour. The Lord Admiral Howard at once bore down upon her in the Ark, but the water proved too shallow. The London ship Margaret and John followed suit and, although of less tonnage than the Ark, got aground. Richard Tomson sent home a graphic account of the exploit that followed.(1673) Both ships sent out long boats to capture the rich prize as she lay stuck fast upon the harbour bar. Tomson himself formed one of the little band of volunteers. The boats were soon alongside the galeass, its huge sides towering high above them. There then ensued "a pretty skirmish for half-an-hour," wrote Tomson, "but they seemed safely ensconced in their ships, while we in our open pinnaces and far under them had nothing to shroud and cover us." Fortune at last favoured the attackers. The Spanish commander fell dead on his deck with a bullet through his head. A panic seized the sailors, most of whom jumped overboard and tried by swimming and wading to reach the shore. Some succeeded, but many were drowned; whilst those who remained on board signified their readiness to capitulate by hoisting a couple of "handkerchers" on rapiers. The English lost no time in clambering up the sides of the monster, and at once commenced plundering the vessel and releasing the galley slaves. They were only waiting for the tide to take their prize in tow and carry her off when they were warned by the governor of Calais against making any such attempt. They were free to plunder the vessel if they liked, but make prize of the vessel itself they must not, and this order the governor showed himself ready and able to enforce by opening fire from the fort. Tomson and his fellow volunteers were heartily disgusted at having after all to surrender their prize, "the verye glory and staye of the Spanish armye, a thing of very great value and strength."

(M810)

This exploit being ended and the long boats having returned to their respective ships, the lord admiral started in pursuit of the Spaniards. Seeing them coming up the Spanish commander immediately prepared for action. An engagement—described by Hawkins as "a long and great fight"—took place off Gravelines and lasted six hours. The English pursued the same tactics as before, and with like success. Without losing a single ship of their own they succeeded in riddling the best Spanish ships through and through, and at last the Armada was forced to bear away towards the open sea. The English followed and made a pretence of keeping up the attack, but by this time nearly all their ammunition as well as food had given out.

(M811)

From Tuesday (30 July) until the following Friday (2 Aug.) the pursuit was, nevertheless, maintained by Howard, Drake and Frobisher. On Sunday (4 Aug.) the strong south-wester which had prevailed rose to a gale, and the English fleet made its way home with difficulty. It was otherwise with the Armada. Crippled and forlorn, without pilots and without competent commander, the great fleet was driven northward past the Hebrides and eventually returned home in a decimated condition by the west coast of Ireland.

(M812)

In the meantime the civic authorities took order for receiving the sick and wounded and administering to their comfort. Two aldermen—Sir Thomas Pullison and Sir Wolstan Dixie—were deputed (29 July) by their brethren to ride abroad among the innholders, brewers, bakers and butchers of the city to see that they did not enhance the price of provisions and that they well entertained all soldiers who arrived in the city.(1674) The City agreed, moreover, to re-victual the ships it had furnished and to provide them with munition and other requisites. A fresh tax was imposed for the purpose of "marine and land affairs."(1675)

(M813)

It was a long time before any certain news arrived in the city of the ultimate fate of the Armada. There had been rumours abroad that the English fleet had been victorious—with so many Londoners serving in the fleet, it would have been strange indeed if their friends at home had been kept in absolute ignorance of what was taking place in the channel—and bonfires had been lighted, but these rumours were often incorrect and sometimes lead to mischief. The mayor therefore issued his precept to the aldermen on the 30th July—the day after the engagement off Gravelines—bidding them see that the inhabitants of their several wards refrained from crediting any news that might be reported of the vessels at sea but what they received from the mayor himself. The precaution was necessary "for the avoyding of some dislike that may come thereof."(1676) On the 1st August, so critical were the times, the mayor issued a precept by the queen's orders forbidding householders to quit the city, that they might the better be ready for the queen's service if required.(1677) On the 4th the citizens were informed that if they had any friend or servant detained as prisoner in the Spanish dominion, or bound to the galleys, whom they wished to set free, they might have Spanish prisoners allotted to them to assist towards ransom.(1678)

(M814)

The first public notification of the complete destruction of the Armada was made in a thanksgiving sermon preached by the Dean of St. Paul's on Tuesday, the 20th August, at Paul's Cross, in the presence of the mayor and aldermen and the livery companies in their best gowns.(1679) In November the queen resolved to attend a public thanksgiving service at St. Paul's in person, Monday, the 18th, being the day that was originally fixed. Great preparations were made for the occasion. The livery companies were ordered to take up their appointed stations at eight o'clock in the morning and to follow in the train of the royal procession until the "preaching place" was reached. Places were to be kept by a detachment of the "yeomanry" of each company sent on at six o'clock for that purpose. The "governors of the hospital" of each company were also to attend, staff in hand, and repair to the "skaffold" for them appointed. After dinner the companies were to return immediately to their stations and to wait there until her majesty returned to Somerset House.(1680) The day was afterwards changed from Monday, the 18th, to Sunday, the 24th, when the queen came in great state to St. Paul's. After prayers she took her seat in a closet built out of the north wall of the church and facing Paul's Cross, where she heard a sermon preached by the Bishop of Salisbury. That being over she was entertained at dinner in the bishop's palace, and afterwards returned to Somerset House.(1681)

(M815)

Whilst the City is justly proud of its own share in the defence of the kingdom at this great crisis in the nation's history, it has not neglected to give honour where honour was most due. Of the great naval commanders the "sea dogs" of that age—the faces of at least two of them were familiar to the citizens. Both Frobisher and Hawkins owned property in the city, and in all probability resided there, like their fellow seaman and explorer, Sir Humphrey Gilbert, who was living in Red Cross Street, in the parish of St. Giles, Cripplegate, in 1583, the year that he met his death at sea.(1682) The same parish claims Frobisher, whose remains (excepting his entrails, which were interred at Plymouth, where he died) lie buried in St. Giles's Church, and to whom a mural monument was erected by the vestry in 1888, just three centuries after the defeat of the Armada, to which he had contributed so much. If Hawkins himself did not reside in the city, his widow had a mansion house in Mincing Lane.(1683) He, too, had probably lived there, for although he died and was buried at sea, a monument was erected to his memory and that of Katherine, his first wife, in the church of St. Dunstan-in-the-East.(1684) There is one other—a citizen of London and son of an alderman—whose name has been handed down as having taken an active part in the defence of the kingdom at this time, not at sea, but on land. A monument in the recently restored church of St. Helen, Bishopsgate, tells us that Martin Bond, son of Alderman William Bond, "was captaine in ye yeare 1588 at ye campe at Tilbury, and after remained chief captaine of ye trained bands of this citty until his death." The monument represents him as sitting in a tent guarded by two sentinels, with a page holding a horse.

(M816)

It was well that the Spaniards suffered defeat at sea, for had they been able to effect a landing they would have made short work with the half-trained and dissatisfied soldiers in the camp at Tilbury, and London would have been at their mercy. Even the presence of Elizabeth herself, riding on horseback through the camp, as she did on the 8th August, was but poor compensation to the soldiers for the want of victuals and wages. Many sold their armour and weapons to pay themselves as soon as the camp broke up. Citizens of London were warned by royal proclamation (20 Aug.)(1685) against purchasing armour and weapons offered by soldiers, who were declared to "have most falsly and slanderously given out that they weare compelled to make sale of them for that they receaved noe pay, which is most untruely reported." Any armour or weapons bought before publication of the proclamation was to be delivered up to the mayor with particulars as to the way the purchase had been effected and compensation would be allowed.

(M817)

Notwithstanding the extreme parsimony with which Elizabeth had fitted out both army and navy, the cost of preparations to meet the attack of Spain had been great, and she was obliged to borrow money. In September (1588) the City advanced her the sum of L30,000, receiving her bond for repayment in the following March; and in the following December she borrowed a further sum of L20,000 to be repaid by the following April. Both sums were raised among the livery companies.(1686)

(M818)

In March of the following year (1589) parliament granted a liberal supply, but the grant was accompanied by a request that Elizabeth would no longer await the assaults of Spain, but carry the war into the enemy's country. This the queen declared her inability to undertake on the score of poverty. She promised, however, to give what assistance she could to any of her subjects who relished such enterprise. Norris and Drake were at hand, ready and willing to undertake the work on these terms. Already (in January) the City had been called upon to furnish them with 400 strong and able men.(1687) At the end of March 1,000 more were required, and each alderman was instructed to search in his ward for all able and masterless men and all other persons fit for service that were householders and not charged with families, and to bring them to the Leadenhall.(1688) With these and other forces the expedition set sail, but beyond storming Vigo and committing some damage at Corunna, it accomplished nothing and returned in July.

(M819)

Again the city was threatened with danger and disease from the presence of disbanded soldiers and sailors, who were apt to carry their freebooting habits wherever they went, more especially when starvation stared them in the face. Sir Martin Calthorp did what he could to relieve them, paying out of his own pocket no less a sum than L100. His conduct was applauded by the lords of the council, who authorised him to raise a further sum towards assisting the soldiers to their homes in the country by allowing them a half-penny a mile.(1689)

(M820)

A royal proclamation was subsequently (20 Aug.) issued promising payment of any money due to mariners who would make a written application to the Admiralty. Soldiers were to return to the country where they had been pressed and apply to the justices or other officers who pressed them, and who would make a certificate to the lieutenant of the county, when the soldiers would receive "reasonable contentment."(1690) This, however, failed entirely to remedy the evil.(1691) Four days before this proclamation precept had been issued to the aldermen for a good and substantial double watch to be kept throughout the night of the 16th August until noon of the next day. There had been a report abroad of a large meeting of soldiers and sailors to take place as early as five o'clock on the morning of the 17th in the neighbourhood of Tower Hill.(1692)

(M821)

The revolution which followed the assassination of the French king by Jaques Clements about this time (Aug., 1589) brought fresh anxiety to Elizabeth, who felt bound to support the Protestant Henry of Navarre with all the means at her command, as an indirect way of carrying on the war against Spain. Four thousand men were to be despatched for his assistance, 1,000 of whom the City was called upon to supply. As they were to be picked men the lords of the council ordered double the number, or 2,000 men, to be got ready, in order that expert officers might review them and select the number required.(1693) The demand was enforced by a letter from the queen herself, in which she drew attention to the necessity of assisting one whose preservation was of so much importance to England.(1694) The city's gates were at once closed by the mayor's orders to prevent the exodus of "lusty, strong, able and young men" to avoid service.(1695) Although Henry IV was materially assisted by the arrival of English troops, their operations were chiefly confined to Normandy.

(M822)

A further contingent of 400 men was shortly afterwards (22 June) demanded by the queen, 300 of which were to be got ready at once. More care than usual was to be bestowed on their selection, as they were to be employed under the Earl of Essex,(1696) with whom the City happened at this time to be out of favour. What was the precise cause of the City's disgrace does not appear; we only know that the civic authorities were anxious to recover the good will of one so near the person of the sovereign, and to this end made him a "small present," thanking him for his past services, for the general defence of the realm, and of all Christian estates professing the Gospel and true religion of Almighty God, and assuring him that they were not so much presenting him with money, in sending him a gratuity, as with "the hart of the citie." They begged that if some private offence had been given to his lordship he would "wrappe it up" in this public testimony of their hearty good wills.(1697)

(M823)

In the meantime the Common Council had, at the queen's request, agreed (16 June) to fit out six ships of war and one pinnace at a cost of L7,400, to be levied on the companies. This sum was afterwards raised to L8,000.(1698) Towards the close of the year (9 Nov.) the lord mayor and sheriffs were called upon to levy 200 able men to be "pioners." They were to be chosen out of the city of London and the county of Middlesex, and to be despatched to Dieppe for service under the Earl of Essex "a service vearie necessarie and we hope not of any long continuaunce,"(1699) wrote the queen. In addition to men, the queen wanted money; and the Common Council agreed (18 Sept.) to lend her L20,000 for three months, afterwards renewed for six months.(1700)

(M824)

In the meantime Spanish emissaries, disguised as soldiers, mariners, merchants, gentlemen with comely apparel, and even as "gallantes," decked out in colours and feathers, had been doing the work of Philip silently but surely. Some had resorted to the Universities; some to the Inns of Court; whilst others had insinuated themselves into private families; but wherever they took up their abode, and in whatsoever capacity, their one aim and object had been to seduce the queen's subjects from their allegiance. So successful had been their efforts that Philip meditated another attack on England in 1592. At length commissioners were appointed in all parts of the country to search for these "venemous vipers." Householders were at the same time directed to enquire into the antecedents of those who lodged with them, and to mark if they attended Divine Service or not. A register or calendar of particulars respecting them was to be kept, to be shown on demand.(1701) Here is a description of one whose arrest was desired in 1596:—"A yonge man of meane and slender stature aged about xxvjtie wth a high collored face, red nose, a warte over his left eye, havinge two greate teeth before standinge out very apparant, he nameth himselffe Edward Harrison borne in Westmerland, apparelled in a crane collored fustian dublet, rounde hose, after the frenche facion, an olde paire of yollowe knit neather stockes, he escaped wthout either cloake, girdle, garters or shoes."(1702)

(M825)

Whilst all exportation of munitions of war, corn and other victual into Spain or Portugal was strictly forbidden,(1703) the merchants of London, as well as noblemen and wealthy country gentlemen, were encouraged to deal blows at the enemy by fitting out privateers for scouring the Spanish Main.(1704) Many a rich prize was thus brought home, the spoil being divided by specially appointed commissioners,(1705) whose duty it was, among other things, to see that the Crown was not defrauded of the custom due upon the goods thus captured."(1706) The "fleet of the city of London" was very successful in this kind of work, and a sum of L6,000 fell to its lot as prize-money in 1591. This sum was ventured again in an expedition undertaken by Raleigh in the following year,(1707) with the result that the City netted no less a sum than L12,000, its share of the spoil of a rich "carraque" that Raleigh had captured.(1708)

(M826)

This lucky windfall befell the citizens at a time when money was sorely needed for building a pest-house or hospital for sufferers from the plague, which again visited the city at the close of 1592.(1709) The cost of such a building was estimated at L6,000. Various schemes were proposed for raising the money. At one time (July, 1593) it was resolved that the several livery companies which had taken shares in Raleigh's venture should contribute twelvepence in the pound of their clear gain towards the object.(1710) Later on (May, 1594) the companies were called upon to contribute one-third of their clear gain. Even this proved insufficient, and had to be supplemented by a "benevolence" in each ward.(1711) Another year went by, and the hospital was still unfinished.(1712)

(M827)

The strain which the continuation of the war and the threatened renewal of a Spanish invasion imposed upon the inhabitants of London at large was a great one, and appears to have affected the mind of a weak and hysterical woman, Anne Burnell. She gave out that she was a daughter of the king of Spain, and that the arms of England and Spain were to be seen, like stigmata, upon her back, as was vouched for by her servant Alice Digges. After medical examination, which proved her statement to be "false and proceedinge of some lewde and imposterouse pretence," she and her maid were ordered to be whipt,—"ther backes only beeinge layd bare,"—at the cart's tail through the city on a market day, "with a note in writinge uppon the hinder part of there heades shewinge the cawse of there saide punishmente."(1713)

(M828)

On the 16th July, 1594, the queen informed the citizens by letter of the king of Spain having made preparations to get possession of the harbour of Brest, and her determination to oppose him. She had given orders for certain companies of soldiers to be levied in divers counties, and she called upon the citizens to furnish her with a contingent of 450 men. They were to be well trained and supplied with armour and weapons; their "coate and conduct monye" would be found for them.(1714) The Court of Common Council met on the following day and agreed to provide the number of soldiers required.(1715) It had already (15 July) agreed to furnish six ships and two pinnaces for her majesty's service,(1716) which William Garraway and other owners of ships contracted to find for the sum of L5,000.(1717)

(M829)

On Michaelmas-day (1594) John Spencer—"Rich Spencer" as he was called, from his extraordinary wealth—was elected mayor for the ensuing year.(1718) His daughter, much against her father's will, married Lord Compton. To thwart the matrimonial designs of a nobleman was in those days a perilous task, and Alderman Spencer was committed to the Fleet "for a contempt" in endeavouring to conceal his daughter. "Our Sir John Spencer, of London"—writes John Chamberlain(1719) to Dudley Carleton (15 March, 1599)—"was the last weeke committed to the Fleet for a contempt and hiding away his daughter, who, they say, is contracted to the Lord Compton; but now he is out again, and by all meanes seekes to hinder the match, alledging a precontract to Sir Arthur Henningham's sonne. But upon his beating and misusing her she was sequestred to one Barkers, a proctor, and from thence to Sir Henry Billingsleyes,(1720) where she yet remaines till the matter be tried. If the obstinate and self-willed fellow shold persist in his doggednes (as he protests he will) and geve her nothing, the poore lord shold have a warme catch."

A few weeks after Spencer's confinement in the Fleet we find him at variance with his brother aldermen for digging a pit on his estate near "Canbury," or Canonbury, and thereby drawing off water which should have gone to supply the poor of St. Bartholomew's Hospital to his own mansion. A request was sent to him by the mayor and Court of Aldermen to cease the conveyance of water until further order had been taken therein.(1721) Two years later his "doggednes" once more got him into trouble, and he was committed to Wood Street Compter for refusing to pay certain small sums of money due from him towards furnishing soldiers and armour.(1722) He died the 30th March, 1609, leaving behind him L80,000.

His daughter, who inherited her father's money, was possessed also of some of her father's spirit, and Lord Compton appears to have got "a warme catch" indeed to judge from a letter she addressed to him soon after her father's death. After reminding her "sweete life" of the care she had ever taken of his estate and of her excellent behaviour, she begs him to allow her L1,600 per annum, to be paid quarterly, besides L600 a year for charitable works. She will have three horses for her own saddle "that none shall dare to lend or borrow; none lend but I, none borrow but you." She will have so many gentlemen and so many gentlewomen to wait upon her at home, whilst riding, hunting, hawking or travelling. When on the road she will have laundresses "sent away with the carriages to see all safe," and chambermaids sent before with the grooms that the chambers may be ready, sweet and clean. Seeing that her requests are so reasonable she expects her husband to find her children in apparel and schooling, and all her servants in wages. She concludes by declaring her will to have her houses handsomely furnished, not omitting "silver warming pans," warns her husband against lending money to the lord chamberlain, and prays him to increase her allowance and double her attendance on his becoming an earl.(1723)

(M830)

Spencer was succeeded in the mayoralty by Sir Stephen Slaney, and the latter's year of office proved a busy one. Spain was meditating another descent on England "with a greate navy of shippes by sea and huge powers of men by lande," and the City was expected to furnish sixteen ships and 10,000 men for land service. The naval demand was extravagant, and after some remonstrance was reduced to one for twelve ships and two pinnaces, with a complement of 1,200 men.(1724) The City made an attempt to get a reduction made also in the land force, but with what success is not clear. This was in December, 1595. The money was found by imposing a tax of 2s. 8d. in the pound for goods and 4s. in the pound for lands on every inhabitant of the city,(1725) and by advances made by the livery companies.(1726) On the 8th January (1596) the queen addressed a very gracious letter of thanks to the City for the promptitude displayed in furnishing the ships.(1727) Instead of waiting for Spain to attack, Elizabeth carried the war into the enemy's country, and Cadiz was captured six months later by Essex and Howard. This exploit, in which the city of London took its share, has been described(1728) as the most brilliant that had ever been achieved by English arms between Agincourt and Blenheim, and it was celebrated in London with bonfires and general rejoicing.(1729) As soon as the Common Council heard of the arrival of the fleet from its successful voyage it despatched commissioners to see after the City's share of prize money.(1730)

(M831)

In the meantime (April, 1596) the queen's tortuous and parsimonious policy had led to Calais falling into the hands of Spain. She had called upon the Londoners to furnish 1,000 soldiers to assist in raising the siege, but it is a question whether they ever got beyond Dover.(1731) Roused for the time to a more energetic line of action, she determined to prevent, if possible, the sister town of Boulogne falling into the hands of Spain, and she called upon the city of London to supply 405 men towards the force to be despatched in the autumn for its defence.(1732)

(M832)

The necessity of recruiting the garrison of the cautionary town of Flushing, from which troops had recently been withdrawn for service on the high seas, compelled the queen to apply again to the City (July, 1596) for a contingent of 200 men.(1733)

(M833)

This constant drain on the resources of the city at length called forth a remonstrance. The city was being threatened with famine at the close of the year (1596), when another demand arrived for ten ships to be fitted out for the public service. The matter was referred to a committee, and a reply was drawn up, which was practically a refusal to obey the commands of the council.(1734)

(M834)

It set forth the utter inability of the citizens, however willing they might be, to supply more ships. They had already expended on sea service alone, and irrespective of their disbursements in 1588, no less a sum than 100,000 marks within the last few years; so that the lords of the council would see that the citizens had not been wanting in good will and affection towards] that service. The same good will still remained, but there was lacking the like ability, owing partly to former charges by sea and land, but more especially to the great scarcity of victual which had continued in the city for the past three years, and had compelled many who had formerly been well off to reduce their expenditure, whilst others had been obliged to relinquish their trades and break up their households. As a proof of the poverty existing in the city their lordships were reminded that when wheat was offered at a very moderate rate many were too poor to purchase any. The wealthier sort would therefore have to be called upon to subscribe towards the maintenance of the poorer class, and so be rendered less able to contribute to other demands. The letter proceeded to draw their lordships' attention to what after all was the reason which weighed most with the citizens for refusing to contribute any more to the naval service. "Besides theis defectes" wrote the mayor and corporation "we may not conceale the great discontentment and utter discouragement of the common people wthin this citie touchinge their adventure in the late viage to the towne at Cales [Cadiz] wch albeit it was perfourmed wth soe great honor and happy successe as that the enemye was greatly weakned, the army enritched and such store of treasure and other comodities (besides that wch was thear embeazelled) brought safe home as was sufficient to defraye the charges of the whole voyage, yet forasmuch as neither their principall nor any parte thereof was restored unto them contrarie to the meaninge of the contract set downe in writinge under the signatures of two noble persons in her highnes name, they are made hereby utterly unfitt and indisposed for the like service to be done hereafter."(1735) The Cadiz adventure—they went on to say—had cost the City L1,900, a great part of which sum was still not collected, whilst the City's Chamber was already in debt to the extent of L14,000 and utterly unable to afford relief. The writers, in conclusion, expressed themselves ready to contribute towards the defence of the whole realm in like proportion as others of her majesty's subjects, and with this arrangement they felt sure her majesty would be well content.

What was the effect of this reply does not appear; but in one respect the queen was more than a match for the citizens. They had pleaded scarcity of provisions and poverty as an excuse for not carrying out her recent orders. Very good; let the livery companies, whose duty it was to find men and money when required, practise a little self-restraint in the coming summer (1597). Let them, she said, forbear giving feasts in their halls and elsewhere, and bestow half the money thus saved on the poor; and the order of the Court of Aldermen went forth accordingly.(1736)

(M835)

For some years past it had always been feared lest Spain should again endeavour to strike at England through Ireland. A rising in Ulster under Hugh O'Neill, known in England as the Earl of Tyrone, in 1594 was followed by an appeal to Spain for help in 1595. Philip acceded to the request and another Armada was got ready; but the fleet had scarcely put to sea before it suffered a similar fate to the Armada of 1588 and was shattered by a storm (Dec., 1596). The Tyrone rebellion necessitated further calls on the City for men and money. In May, 1597, it was asked to furnish 500 men, such as Sir Samuel Bagnall might approve of.(1737) In the following year—when Bagnall met with a crushing defeat on the Blackwater—it was called upon to supply a further contingent of 300 men and to lend the queen a sum of L20,000.(1738) In 1599 Elizabeth sent her favourite Essex to conquer Ireland in good earnest, to prevent the country falling into the hands of Spain. She at the same time called upon the City for more soldiers, and borrowed another sum of L60,000 on mortgage.(1739)

(M836)

In the meantime a report again got abroad that a Spanish fleet was assembling at Brest for a descent on England. On the 25th July, 1598, the lords of the council wrote to the mayor calling upon him to see that some twelve or sixteen vessels were provided with ordnance and powder for the defence of the Thames, and the court of Common Council at once took the necessary steps for fitting out the ships as well as for mustering a force of 3,000 men, afterwards raised to 6,000.(1740) The city's forces and the charge of the river were confided to the Earl of Cumberland. Sir Thomas Gerrard had at first been appointed colonel of the Londoners, "but for an old grudge since the last parliament they wold none of him."(1741) It was proposed to throw a bridge of boats across the Thames near Gravesend, after the fashion of Parma's famous bridge erected across the Scheldt in 1585, and the court of Common Council (4 Aug.) gave orders for collecting "hoyes, barges, lighters, boardes, cordes" and other material necessary for the purpose.(1742) This project was, however, abandoned in favour of sinking hulks in the channel of the river if occasion should arise. Watch was ordered to be strictly kept in the city night and day, lanterns to be hung out at night and the streets blocked with chains.(1743) It had been rumoured that the Spanish fleet had been descried off the Isle of Wight, and although the rumour proved false it caused no little alarm in the city and gave rise to these precautions.(1744) After a few days the supposed danger passed away. The fleet, which had been rapidly got together, and included twelve ships and thirty hoys furnished by the city for the defence of the river, put to sea nevertheless, whilst the land forces were gradually disbanded.(1745)

(M837)

The administration of Essex in Ireland was a signal failure, and he made matters worse by quitting his post without leave and forcing his presence upon the queen. He had hoped to recover her good grace by his unexpected appearance. Elizabeth was not to be thus cajoled. She ordered him into custody, deprived him of his offices, and, what was of more importance to him, refused to renew his patent of a monopoly of sweet wines. Although the earl soon regained his liberty he could not forget his disgrace, and his overweening vanity drove him to concert measures against the government. In 1601 he rode at the head of a few followers into the city, expecting the citizens to rise in his favour. The mayor had, however, been forewarned, and 1,000 men were held in readiness in each ward fully armed for the safeguard of the city.(1746) The earl and his band proceeded to the house of Thomas Smith, in Fenchurch Street, one of the sheriffs, who had represented himself, or been represented by others, as able and willing to further the earl's cause. That the sheriff was thought by his fellow citizens to have been implicated in Essex's mad attempt is seen from the fact that within a week he was deprived, not only of his sheriffwick, but also of his aldermanry,(1747) but to what extent he had compromised himself it is difficult to determine. Finding the citizens averse to a rising and his passage stopped by pikemen under the command of Sir John Gilbert and Sir Robert Cross, who respectively had charge of Ludgate and Newgate,(1748) and who refused to surrender them except to the sheriff in person as the queen's representative, the earl and his company hastened to the riverside and returned to Essex House by water. He was subsequently arrested and committed to the Tower, together with two of his accomplices, the Earls of Rutland and Southampton. Another of his followers, the Earl of Bedford, was committed for a while to the custody of Leonard Holiday, a city alderman.(1749) The queen, who had shown no more agitation at the news of the attempt to raise the city than "of a fray in Fleet Street,"(1750) took an early opportunity of thanking the citizens and her subjects generally for the loyalty they had displayed.(1751)

A sum of L200 was distributed by the civic authorities among the officers engaged in the city's defence, but the two knights at Ludgate and Newgate refused to accept any gratuity.(1752) For a week or more strict guard was kept at the city's gates, whilst bodies of troops fully armed were kept in readiness at the Royal Exchange and Saint Paul's Churchyard in case of disturbance.(1753) Essex was brought to trial on a charge of treason, convicted and executed (25 Feb.). Sheriff Smith was made to undergo a severe cross-examination, but appears to have got off with his life.(1754)

(M838)

Lord Mountjoy, who had succeeded Essex in Ireland, set to work systematically to bring the country into complete submission. The conquest was not effected without considerable aid from the city of London. From 1600 to 1602 the citizens were being constantly called upon to supply fresh forces for Ireland.(1755) A Spanish force which at length came to Tyrone's assistance in 1601, and established itself at Kinsale, was compelled to surrender. The work of the sword was supplemented by famine; until at last Tyrone himself was carried in triumph to Dublin, and the conquest of Ireland was complete.

(M839)

Mountjoy's work could not be carried on without money, and Elizabeth had been compelled in 1601 to summon a parliament to obtain supplies. Hitherto the Puritans, who began in the early part of the reign to gain a hold in the House of Commons, and had gradually increased in strength, had been content, in the presence of a common danger, to refrain from offering any systematic opposition to Elizabeth's government. But now that the defeat of the Armada, the death of Philip II and the firm establishment of Henry IV on the throne of France had removed all danger from abroad, they began to change front. As soon as the House met the Commons chose Croke (or Crooke), the City's Recorder, their Speaker, an honour which the City acknowledged by ordering (3 Nov.) a gift of forty marks to be made to him.(1756) When the question of supplies came before the House they were readily granted, but a bill was introduced to abolish patents of monopolies, which the queen had been in the habit of lavishly bestowing upon her favourites by virtue of her prerogative, and by which the price of nearly every commodity had been grievously enhanced. It was in vain that the minority in the House found fault with the Speaker for allowing the queen's prerogative to be called in question. The majority had the nation at its back; and finding this to be the case Elizabeth, who knew when to give way, yielded with grace. When a deputation of the Commons waited upon her and expressed the gratitude of the House at her concession, she replied in words full of kindness and dignity, thanking the Commons for having pointed out her error, and calling God to witness that she had never cherished anything but what tended to her people's good, "Though you have had," she assured them, "and may have, many princes more mighty and wise sitting in this seat, yet you never had, or ever shall have, any that will be more careful and loving."

(M840)

These were the last words addressed by the queen to her people, and their truth was borne out by her conduct throughout her long reign. Under her the country had become united and prosperous. By the citizens of London she was especially beloved, for they always found in her a supporter of trade and commerce. If the Hanseatic towns behaved unfairly to the merchant adventurers Elizabeth promptly retaliated upon the merchants of the Steelyard. She had threatened to close the Steelyard altogether in 1578, when English merchants were ordered to quit Hamburg, and twenty years later (1598), when fresh difficulties had arisen, the threat was carried out.(1757)

The queen rarely left London to make one of her many gorgeous progresses from country house to country house or returned home without some notice being sent to the city to allow of its inhabitants taking "the comfort of behoulding her royall persone."(1758) Her love of personal admiration and of handsome men continued to the last. As late as November, 1602, she commanded the mayor and aldermen and a number of the "best and most grave" citizens to attend her from Chelsea to Westminster, and the mayor, knowing her weakness, ordered the livery companies to choose the "most grave and comlie" members to join the procession.(1759) In the early morning of the 24th March, 1603, she died at Richmond, to the sincere regret of the citizens no less than of the nation at large.



END OF VOL. I.



FOOTNOTES

M1 The greatness of London. How far due to its geographical position.

1 Strype remarks of Thames water that it "did sooner become fine and clear than the New River water, and was ever a clearer water."—Strype, Stow's Survey, ed. 1720, bk. i, p. 25. Another writer speaks of "that most delicate and serviceable ryver of Thames."—Howes's Chron., p. 938.

2 During Edgar's reign (958-975), the foreign trade of the City had increased to such a degree, and notably with a body of German merchants from the Eastern shores of the Baltic, called "Easterlings" (subsequently known as the Hanse Merchants of the Steel-yard), that his son and successor Ethelred drew up a code of laws for the purpose of regulating it.

3 "Et ipsa (i.e. Lundonia) multorum emporium populorum terra marique venientium."—Hist. Eccl., lib. ii, cap. iii.

M2 The tenure of the City of London compared with other boroughs.

4 Stubbs, Const. Hist., i, 409.

M3 The powers of an over-lord.

5 See ordinances made by the Earl (32 Eliz.).—Hunter's Hallamshire (1819), p. 119.

6 Luttrell, Diary, i, p. 314.

M4 London under the Roman Empire.

7 "At Suetonius mira constantia medios inter hostes Londinium perrexit, cognomento quidem coloniae non insigne, sed copia negotiatorum et commeatuum maxime celebre."—Tacitus, Ann., xiv, 33.

M5 Roman highways.

8 For the direction of the various routes, see Elton's Origins of Engl. Hist., p. 344 note.

M6 London bridge and the city wall. M7 The departure of the Roman legions, and its consequences.

9 Stubbs, Const. Hist., i., 60.

10 The church of St. Peter-upon-Cornhill claims a Roman origin, but its claim is unsubstantiated by any proof.

M8 Appeal to Rome for aid against the Picts and Scots. A. D. 446.

11 This appeal took the following form:—"The groans of the Britons to Aetius, for the third time Consul [i.e. A.D. 446]. The savages drive us to the sea, and the sea casts us back upon the savages; so arise two kinds of death, and we are either drowned or slaughtered."—Elton, Origins of Engl. Hist., p. 360.

M9 Meeting with refusal, the Britons call in the Saxons.

12 "Postea vero explorata insulae fertilitate et indigenarum inertia, rupto foedere, in ipsos, a quibus fuerant invitati arma verterunt."—Newburgh, Hist. Rerum Anglic. (Rolls Series No. 82). Prooemium. p. 13.

M10 The battle of the "Creegan Ford." A.D. 457.

13 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 12.

M11 London, the metropolis of the East Saxons. M12 Mellitus, the first Bishop of London, A.D. 604.

14 "In qua videlicet gente tune temporis Sabertus, nepos Ethelberti ex sorore Ricula, regnabat quamvis sub potestate positus ejusdem Ethelberti, qui omnibus, ut supra dictum est, usque ad terminum Humbrae fluminis, Anglorum gentibus imperabat."—Bede, Lib. ii, c. iii.

15 "Quorum [i.e., Orientalium Saxonum] metropolis Lundonia civitas est."—Bede, Lib. ii, c. iii. So, again, another writer describes London at the time it was devastated by the Danes in 851 as "Sita in aquilonari ripa Tamesis fluminis in confinio East-Saexum et Middel-Saexum, sed tamen ad East-Saexum illa civitas cum veritate pertinet."—Flor. Wigorn., (ed. by Thorpe, for Engl. Hist. Soc.), i, 72.

16 Kemble. Saxons in England, ii, 556.

M13 St. Paul's Cathedral founded by Ethelbert.

17 "Mellitum vero Lundonienses episcopum recipere noluerunt, idolatris magis pontificibus servire gaudentes. Bede, Lib. ii, cap. vi.—Cf. Flor. Wigorn., i, 13.

18 "Ecclesiam ... beati Petri quae sita est in loco terribili qui ab incolis Thorneye nunenpatur ... quae olim ... beati AEthelberti hortatu ... a Sabertho praedivite quodam sub-regulo Lundoniae, nepote videlicet ipsius regis, constructa est."—Kemble, Cod. Dipl., 555.

M14 The rival Cities of London and Winchester.

19 Roger de Hoveden (Rolls Series No. 51), i, 8, 16, 18.

20 Norton, Commentaries on the City of London, 3rd ed., p. 53, &c.

21 Thorpe, 114. The Troy weight was kept in the Husting of London and known as the Husting-weight.—Strype, Stow's Survey (1720), Bk. v., 369.

M15 London in the hands of the Danes.

22 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 55.

23 "And in the same year [i.e. 851] came three hundred and fifty ships to the mouth of the Thames, and landed, and took Canterbury and London by storm."—Id. ii, 56.

M16 The Treaty of Wedmore, A.D. 878.

24 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 64, 65.

M17 The Danes expelled from London.

25 The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle—the existence of which in its present form has been attributed to Alfred's encouragement of literature—seems to convey this meaning, although it is not quite clear on the point. Henry of Huntingdon (Rolls Series No. 44, pp. 148-149) ascribes the recovery of London by Alfred to the year 886. The late Professor Freeman (Norman Conquest, i., 56) does the same, and compares the status of London at the time with that of a German free city, which it more nearly resembled, than an integral portion of a kingdom.

M18 Alfred "restores" London, 886-887.

26 Freeman, Norman Conquest, i, 279.

27 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii., 67. Cf. "Lundoniam civitatem honorifice restauravit et habitabilem fecit quam etiam. AEtheredo Merciorum comitti servandam commendavit."—Flor. Wigorn., i, 101.

28 Stubbs, Const. Hist., i, 405.

M19 An attack of the Danes in the absence of Alfred gallantly repelled by the Citizens, A.D. 894.

29 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 71.

M20 Successful strategy of Alfred against the Danes, A.D. 896.

30 According to Henry of Huntingdon (Rolls Series No. 74. p. 150) Alfred diverted the waters of the Lea that his enemy's ships were stranded.

31 -Id., ii. 71. Cf. "Quarum navium Lundonienses quasdam Lundoniam vehunt, quasdam vero penitus confringunt."—Flor. Wigorn., i, 115.

M21 The London "frith-gild" under Athelstan, 925-940.

32 Judicia Civitatis Lundoniae, Thorpe, 97, 103.

M22 First mention of a Guildhall in London.

33 This is the earliest mention of a guildhall in London; and the ale-making which took place at the meeting of the officers of the frith-guild, accounts in all probability for Giraldus Cambrensis (Vita Galfridi, Rolls Series No. 21 iii., c. 8.) having described the Guildhall of London as "Aula publica quae a potorum conventu nomen accepit."

M23 The "frith-guild," something more than a mere friendly society.

34 "Notwithstanding the butt-filling and feasting, this appears to have been a purely religious and social guild, and, although it may have subsequently become a power in the city, so far, it is only of importance as the first evidence of combination among the inhabitants of London for anything like corporate action."—Loftie, Hist. of London, i, 68.

35 Laws of Athelstan.—Thorpe, 93.

36 Judicia Civitatis Lundoniae.—Thorpe, 100.

37 Gross, The Gild Merchant, i, 178-179.

M24 Encouragement given to London merchants.

38 Wilkins, Leges Anglo-Sax., p. 59.

39 "And if a merchant thrived so that he fared thrice over the wide sea by his own means [cnaepte, craft] then was he thenceforth of thane-right worthy." (Thorpe, 81.) The word cnaepte is similarly translated in Wilkins's Leges Anglo-Saxonicae; (ed. 1721, p. 71.) per facultates suas; but there seems no reason why it should not be taken to mean literally a craft or vessel. The passage occurs in a list of "People's Rank" which "formerly" prevailed, and is probably of Athelstan's time, even if it did not form part of the Judicia Civitatis Lundoniae.—Wilkins, op. cit. p. 70 note.

M25 Return of the Danes temp. Ethelred the Unready, 991-994.

40 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 105.

M26 The first payment of Danegelt, 991. M27 The massacre of Danes 13th Nov., 1002.

41 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, p. 114.

42 -Id. ii, p. 115.

M28 The murder of Abp. Alphage, 1012.

43 -Id. ii. pp. 117, 118. Annal. Monast., Waverley (Rolls Series No. 36), ii, p. 173.

M29 Sweyn again attacks London, A.D. 1013.

44 The towns of Leicester, Lincoln, Nottingham, Stamford, and Derby, which for many years were occupied by the Danes, were so called.

45 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, pp. 118, 119.

M30 London submits.

46 -Id. ii, p. 119. Henry of Huntingdon (Rolls Series No 74), p. 180.

M31 Election of Cnut, 1014.

47 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, p. 120.

48 -Id. ii, p. 120. Cf. "Ad haec principes se non amplius Danicum regem admissuros in Angliam unanimiter spoponderunt."—Flor. Wigorn., i, p. 169.

M32 Ethelred returns to London.

49 The Heimskringla or Chronicle of the kings of Norway, translated from the Icelandic of Snorro Sturleson, ii. pp. 8-11.

M33 Drives Cnut out of England.

50 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 120.

M34 Return of Cnut, A.D. 1015.

51 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 121.

52 -Id. ii., 122.

53 Malmesbury, Gesta Regum (Rolls Series, No. 90), i, 215.

M35 The laws of Ethelred regulating foreign trade.

54 Freeman, Norman Conquest, i, 308.

55 Thorpe, Ancient Laws and Institutes, 127, 128.

56 In course of time the natives of Denmark acquired the privilege of sojourning all the year round in London—a privilege accorded to few, if any other, foreigners. They enjoyed moreover the benefits of the 'the law of the city of London' (la lei de la citie de Loundres) in other words, the right of resorting to fair or market in any place throughout England.—Liber Cust. pt. i, p. 63.

57 Freeman, Norman Conquest, i, 418.

M36 Election of Edmund Ironside by the Londoners, 1016.

58 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 122.

M37 Cnut's attempts on London frustrated.

59 "At oppidanis magnanimiter pugnantibus repulsa."—Malmesbury, i, 216.

60 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 123.

M38 Victory of the Danes at Assandun, 1016.

61 -Id. ii, 121, 123. Henry of Huntingdon relates that Eadric caused a panic on the field of battle by crying out that Edmund had been killed. "Flet Engle, flet Engle, ded is Edmund."

M39 Agreement between Edmund and Cnut for partition of the kingdom.

62 Freeman, Norman Conquest, i, 437.

M40 Cnut king of all England, 1016-1035. M41 Election of Cnut's Successors. 1183. M42 The lithsmen of London attend gemot at Oxford.

63 Freeman, Norman Conquest, i, 538.

64 "The 'lithsmen' (ship-owners) of London, who with others raised Harold to the throne, were doubtless such 'burg-thegns.'"—Gross, The Gild Merchant, i, 186. Cf. Lingard, i, 318. Norton Commentaries, pp. 23-24.

65 Green, Conquest of England, p. 462. Loftie, Hist. of London, i, 73. "The Londoners who attended must have gone by way of the river in their 'liths.'"—Historic Towns, London (Loftie), p. 197.

66 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 129.

M43 Londoners desire for peace above all things. M44 Revival of Danegelt, A.D., 1040.

67 At the death of Harold, Harthacnut was invited to accept the crown by an embassy from England, of which the Bishop of London was a member. He accepted the offer and crossed over from the continent with a fleet of sixty ships, manned by Danish soldiers, and his first act was to demand eight marks for each rower; an imposition that was borne with difficulty. Anglo-Sax. Chron. ii, 132.

M45 London the recognised capital, temp. Edward, Confessor.

68 Anglo-Sax Chron., ii, 132.

69 Freeman, Norman Conquest, 2nd ed., ii. 5. But according to Kemble (Saxons in England, ii, 259 note), Edward's election took place at a hastily convened meeting at Gillingham.

70 "London, que caput est regni et legum. semper curia domini regis."—Laws of Edward Confessor, Thorpe, p. 197 note.

M46 Gemots held in London.

71 For a list of gemots held in London from A.D. 790, see Kemble's Saxons in England, ii, 241-261.

M47 London declares for Godwine, 1052.

72 Malmesbury, i, 242-244. Freeman, ii, 148-332.

73 Freeman, ii, 324.

74 Sed omnis civitas duci obviam et auxilio processit et praesidio acclamantque illi omnes una voce prospere in adventu suo. "Life of Edward Conf." (Rolls Series No. 3.), p. 406.

75 "Interim quosdam per internuntios, quosdam per se cives Lundonienses, quos variis pollicitationibus prius illexerat, convenit, et ut omnes fere quae volebat omnino vellent, effecit."—Flor. Wigorn., i., 209.

M48 The dedication of Westminster Abbey, A.D. 1065. M49 Death of Edward the Confessor. M50 The landing of William, and Battle of Senlac, 1066.

76 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 165-167.

77 "Aldredus autem Eboracensis archiepiscopus et iidem Comites cum civibus Lundoniensibus et butsecarlis, clitonem Eadgarum, Eadmundi Ferrei Lateris nepotem, in regem levare volueren, et cum eo se pugnam inituros promisere; sed dum ad pugnam descendere multi se paravere, comites suum auxilium ab eis retraxere, et cum suo exercitu domum redierunt."—Flor. Wigorn., i, 228.

M51 William's March to London.

78 Such is the description of William's march, as given by Malmesbury (ii, 307). Another chronicler describes his march as one of slaughter and devastation.—Flor. Wigorn., i, 228.

M52 Sets fire to Southwark in hopes of terrifying the citizens. M53 Negotiations between William and the City. M54 London submits to the Conqueror.

79 The bishop was certainly Norman, and so probably was the port-reeve.

80 Anglo-Sax. Chron. ii, 168-169.

M55 His charter to the citizens of London.

81 This charter is preserved in the Town Clerk's Office at the Guildhall. A fac-simile of it and of another charter of William, granting lands to Deorman, forms a frontispiece to this volume. The late Professor Freeman (Norman Conquest, second edition, revised 1876, iv, 29) wrote of this venerable parchment as bearing William's mark—"the cross traced by the Conqueror's own hand"—but this appears to be a mistake. The same authority, writing of the transcript of the charter made by the late Mr. Riley and printed by him in his edition of the Liber Custumarum (Rolls Series, pt. ii, p. 504), remarks that, "one or two words here look a little suspicious"; and justly so, for the transcript is far from being literally accurate.

82 -Cf. "Ego volo quod vos sitis omni lege illa digni qua fuistis Edwardi diebus Regis." These words appear in the xivth century Latin version of William's Charter, preserved at the Guildhall.

83 Liber Albus (Rolls Series i, 26).

M56 The office of port-reeve.

84 Opinions differ as to the derivation of the term port. Some, like Kemble, refer it to the Lat. portus, in the sense of an enclosed place for sale or purchase, a market. ("Portus est conclusus locus, quo importantur merces et inde exportantur. Est et statio conclusa et munita."—Thorpe, i, 158). Others, like Dr. Stubbs (Const. Hist., i, 404 n.), connect it with Lat. porta, not in its restricted signification of a gate, but as implying a market place, markets being often held at a city's gates. The Latin terms porta and portus were in fact so closely allied, that they both alike signified a market place or a gate. Thus, in the will of Edmund Harengeye, enrolled in the Court of Husting, London, we find the following: "Ac eciam lego et volo quod illa tenementa cum magno portu vocato le Brodegate ... vendantur per executores meos."—Hust. Roll, 114 (76).

85 Norton, Commentaries on the City of London, 3rd ed., pp. 258-259.

M57 The foreign element already existing in the City. M58 Its increase after the Conquest. M59 The charter makes no new grant.

86 "London and her election of Stephen," a paper read before the Archaeol. Inst. in 1866, by the late Mr. Green (p. 267).

87 Freeman, Norman Conquest, v, p. 55.

88 There appears to be no doubt that the charter preserved at the Guildhall had a seal, but not a fragment remains.

M60 William's other charter granting the sheriffwick of London.

89 "Et dicunt quod prefatus dominus conquestor ante fundacionem ecclesie predicte et confeccionem carte sue de qua superius fit mencio auctoritate parliament sui et per duas cartes suas quas dicti maior et Cives hic proferunt scilicet per unam earam dimissit tunc civibus London' totam dictam civitatem et vice-comitatum London' cum omnibus appendiciis rebus et consuetudinibus eis qualitercumque pertinentibus.... Et per alteram concessit et auctoritate supradicta confirmavit eisdem civibus et successoribus suis quod haberent predicta ac omnes alias libertates et liberas consuetudines suas illesas quas habuerunt tempore dicti Sancti Regis Edwardi progenitoris sui."—Letter Book K, fo. 120 b.

M61 The strong government of William.

90 "Tantaque pax suis regnavit temporibus, quod puella virguncula auro onusta, indempnis et intacta Angliam potuit peragrare."—Mat. Paris, Hist. Angl. (Rolls Series No. 44), i, 29.

M62 "Doomsday" Book completed. M63 Death of William the Conqueror, and accession of his son, 1087.

91 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, p. 187. Flor. Wigorn., ii, p. 19.

92 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, p. 187. Flor. Wigorn., ii, p. 19.

M64 St. Paul's destroyed by fire, 1087.

93 Stow's Survey (Thoms's ed.), p. 121.

94 Malmesbury. ii, 375.

M65 The Tower strengthened and the bridge repaired, 1097.

95 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 189.

96 -Id., ii, 202.

M66 Election of Henry I by the Witan at Winchester, 1100.

97 "Those of the council who were nigh at hand."—Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 204.

M67 Their choice confirmed by the City of London.

98 Mat. Paris, Hist. Angl. (Rolls Series No. 44) i, 176.

M68 Henry's charter to the City of London.

99 See Round's Geoffrey de Mandeville (p. 366), where the writer conjectures the date of the charter to have been between 1130 and 1135, and brings evidence in favour of it having been purchased by the payment of a large sum of money.

M69 The main features of the charter.

100 Set out under fifteen heads in the City's Liber Albus. (Rolls Series) i, 128-129.

M70 The grant of Middlesex to ferm, and choice of sheriff.

101 Stubbs, Const. Hist., i, 404, 405. Round, Geoffrey de Mandeville. p. 356.

102 The sum of 100 marks of silver recorded (Pipe Roll, 31 Hen. I) as having been paid for the shrievalty in 1130, appears to have been more of the nature of a fine than a firma.

103 "Whereas from time immemorial there have been and of right ought to be two sheriffs of this city, which said two sheriffs during all the time aforesaid have constituted and of right ought to constitute one sheriff of the county of Middlesex...."—Preamble to Act of Common Council, 7th April, 1748, re Nomination and election of Sheriffs. Journal 59, fo. 130b.

104 Round, Geoffrey de Mandeville, p. 357. Mr. Round's statements (op. cit., Appendix P), that "this one firma ... represents one corpus comitatus, namely Middlesex, inclusive of London," and that "from this conclusion there is no escape," are more capable of refutation than he is willing to allow.

M71 The citizens' right to elect their own Justiciar.

105 "It is probable that whilst the Sheriff in his character of Sheriff was competent to direct the customary business of the Court, it was in that of justitia that he transacted business under the King's writ."—Stubbs, Const. History, i, 389, note.

106 "Post hoc praedictus Justitiarius ... accessit ad Gildhalle Londoniarum, et ibi tenuit placita de die in diem ... et incontinenti ... ilia terminavit nullo juris ordine observato contra leges civitatis et etiam contra leges et consuetudines cujuslibet liberi hominis de regno Anglie. Quod vero cives semper calumpniaverunt, dicentes quod nullus debet placitare in civitate de transgressionibus ibidem factis nisi vicecomites Londoniarium."—Lib. de Ant. (Camd. Soc.), p. 40.

107 Round. Geoffrey de Mandeville. pp. 107-113, 373, and Appendix K.

M72 London and the election of Stephen, 1135

108 Mat. Paris (Hist. Angl. i, 251), ascribes the incessant turmoil of the latter part of the reign to the vengeance of the deity for this breach of faith.

109 "Id quoque sui esse juris, suique specialiter privilegii, ut si rex ipsorum quoquo moclo obiret, alius suo provisu in regno substituendus e vestigio succederet."—Gesta Stephani (Rolls Series No. 82), iii, 5-6.

110 "With the solemn independent election of a king, the great part which London was to play in England's history had definitely begun."—Green, London and her Election of Stephen.

M73 Coronation of Stephen, December, 1135. M74 A great Council held in London, April, 1136.

111 Gesta Stephani (Rolls Series No. 82). iii. 17.

112 Round, Geoffrey de Mandeville, p. 18.

M75 Arrival of the Empress Matilda in England. 1139. M76 Attempted negotiations between Stephen and Matilda, May, 1140.

113 "Eodem anno in Pentecoste resedit rex Londoniae in Turri, episcopo tantum modo Sagiensi praesente: ceteri vel fastidierunt vel timuerunt venire. Aliquanto post, mediante legato, colloquium indictum est inter imperatricem et regem. si forte Deo inspirante pax reformari posset."—Malmesbury, Hist. Nov. (Rolls Series No. 90.), ii, 564.

M77 Matilda formally acknowledged "Lady of England," 1141.

114 "Juravit et affidavit imperatrix episcopo quod omnia majora negotia in Anglia praecipueque donationes episcopatuum et abbatiarum ejus nutum spectarent, si eam ipse cum sancta ecclesia in dominam reciperet et perpetuam ei fidelitatem teneret.... Nec dubitavit episcopus imperatricem in dominam Angliae recipere, et ei cum quibusdam suis affidare, quod, quamdiu ipsa pactem non infringeret ipse quoque fidem ei custodiret."—Id., ii, 573.

M78 A synod at Winchester, 7th April, 1141.

115 "Ventilata est hesterno die causa secreto coram majori parte cleri Angliae ad cujus jus potissimum spectat principem eligere, simulque ordinare."—Id., ii, 576.

M79 The Londoners summoned to attend the synod. M80 They arrive and request the king's release, 9th April, 1141.

116 "Missos se a communione quam vocant Londoniarum."—Malmesbury, (Hist. Nov.), ii, 576. Exception may be taken to translating communio as 'commune'; but even if the municipal organization represented by the French term commune did not at this period exist in the City of London in all its fulness, the "communal idea" appears to have been there.—Stubbs, Const. Hist., i. 407.

117 "Omnes barones qui in eorum coramunionem jamdudum recepti fuerant."—Malmesbury, Ibid.

M81 Their request backed up by a letter from the Queen. M82 The Londoners after much hesitation receive the Empress into their city, June, 1141.

118 "Proficiscitur inde cum exultatione magna et gaudio, et in monasterio Sancti Albani cum processionali suscipitur honore et jubilo. Adeunt eam ibi cives multi ex Lundonia, tractatur ibi sermo multimodus de reddenda civitate."—Contin. Flor. Wigorn. (Thorpe), ii, 131.

119 "Erecta est autem in superbiam intolerabilem, quia suis incerta belli prosperavissent."—Hen. of Huntingdon (Rolls Series No. 74), p. 275.

120 "Infinitae copiae pecuniam, non simplici cum mansuetudine sed cum ore imperioso ab eis exegit."—Gesta Stephani (Rolls Series No. 82), iii, 75.

121 "Interpellata est a civibus, ut leges eis regis Edwardi observari liceret, quia optimae erant, non patris sui Henrici quia graves erant. Verum illa non bono usa consilio, prae nimia austeritate non acquievit eis, unde et motus magnus factus in urbe; et facta conjuratione adversus eam quam cum honore susceperunt. cum dedecore apprehendere statuerunt."—Contin. Flor. Wigorn. (Thorpe), ii, 132.

M83 The Empress forced to leave the city.

122 Malmesbury (Hist. Nov.), ii, 577-578. "Sed tandem a Londoniensibus expulsa est in die Sancti Johannis Baptiste proximo sequenti"—Lib. de Ant. (Camd. Soc), p. 197.

123 "Anno praedicto [i.e. 7 Stephen, A.D. 1141], statim in illa estate, obsessa est Turris Lundoniarum a Londoniensibus, quam Willielmus [sic] de Magnaville tenebat et firmaverat."—Lib. de Ant. (Camd. Soc.), p. 197. From this it would appear that the father still held the office of constable. A charter of the empress, however, which Mr. Horace Round prints in his book on Geoffrey de Mandeville (pp. 88, seq.) points to the son as being constable at the time.

M84 Geoffrey de Mandeville, Earl of Essex, and Constable of the Tower, won over by the Empress.

124 Round, Geoffrey de Mandeville, pp. 88-95.

M85 Forsakes the Empress for the Queen.

125 It is not to be supposed that the earl consented to assist the queen without meeting with some return for his services, more especially as the queen was prepared to go all lengths to obtain her husband's liberty. See Round's Geoffrey de Mandeville, p. 119.

M86 Capture of Winchester, and release of Stephen, Sept., 1141.

126 "Gaufrido de Mandevilla, qui jam iterum auxilio eorum cesserat, antea enim post captionem regis imperatrici fidelitatem juraverat, et Londoniensibus maxime annitentibus, nihilque omnino quod possent praetermittentibus quo imperatricem contristarent."—Malmesbury (Hist. Nov.), ii, 580.

127 "Magnae ex Lundoniis copiae."—Newburgh, Hist. Rerum. Angl. (Rolls Series No. 82.), i, 42. "Cumque invicta Londoniensium caterva."—Gesta Stephani (Rolls Series No. 82), iii, 80. The Londoners sacked Winchester mercilessly. "Londonienses, cum maxima militum regalium parte, modis horrendis Wintoniensem civitatem expilavere."—Gesta Stephani, iii, 84.

M87 His second charter to Mandeville.

128 The precedent thus set by Stephen, of submitting to the ceremony of a second coronation after a period of captivity, was afterwards followed by Richard I, on his return from captivity abroad.

129 This is the date assigned to the charter by Mr. Horace Round, (Geoffrey de Mandeville, pp. 138-144). Cf. Appendix to 31st Report of Deputy Keeper of the Public Records, p. 3.

M88 London holds the balance between the rival powers.

130 The date assigned by Mr. Round to this charter is between Christmas, 1141, and the end of June, 1142.

131 "Et convenciono eidem Gaufredo Comiti Essex quod dominus meus Comes Andegavie vel ego vel filii nostri nullam pacem aut concordiam cum Burgensibus Lund[oniae] faciemus, nisi concessu et assensu prae-dicti Comitis Gaufredi quia inimici eius sunt mortales."—Round's Geoffrey de Mandeville, p. 168.

132 Newburgh, Hist. Rerum Angl. (Rolls Series No. 82), i. 48. Henry of Huntingdon (Rolls Series No. 74), p. 278.

M89 Arrest of the earl, his freebooting life and death, September, 1143. M90 Arrival of Henry of Anjou in England, 1153 M91 Peace concluded between Stephen and Henry at Winchester, November, 1153. M92 Henry conducted to London.

133 Sometimes called the Treaty of Wallingford.

134 The general joy is depicted in glowing colours by Henry of Huntingdon, (p. 289.) Cf. Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii., 235.

M93 Fitz-Stephen's description of London.

135 Fitz-Stephen's Stephanides, Stow's Survey (Thoms's ed.), p. 208.

M94 Thomas of London.

136 Freeman, Norman Conquest, v., 325.

137 A cartulary of the Mercers' Company contains a copy of a grant from Thomas Fitz-Theobald to the hospital of St. Thomas of Acon of "all that land, with the appurtenances, which was formerly of Gilbert Becket, father of the Blessed Thomas the Martyr, Archbishop of Canterbury, where the said Blessed Thomas the Martyr was born (duxit originem), to build a church (basilicam) in honour of Almighty God and the Blessed Virgin Mary, and of the same most glorious martyr."—Watney, Account of the Hospital of St. Thomas of Acon (privately printed 1892), pp. 9, 237.

138 Liber Albus (Rolls Series), i, pp. 26, 27.

M95 Charter of Henry II to the City of London.

139 This charter (with fragment of seal) is preserved at the Guildhall. It bears no date, but appears to have been granted between 1154 and 1161.

M96 The Inquest of sheriffs, 1170.

140 Contin. Flor. Wigorn., ii, 138.

M97 The revolt of the barons, 1174. M98 Disturbances in the city, 1174-1177.

141 "De filiis et parentibus nobilium civitatis" and again "filii et nepotes quorundam nobilium civium Londoniarum."—Benedict of Peterborough (Rolls Series No. 49), ii, 155.

142 By a strange anomaly, a man who underwent ordeal by water was only adjudged innocent if he sank to the bottom and was drowned. Hence the old man's caution!

M99 The last days of Henry II. 1177-1189. M100 Accession of Richard I, and administration of Longchamp, 1189-1190.

143 Roger de Hoveden (Rolls Series No. 51), iii, 28. According to Richard of Devizes (Rolls Series No. 82, iii, 387), Longchamp obtained the chancellorship by bribery.

144 Benedict (Rolls Series No. 49). ii, 106.

145 -Id. ii, 143.

M101 Longchamp opposed by Prince John, 1191. M102 Arrival of Longchamp in London; the citizens divided, 7th October, 1191.

146 -Id. ii, 158.

147 Preface to Roger de Hoveden, iii, p. lxxvii. Girald. Cambr. Vita Galfridi (Rolls Series No. 21). iv, 397.

148 Richard of Devizes, iii, 414. Benedict, ii, 213.

M103 John admitted into the city.

149 Ralph de Diceto (Rolls Series No. 68), ii, 99. Girald. Cambr. (Vita Galfridi). iv, 397-398. Roger de Hoveden, iii. 140.

M104 A meeting of barons and citizens in St. Paul's, 8 Oct., 1191. M105 Longchamp deposed and John recognised as head of the kingdom.

150 Richard of Devizes. (Rolls Series No. 82), iii. 415. Benedict, 213. Girald. Cambr. (Vita Galfridi), iv, 405.

M106 John grants or confirms to the citizens their commune.

151 "Johannes comes frater regis et archiepiscopus Rothomagensis, et omnes episcopi, comites et barones regni qui aderant, concesserunt civibus Lundoniarum communam suam, et juraverunt quod ipsi eam et dignitates civitatis Lundoniarum custodirent illibatas, quandiu regi placuerit. Et cives Lundoniarum et epispcopi et comites et barones juraverunt fidelitates regi Ricardo, et Johanni comiti de Meretone fratri ejus salva fidelitate, et quod illum in dominum suum et regem reciperent, si rex sine prole decesserit."—Benedict of Peterborough (Rolls Series No. 49), ii, 214. Cf. Roger de Hovedene (Rolls Series No. 51), iii, 141; Walter de Coventry (Rolls Series No. 58), ii, 5-6.

M107 Change of name from port-reeve to mayor.

152 -Supra p. 49.

153 "In crastino vero convocatis in unum civibus, communione, vel ut Latine minus vulgariter magis loquamur, communa seu communia eis concessa et communiter jurata."—Vita Galfridi, iv, 405.

154 Const. Hist., i, 407.

155 Referring to the year 1191, he writes, "we have the date of the foundation of the commune."—Id., i, 629.

156 "Concessa est ipsa die et instituta communia Londoniensium, in quam universi regni magnates et ipsi etiam ipsius provinciae episcopi jurare coguntur. Nunc primum in indulta sibi conjuratione regno regem deesse cognovit Londonia quam nec rex ipse Ricardus, nec praedecessor et pater ejus Henricus, pro mille millibus marcarum argenti fieri permisisset. Quanta quippe mala ex conjuratione proveniant ex ipsa poterit diffinitione perpendi, quae talis est—communia tumor plebis, timor regni, tepor sacerdotii."—Chron. Stephen, Hen. II, Ric. I (Rolls Series No. 82), iii, 416.

M108 Change of name from port-reeve to mayor.

157 "It is impossible to avoid a suspicion," writes Bishop Stubbs, "that the disappearance of the port-reeve and other changes in the municipal government, signify a civic revolution, the history of which is lost."—Const. Hist., i, 406n.

M109 When did the change take place?

158 Merewether and Stephens, Hist. of Boroughs (1835), i, 384. No authority, however, is given for this statement.

159 The entire MS. was published in Latin by the Camden Society in 1846; and a translation of the original portion of the work was afterwards made by the late Mr. H. T. Riley, under the title "Chronicles of the Mayors and Sheriffs of London, A.D. 1188 to A.D. 1274."