(M698)

There was yet another class of inhabitant to be provided for, namely, those who either could not or would not work. On behalf of these a deputation(1358) was appointed by the City to present a petition to the king that he would be pleased to grant the disused palace of Bridewell to the municipality for the purpose of turning it into a workhouse. The deputation was introduced by Ridley, who himself wrote in May of this year (1552) to secretary Cecil on the same subject.(1359) The efforts of the bishop and the deputation were rewarded with success. In the following spring (1553) the king not only consented to convey the palace to the municipal body, but further gave 700 marks and all the beds and bedding of his palace of the Savoy for the maintenance of the workhouse.(1360) The City having thus become possessed of the several hospitals of St. Bartholomew, St. Thomas, Christ's and Bridewell, the king, a few days before his death, granted the mayor, aldermen and commonalty a charter of incorporation as governors of these Royal Hospitals in the city.(1361)



CHAPTER XVI.



(M699)

The death of Edward VI took place on the 6th July, 1553, although it was not generally known until two days afterwards. By his father's will the Princess Mary became heiress to the throne. Northumberland was aware of this. He was equally aware that if Mary succeeded to her brother's crown matters might go hard with him. He therefore persuaded Edward to follow the precedent set by his father and re-settle the succession to the crown by will. He succeeded moreover in getting the late king to name as his successor the Lady Jane Grey, grand-daughter of Mary Duchess of Suffolk, the younger sister of Henry VIII, and he took the further precaution of marrying her to his own son, Lord Guildford Dudley. It was in vain that the judges and law officers of the Crown pointed out that the Act of Parliament which authorised Henry to dispose of the crown by will, in the case of his children dying without heirs, did not apply to Edward. Councillors and judges, and even Cranmer himself, were forced to signify their assent by subscribing to the will, which was dated (21 June) a fortnight only before Edward's death.

Northumberland well knew the advantage to be got by securing the co-operation of the city in prosecuting his scheme, so he persuaded the mayor (Sir George Barnes), a number of aldermen (including Sir John Gresham, Sir Andrew Judd, Thomas Offley and Sir Richard Dobbs), and several of the leading merchants of the city to append their signatures to the will.(1362) The king had been already dead two days before Northumberland sent for them to Greenwich and acquainted them of the fact, exhorting them at the same time to sign the document.(1363)

(M700)

On the 10th July the Lady Jane was brought from Richmond and lodged in the Tower, and that same evening was proclaimed queen at the Cross in Chepe. The mayor took no part in the ceremony, and only one of the sheriffs (William Gerard or Garrard) attended the heralds. If Northumberland thought that the citizens would favour Lady Jane merely because she was a Protestant he was mistaken. The proclamation was received with undisguised coldness, and "few or none said God save her."(1364) Nor was it better received by the country at large. The eastern counties rose and in a few days Mary was at the head of 30,000 men. No time was to be lost, and Northumberland at once set out from London to meet her. As he passed through the city he noticed that none wished him "God speed."

(M701)

No sooner was his back turned than the lords of the council, seeing how matters were going, and eager to throw off the yoke which the duke had placed on their necks, determined upon proclaiming Mary queen. It was necessary, however, that the City should first be informed of their intention, and that, too, without creating too much attention. One of their number therefore took the opportunity of the mayor riding abroad on Wednesday, the 19th July, to accost him privately and bid him and the sheriffs, and such of the aldermen as he could get together at short notice, to meet the lords of the council within an hour at the Earl of Pembroke's place at Castle Baynard. The mayor hurried back, sent for the Recorder and some of the aldermen, and with them proceeded to the place appointed, where they found the council assembled. They were informed of the intention of the lords, and the mayor was bidden to accompany them to Cheapside for the purpose of proclaiming Queen Mary. Their object soon got wind; a crowd followed them to Cheapside, and when the proclamation was made there was such a throwing up of caps and such cries of "God save Queen Mary" that nothing else could be heard. The civic authorities, as well as the lords of the council, thereupon proceeded to St. Paul's to hear a Te Deum; after which the lords withdrew from the city, leaving orders, however, for Queen Mary to be proclaimed in other parts of the city according to custom. The next day (20 July) they returned and dined with the mayor, sitting in council, after dinner, until four o'clock in the afternoon, whilst the church bells rang all day long.(1365)

(M702)

As soon as Northumberland heard of the turn affairs had taken, he caused Mary to be proclaimed at Cambridge, where he happened to be quartered, "castinge up his capp after as if he had bene joyfull of it." His simulated enthusiasm, however, availed him nothing, and orders were issued for his arrest. Special precautions were taken to avoid disturbance on the day (25 July) that he passed through the city on his way to the Tower, every householder in the several wards through which he and his fellow prisoners were to pass being instructed to hold himself in readiness within doors with a clean halberd, and a bill or "pollox" for such service as the alderman might appoint.(1366) No disturbance took place, the populace contenting itself with cursing the duke and calling him traitor, and making him take off his hat as he passed through Bishopsgate and continue his journey bareheaded.(1367)

(M703)

On the evening of the 3rd August Queen Mary made her first entry into the city, accompanied by her sister Elizabeth. She had come from Newhall, in Essex, where a few days before she had been presented with the sum of L500 in gold by a deputation of the Court of Aldermen accompanied by the Recorder.(1368) On the 2nd August it was decided that the lord mayor and his brethren should ride out the next afternoon to meet her majesty at the Bars without Aldgate, and taking their places appointed by the herald-of-arms, should accompany the royal procession.(1369) The reception which the new queen met with in the city must have been gratifying. The mayor, on approaching her, handed to her the civic sword, which was given to the Earl of Arundel to carry before her. The mayor himself bore the mace. By express permission of the Court of Aldermen a number of Florentine and other merchant strangers were allowed to attend on horseback, and to erect a pageant at Leadenhall.(1370) The whole length of the streets through which the queen had to pass on her way to the Tower had been lavishly decorated, and was lined with members of the various civic companies in their livery gowns. Nothing was omitted that could please the eye or ear.(1371)

A touching scene took place as Mary was about to enter the Tower. The widow of the Duke of Somerset, to whose policy as protector Mary had offered a steady opposition, met the queen at the Tower gate, and in company with the Duke of Norfolk, Stephen Gardiner and others, who had been confined in the Tower in the late reign, knelt down and saluted her. Mary, in a charitable mood, kissed each of them, claimed them as her own prisoners, and shortly afterwards granted them their liberty.(1372)

(M704)

A week later (10 Aug.) the remains of the late king were carried from Whitehall to Westminster and laid in Henry the Seventh's Chapel, the service being conducted wholly in English, the communion taking the place of the mass, and the priests being vested in a surplice only, in accordance with the provisions of the Book of Common Prayer. For a short time after Mary's accession it was thought that she would be content if the Church were restored to the position it was in at the time when Henry VIII died. It was not long before the new queen shewed this opinion to be erroneous. The Prayer Book of King Edward VI was set aside, the high altars that had been removed were restored, and mass was restored. Ridley was sent to the Tower and Bonner brought out from the Marshalsea and reinstated in the bishophric of London. Gardiner, who had been deprived of his see of Winchester and kept prisoner in the Tower, not only recovered his freedom and his see, but was made the queen's chancellor. On the other hand, Cranmer and "Mr. Latimer" were sent to the Tower.

(M705)

The change that was being wrought caused some little disturbance in the city. When Doctor Bourne, who had been put up by the queen to preach at Paul's Cross one Sunday in August, began to pray for the dead, and to refer to Bonner's late imprisonment, one of his hearers threw a knife at him whilst others called the preacher a liar. The queen was so angry at this that she sent for the mayor and aldermen and told them plainly that she would deprive the city of its liberties if they could not better preserve peace and good order within its walls.(1373)

A few days later she issued a proclamation in which, whilst making no secret of her wish that everyone would conform to the religion "which all men knew she had of long tyme observed, and ment, God willing, to contynue the same," she deprecated men calling each other heretic or papist, but willed that everyone should follow the religion he thought best until further orders were taken.(1374) The mayor in the meantime had also issued his precept against any sermon or lecture being read other than the Divine Service appointed until the queen's further pleasure should be made known.(1375)

Lest any disturbance should arise on the following Sunday (20 Aug.), when Bishop Gardiner's chaplain was to preach at Paul's Cross, the queen sent the captain of the guard with 200 men, who surrounded the pulpit, halberd in hand. The mayor, too, had ordered the livery companies to be present "to herken yf any leude or sedicious persons made any rumors"—a precaution which much pleased the queen.(1376)

(M706)

When Michaelmas-day (the day on which the election of the new mayor for the ensuing year was to take place) came round, the choice of the citizens fell upon Sir Thomas White.(1377) In accordance with the new order of things, the election was preceded by the celebration of mass in the Guildhall Chapel as of old.

(M707)

The day after the election of the new mayor the queen passed through the city from the Tower to Whitehall for her coronation. The streets presented their usual gay appearance on this occasion, and the queen was made the recipient of the "accustomed" gift of 1,000 marks on behalf of the city.(1378) On the day of the coronation (1 Oct.) the daily service at St. Paul's had to be suspended because all the priests not under censure for Protestantism or for having married were summoned to assist at Westminster.(1379)

(M708)

When Mary appeared before her first parliament(1380) she found her subjects in many points opposed to her. They were willing to restore the worship and practice of the Church as they existed before the death of Henry VIII, but they showed a determination neither to submit to Rome nor to restore to the Church the property of which it had been deprived. They knew, moreover, of her anxious wish to marry Philip, son of the emperor Charles V, and yet did not hesitate to present to her a petition against a foreign marriage. It was a bold step for parliament to take in those days, and showed that it was determined to win back its ancient rights and no longer to be the tool of the crown. Mary was not one likely to yield in a matter on which she had once set her heart. Rather than take its advice she dissolved parliament. The result was an insurrection.

(M709)

In the meanwhile the aged Cranmer and the youthful Lady Jane Grey—she "that wolde a been qwene"—her husband and two of her husband's brothers had been brought to trial at the Guildhall (13 Nov). The axe was borne before them on their way from the Tower, as if in anticipation of the verdict. The Lady Jane is described as clad in a black gown, with velvet cap and black hood, having a black velvet book hanging at her girdle, whilst she carried another in her hand.(1381) Each of the accused pleaded guilty, and sentence of death was passed; its execution was, however, delayed owing to the outbreak known as Wyatt's Rebellion.

(M710)

The ostensible cause of the rebellion was the queen's determination at all hazards to marry Philip, whose ambassadors arrived at the opening of the new year (1554). The civic authorities had been warned to treat them handsomely, a warning which was scarcely necessary, for the citizens have never allowed political differences to interfere with their hospitality; and accordingly one of the ambassadors was lodged at Durham Place, near Charing Cross, another at the Duke of Suffolk's house hard by, whilst a third shared apartments with the chancellor "Nigro" (Philip Negri) in Sir Richard Sackville's house at the conduit in Fleet Street. To each and all of the guests the City sent presents of wax, torches, flour and every kind of meat, game and poultry.(1382) Formal announcement of the intended match was made by the chancellor on the 14th January, but it was received with every sign of discontent and misgiving, "yea and therat allmost eche man was abashed, loking daylie for worse mattiers to growe shortly after."(1383) The following day (15 Jan.)—the day on which the rebellion under Wyatt broke out in Kent, to be followed by risings in Devonshire and Norfolk—the mayor and aldermen were summoned to court and ordered to bring with them forty of the chief commoners of the city, when the lord chancellor informed them of the queen's intention, and exhorted them as obedient subjects to accept her grace's pleasure and to remain content and quiet. He warned them, at the same time, to see that the queen's wishes respecting religious services in the city were strictly carried out, on pain of incurring her high indignation.(1384)

(M711)

Steps were taken for putting the city into a proper state of defence. The civic companies were ordered to set watches as on similar critical occasions, and no gunpowder, weapons or other munitions of war were allowed to be sent out of the city. Chains were set up at the bridge-foot and at the corner of New Fish Street. The borough of Southwark was called upon to provide eighty tall and able men, well harnessed and weaponed, for the safeguard of the queen's person and of the city,(1385) whilst the livery companies at a few hours' notice furnished a force of 500 men to be speedily despatched by water to Gravesend.(1386)

(M712)

Whatever faults Queen Mary had, she was by no means deficient in courage. On the same day (1 Feb.) that Wyatt appeared with his forces at Southwark, she came to the Guildhall(1387) and there addressed a spirited harangue to the assembled citizens.(1388) She plainly told them that her proposed marriage was but a Spanish cloak to cover the real purpose of the rebellion, which was aimed against her religion. She was their queen, and they had sworn allegiance to her; they surely would not allow her to fall into the hands of so vile a traitor as Wyatt was. As for her marriage, it had been arranged with the full knowledge of the lords of the council, as one of expediency for the realm. Passion had no part in the matter. She had hitherto, she thanked God, lived a virgin, and doubted not she could, if necessary, live so still. At the close of her speech, which, we are told, was delivered in a loud voice so that all might hear, she bade the citizens to pluck up heart and not to fear the rebels any more than she did. She then quitted the hall and went up into the aldermen's council chamber and there refreshed herself, after which she rode through Bucklersbury to the Vintry, where she took barge to Westminster.

In the meantime the Spanish ambassadors had taken fright at Wyatt's approach and had "sped themselves awaie by water, and that with all hast."(1389) Many inhabitants of the city had also deserted their fellow burgesses at this critical time, and their names were submitted to the Court of Aldermen for subsequent enquiry.(1390) They were, according to Foxe, afraid of being entrapped by the queen and perhaps put to death.

(M713)

In response to the queen's speech the citizens at once set to work to raise a force of 1,000 men for the defence of the city, the mayor and aldermen each in his own ward taking a muster. So busy was everyone on Candlemas-day (2 Feb.) that the civic authorities omitted to attend the afternoon service at St. Paul's, and the mayor's serving-men waited upon him at dinner ready harnessed.(1391) Even the lawyers at Westminster "pleaded in harness."(1392)

(M714) (M715)

The defensive precautions taken by the mayor and aldermen were sufficient to prevent Wyatt making good his entry into the city by Southwark and London Bridge. Foiled in this direction he sought to approach the city from another side, but had to march as far as Kingston before he could cross the Thames. Many of his followers in the meantime deserted him.(1393) Nevertheless he continued to make his way, with but little opposition, to Ludgate, which, contrary to his expectation, he found shut in his face. He had been recognised by a tailor of Watling Street, who seeing the force approaching cried, "I know that theys be Wyettes ancienttes," and forthwith closed the gate.(1394) That Wyatt had supporters in the city may be gathered from the half-hearted opposition that he met with in Southwark, as well as from the fact that many of the soldiers raised in the city and neighbourhood deserted to Wyatt at the outset of the rebellion.(1395) Wyatt himself exhibited no little disappointment at finding Ludgate closed against him instead of the aid which he evidently had expected. "I have kept touch" said he, as he turned his back on the city.(1396) He had scarcely reached Temple Bar before he was overcome by a superior force and yielded himself a prisoner. After a short stay at Whitehall he was removed to the Tower.

(M716)

The failure of the revolt was fatal to Lady Jane Grey, and she was beheaded within the Tower (12 Feb.) almost at the same time that her husband was being executed outside on Tower Hill. By the strange irony of fortune, it fell to the lot of Thomas Offley to perform the duties of sheriff at Dudley's execution, although he had himself been one of the supporters of the Lady Jane in her claim to the crown. For the next few days the city presented a sad spectacle; whichever way one turned there was to be seen a gibbet with its wretched burden, whilst the city's gates bristled with human heads.(1397) Wyatt himself was one of the last to suffer, being brought to the block on Tower Hill on the 11th April. His head and a portion of his body, after being exposed on gallows, were taken away by his friends for decent burial.(1398)

(M717)

On the 17th February proclamation was made for all strangers to leave the realm, on the ground that they sowed the seeds of their "malycyouse doctryne and lewde conversacioun" among the queen's good subjects;(1399) and this had been followed in the city by precepts to each alderman to call before him all the householders of his ward, both rich and poor, on Wednesday the 7th March, at six o'clock in the morning, and strictly charge them that they, their wives, their children and servants behave themselves in all things and more especially in matters of religion, following the example of the queen herself. All offenders were to be reported forthwith.(1400)

(M718)

A report having got abroad in the city that the lords of the council had endeavoured to extract a confession from Wyatt implicating the Princess Elizabeth in the late rebellion, the mayor was ordered by Bishop Gardiner to bring up the originator of the rumour before the Star Chamber. When Sir Thomas White appeared with the culprit, one Richard Cut by name, a servant to a grocer in the city, he was soundly rated by Gardiner for not having himself punished the offender, and when he replied that the party was there present for the Star Chamber to deal with according to its pleasure, was again rebuked:—"My lord, take heed to your charge, the Citie of London is a whirlepoole and a sinke of evill rumors, there they be bred, and from thence spred into all parts of the realme."(1401) Cut paid the penalty for his love of gossip by being made to stand two days in the pillory and by the loss of his ears.(1402)

(M719)

The suppression of the revolt left Mary at liberty to carry out her matrimonial design. But before accomplishing this she was determined to place such a garrison in or near London as should prevent similar outbreaks in future. For this purpose she applied to the citizens for a sum of 6,000 marks. Thus called upon to supply a rod for their own backs, the citizens demurred. They at first proposed to offer the sum of 1,000 marks, or at the most L1,000; they afterwards agreed to contribute double the first mentioned sum,(1403) and this was accepted. The money was raised by contributions from the different livery companies, the Merchant Taylors, the Mercers, the Grocers, the Drapers, the Fishmongers, the Goldsmiths, and the Haberdashers being called upon to subscribe the sum of L100 respectively, whilst the rest of the companies paid sums varying from L80 to forty shillings.(1404) No sooner had the citizens satisfied the queen in this respect than they were called upon to send 200 soldiers to Gillingham, in Kent, there to be embarked for foreign service under the Lord Admiral. The City again demurred, and asked to be excused the necessity of forwarding the men beyond Billingsgate or the Tower Wharf and also of providing them with accoutrements. It was to no purpose, both men and accoutrements had to be found.(1405) On the 10th April the chamberlain received orders to see that the city's artillery was in readiness and to increase the store of gunpowder.(1406) Wyatt was to be executed the next day, and these orders were probably given in anticipation of a disturbance.

(M720)

That Wyatt still had friends in the city is shown by the bold attitude taken up by the jury in the trial (17 April) of one of his accomplices, Nicholas Throckmorton, against whom they brought in a verdict of not guilty.(1407) For this they were bound over to appear before the Star Chamber. Four of the twelve made submission; the rest, among whom were Thomas Whetstone, a haberdasher, and Emanuel Lucar, a merchant tailor, were committed some to the Tower and the rest to the Fleet, where they remained for six months. In the meantime the Court of Aldermen wrote (19 July) to the council in their favour, but with little success.(1408) A month later (19 August) a deputation waited on the Court of Aldermen for advice as to what future steps had best be taken for obtaining the release of their brethren in the Fleet, when they were told that the wives of the prisoners or the prisoners' friends should first make suit to the council for their release, after which the court would see what they could do.(1409) At length the prisoners were summoned once more (26 Oct.) before the Star Chamber, when they one and all declared that they had only acted in accordance with their conscience, whilst Lucar, more outspoken than the rest, asserted that "they had done in the matter like honest men and true and faithful subjects." Such plain speaking ill suited the judges, who thereupon condemned the offenders to a fine of 1,000 marks apiece and imprisonment until further order. Eventually five out of the eight were discharged (12 December) on payment of a fine of L220, and ten days later the rest regained their liberty on payment of L60 apiece.(1410)

(M721)

A parliament which met in April (1554)(1411) gave its consent to Mary's marriage with Philip, but refused to re-enact the old statutes for the persecution of heretics. On the 19th July Philip landed at Southampton, and on the 21st Mary herself notified the event to the citizens of London,(1412) who for some time past had been making preparations for giving both queen and king a fitting reception, and who immediately on receipt of the news of Philip's landing caused bonfires to be lighted in the streets.(1413)

(M722)

Mary rode down to Winchester to meet Philip,(1414) and on the 25th became his wife. It was not until the 17th August that the royal pair approached the city. On that day they came by water from Richmond to Southwark, the king in one barge, the queen in another. After taking refreshment at the Bishop of Winchester's palace, and killing a buck or two in the bishop's park, they retired to rest.(1415) Special orders were given to the aldermen to keep a good and substantial double watch in the city from nine o'clock in the evening (17 Aug.) until five o'clock the next morning, such watch to continue until further notice.(1416) The authorities differ widely as to the precise day on which the royal party passed through the city. The city's own records point to the afternoon of Sunday the 19th August as the day. On the morning of that day the Court of Aldermen sat, and a letter from the queen commending them for their forwardness in "making shewes of honour and gladnes" for the occasion was read to the wardens of all the companies for them to communicate to the members. The wardens were further enjoined to give strict orders to the members of their several companies to honestly use and entreat the Spaniards in all things, both at their coming in with the king and queen and ever afterwards. The same morning a speech which the Recorder had prepared for the occasion in English was handed over to the master of St. Paul's School to be turned into Latin. None too much time was allowed the worthy pedagogue for the purpose, for he was to give it back that same afternoon so that the Recorder might "make and pronounce yt to the kinges majesty at his comynge in."(1417)

A curious incident is related in connection with the royal procession through the city. The conduit in Gracious Church Street, which had been newly painted and gilded, bore representations of the "nine worthies," and among them Henry the Eighth and Edward the Sixth. Instead of carrying a sword or mace like the rest, Henry had been portrayed with a sceptre in one hand and a book bearing the inscription Verbum Dei in the other. This catching the eye of Bishop Gardiner as he passed in the royal train, he was very wroth and sent for the painter, asked him by whose orders he had so depicted the king, called him "traitor" and threatened him with the Fleet prison. The poor painter, who for the first time had been made to realise the change that was taking place, pleaded that what he had done had been done in all innocence, and hastened to rectify his mistake by removing the bible from the picture and substituting in its place a pair of gloves.(1418)

(M723)

In November (1554) a new parliament(1419) was called, which proved more ready than the last to comply with the queen's wishes. It re-enacted the statutes for burning heretics and agreed to a reconciliation of the Church of England with the See of Rome, but it refused to sanction the surrender of Church lands. Bonner had already taken steps to purge his diocese of heresy by issuing a series of articles (14 Sept.) to which every inhabitant, clerical and lay, was expected to conform.(1420) That there was room for improvement in matters touching religion and public decorum there is no doubt, otherwise there would have been no need of proclamations such as those against the arrest of persons whilst conducting service in church,(1421) against wrangling over passages of scripture in common taverns and victualling houses,(1422) or against carrying of baskets of provisions and leading mules, horses or other beasts through St. Paul's.(1423)

The mayor and aldermen endeavoured to set a good example by constant attendance at the services and by joining in processions at St. Paul's as in former days.(1424) The law forbidding the eating of meat in Lent, except by special licence, was vigorously enforced.(1425) Ale-houses and taverns were closed on Sundays and holy days, and interludes were forbidden.(1426)

(M724)

Nevertheless the attempt to restore the old worship within the city was often met with scornful mockery, sometimes attended with violence. A dead cat, for instance, was one day found hanging in Cheapside, its head shorn in imitation of a priest's tonsure, and its body clothed in a mock ecclesiastical vestment, with cross before and behind, whilst a piece of white paper to represent a singing-cake was placed between its forefeet, which had been tied together. Bonner was very angry at this travesty of religion, and caused the effigy to be publicly displayed at Paul's Cross during sermon time. A reward of twenty marks was offered for the discovery of this atrocious act, but with what success we do not know.(1427)

On another occasion, when the Holy Sacrament was being carried in solemn procession through Smithfield on Corpus Christi-day (24 May), an attempt was made to knock the holy elements out of the hands of the priest. The offender was taken to Newgate, where he feigned to be mad.(1428) Again, on the following Easter-day a priest was fiercely attacked by a man with a wood-knife whilst administering the sacrament in the church of St. Margaret, Westminster. The culprit was seized, and after trial and conviction paid the penalty of his crime by being burned at the stake.(1429) A pudding was once offered to a priest whilst walking in a religious procession,(1430) the offender being afterwards whipt at the "Post of Reformation," which had been set up in Cheapside in 1553.(1431) But all this defiance shown to Mary's attempt to restore the old worship only led her to exercise more drastic methods for accomplishing her purpose.

(M725)

By the opening of 1555 her own strong personal will had overcome the conciliatory policy of her husband, who was content to restrain his fanaticism within the limits of expediency, and the Marian persecution commenced. On the 25th January a proclamation was issued in the name of the king and queen, and bearing the signature of William Blackwell, the town clerk of the city, enjoining the lighting of bonfires that afternoon in various places in token of great joy and gladness for the abolition of sundry great sins, errors and heresies which lately had arisen within the realm of England, and for the quiet renovation and restitution of the true Catholic faith of Christ and his holy religion.(1432) This proclamation was but a prelude to other fires lighted for a very different purpose, which the mind even at this day cannot contemplate without a shudder. The first victim of the flames for conscience sake was John Rogers, once vicar of St. Sepulchre's church and prebendary of St. Paul's. He was burnt in Smithfield "for gret herysy" in February of this year, in which month Hooper, who had been deprived of his bishopric of Gloucester, suffered the same fate in his own cathedral city.(1433) In the following May another city vicar, John Cardmaker, otherwise known as John Taylor of St. Bride's, who had been a reader at St. Paul's and had publicly lectured against the real presence, was burnt in Smithfield with John Warne, an "upholder" of Walbrook.(1434)

Few weeks passed without the fire claiming some human victim either in London or the provinces. On the 9th February Thomas Tomkins, a godly and charitable weaver of Shoreditch, and William Hunter, a young London apprentice, were with four others condemned to the stake. The two named met their fate in Smithfield, one on the 16th March and the other on the 26th. The rest were removed into Essex and there consigned to the flames, three of them in March and one in the following June.(1435)

In October Bishops Latimer and Ridley were burnt at Oxford. "Be of good comfort, Master Ridley, and play the man"—cried Latimer encouragingly to his fellow sufferer—"we shall this day light such a candle, by God's grace, in England as I trust shall never be put out." In March of the following year (1556) Cranmer, after some display of weakness, suffered the same fate, on the same spot, and with no less fortitude. And thus for two years more the fires were kept alive in London and in the country; the Lollard's tower at St. Paul's serving as a prison for heretics,(1436) and proving more often than not but a step to Smithfield.

(M726)

Throughout Mary's reign the strife between the citizens and merchant strangers was renewed. She had herself added to the evil by her marriage with Philip, causing the city to be flooded with Spaniards, who took up their abode in the halls of the civic companies.(1437) A rumour got abroad early in September, 1554, that 12,000 Spaniards were coming over "to fethe the crown,"(1438) and this accounts for precepts being sent to the several aldermen of the city on the 27th September enjoining them to make a return of the number of foreigners that had come to reside in their ward during the past nine or ten days, and whence they came.(1439) The favour shown by the Crown to the merchants of the Steelyard was especially annoying to the freemen of the city.(1440) It was to little purpose that the mayor and aldermen issued orders from time to time against giving work to foreigners and prohibiting all such from opening shops within the city.(1441) The struggle between citizen and stranger still went on. In 1557 the corporation made an effort to induce the king and queen to revoke the favours shown to the merchants of the Steelyard in prejudice of the liberties of the city,(1442) and eventually the privileges were revoked on the ground that the merchants of the Hanse had not kept faith with the Crown.(1443) In the same year the exclusiveness entertained by the citizens towards foreigners made itself felt more particularly against that class of foreigner which kept open school in the city for teaching writing. Certain scriveners, freemen of the city, made a complaint before the Court of Aldermen against foreigners keeping writing-school within the city and its liberties.(1444) The chamberlain's conduct of shutting in the shop windows of foreigners teaching children to write was approved by the mayor and aldermen,(1445) whilst freemen were allowed to keep open school provided they entered into a bond not to engross deeds.(1446) Occasionally foreigners were successful in obtaining licences from the civic authorities for teaching writing, but it was only on condition they kept their lower windows closed.(1447)

(M727) (M728) (M729)

In the meantime the disposition of the queen towards heretics became more relentless in proportion as her temper became more soured from ill-health, by disappointment in not having off-spring, and by the increasing neglect of her by her husband. Tired of her importunate love and jealousy, Philip took the first opportunity of quitting her side and crossed over to the continent (4 Sept., 1555) on a visit to the Emperor Charles. The abdication of the latter towards the close of 1556 made Philip master of the richest and most extensive dominions in Europe, and his greatest wish at the time was to engage England in the war which was kindled between Spain and France. In this he received the support of Mary, who had in August (1556) succeeded in obtaining a loan from the city of L6,000.(1448) The seizure of the castle of Scarborough by Thomas Stafford,(1449) second son of Lord Stafford, in which he was reported to have received encouragement from the King of France, was made a casus belli, and Henry was proclaimed an open enemy (7 June, 1557).(1450) French subjects were allowed forty days to quit the country, and letters of marque were issued by proclamation on the 9th June.(1451) On the 5th July Philip once more left England for Flanders,(1452) having succeeded in the object for which he had come, viz., the declaration of war against France.

(M730)

The citizens of London at once began to take stock of their munitions of war. On the 22nd June the Chamberlain was instructed to prepare with all convenient speed four dozen good splentes and as many good sallettes or sculles for the city's use, and to cause a bowyer to "peruse" the city's bows and to put them in such good order that they might be serviceable when required.(1453) In the following month a large force crossed over to France under the leadership of Lords Pembroke, Montagu and Clinton. To this force the City of London contributed a contingent of 500 men, the best (according to Machyn(1454)) that had ever been sent. They mustered at the Leadenhall on the 16th July in the presence of Sir Thomas Offley,(1455) the mayor, the sheriffs and Sir Richard Lee, and were conveyed thence by water to Gravesend and Rochester under the charge of ten officers, whose names are duly recorded.(1456)

(M731)

On the last day of July the queen informed the civic authorities by letter of the departure of her "deerest lord and husband" to pursue the enemy in France, and desired them to get in readiness 1,000 men, a portion of whom were to be horsemen, well horsed and armed, and the rest to be archers, pikes and billmen. The force was to be ready by the 16th August at the latest, after which date it was to be prepared to set out at a day's notice. The letter contained a schedule of names of individuals to whom the queen had made special application, and these were not to be called upon by the municipal officers to make any contribution, neither were the tenants of those noblemen and gentlemen already on active service in France.(1457)

(M732)

The Court of Aldermen was taken aback at such a demand coming so soon after the setting out of the previous force, and on the 4th August it instructed the Recorder and one of the sheriffs to repair to the queen's council "for the good and suer understandyng of her majesty's pleasure" in the matter. The deputation was further instructed to remind the lords of the council not only of the ancient liberties and franchises of the city on the point, but also of the city's lack of power to furnish a number of men exceeding any it had ever been called upon to furnish before.(1458) It was all to no purpose; the men had to be provided; and the matter having been fully explained to the wardens of the several livery companies, they succeeded in raising the force required.(1459)

(M733)

The defeat of the French king at St. Quentin was celebrated in the city by a solemn procession to St. Paul's, in which figured the mayor and aldermen in their scarlet gowns.(1460) The joy of the citizens was shortlived. Philip's caution did not allow him to avail himself of the opportunity thus offered him of marching on the French capital, and before the end of the year matters had taken a different turn.

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In December a Spaniard named Ferdinando Lygons was commissioned to raise 300 mounted archers in the city of London and county of Middlesex.(1461) At the opening of the new year (2 Jan., 1558) the queen wrote to the corporation desiring to be at once furnished with 500 men out of the 1,000 men the city had been ordered to keep in readiness since July. As the matter was urgent they were not to wait to supply the men with coats.(1462) The force was required for the defence of Calais, which was now in a critical position. On the 9th January another letter was sent by Mary marked, Hast, Hast Post, Hast, For lief, For lief, For lief, For lief! demanding the full contingent of 1,000 men.(1463) Calais had fallen two days before,(1464) and Mary was determined not to rest until the town had been recovered. Diligent search was at once instituted throughout the city for all persons, strangers as well as freemen, capable of wearing harness;(1465) and the livery companies and fellowships were called upon to provide double the number of men they had furnished in July last.(1466) On the 13th the queen wrote to say that a violent storm, which had occurred on the night of the 10th January, had so crippled the fleet that her forces could not be conveyed across the channel; the civic authorities were therefore to withhold sending their force to the sea-coast until further orders, but to keep the same in readiness to start at an hour's notice.(1467) On the 19th January the citizens were informed by letter that Philip's forces were on their way to Flanders, under the Duke of Savoy, and that the channel was being kept open by a fleet under Don Luis Carvaial. One half of the force of 1,000 men, furnished with armour and weapons and coats of white welted with green and red crosses, was to be despatched to Dover by the end of the month, thence to sail for Dunkirk for service under the Earl of Rutland. The City was to take especial care that the contingent should be chosen from the handsomest and best picked men, and superior to those last sent.(1468) The force mustered at the Leadenhall, the 24th January, for inspection by the mayor, and at five o'clock in the evening were delivered over to the captains for shipment.(1469) Three days later the lords of the council instructed the mayor to make a return of the number of foreigners residing still within the city, and to make proclamation on the next market day that it should be lawful thenceforth for anyone to seize the persons of Frenchmen who had not avoided the city pursuant to a previous order, and to confiscate their goods and chattels to his own proper use.(1470)

(M736)

Mary succeeded in March in raising a loan in the city of L20,000 (she had asked for 100,000 marks or L75,000(1471)) on the security of the crown lands. The loan bore interest at the rate of twelve per cent., and a special dispensation was granted to avoid the penalties of the Usury Act.(1472) The money was raised by assessment on the livery companies. On the 16th March the Court of Aldermen summoned the wardens of the twelve principal companies to attend at the Guildhall at eight o'clock the next morning, in order that they might learn how much the lords of the council had "*tottyd*" against each of them towards the loan. The smaller companies were to attend in the afternoon of the same day in order to be informed of the sums the Court of Aldermen deemed fit that each should contribute to assist their wealthier brethren. The total amount subscribed by the greater companies was L16,983 6s. 8d., of which the Mercers contributed L3,275. The lesser companies subscribed L1,310, in sums varying from L30 to L500.(1473)

(M737)

It is probable that Mary wanted this loan to enable her to prosecute the war. The country was not disposed, however, to assist her in this direction. The people were afraid of rendering Philip too powerful. Disappointed both in her public and domestic life, she fell a victim to dropsy and died on the 17th November—"wondering why all that she had done, as she believed on God's behalf, had been followed by failure on every side—by the desertion of her husband, and the hatred of her subjects." The loss of Calais so much affected her that she declared that the name of the town would be found impressed upon her heart after death. On the occasion of her funeral the City put in its customary claim for black livery cloth, but more than one application had to be made before the cloth was forthcoming.(1474)



CHAPTER XVII.



(M738)

The accession of Elizabeth, after the gloomy reign of her sister, was welcomed by none more joyfully than by the citizens of London, who continued to commemorate the day with bonfires and general rejoicing long after the queen had been laid in her grave.(1475) When news was brought of her sister's death Elizabeth was at Hatfield. Within a week she removed to London and took up her abode at the Charterhouse. The sheriffs went out to meet her as far as the boundary of the county of Middlesex, the limit of their jurisdiction, dressed in coats of velvet, with their chains about their necks and white rods in their hands. Having first kissed their rods, they handed them to the queen, who immediately returned them, and the sheriffs thereupon joined the gentlemen of the cavalcade and rode before her majesty until they met Sir Thomas Leigh,(1476) the mayor, and his brethren the aldermen. The sheriffs then fell back and took their places among the aldermen.(1477) From the Charterhouse she removed after a stay of a few days to the Tower, amid the blare of trumpets, the singing of children and the firing of ordnance.

(M739)

The Court of Common Council (21 Nov.) agreed to levy two fifteenths on the inhabitants of the city for the customary present to be given the new queen on her passing through the city to her coronation, which was to take place on the 15th January following, as well as for defraying the costs of pageants on the occasion.(1478) Committees were appointed to see that the several conduits, the Standard and Cross in Cheap, and other parts of the city were seemly trimmed and decked with pageants, fine paintings and rich cloth of Arras, silver and gold, as at the coronation of Queen Mary, and better still if it conveniently could be done.(1479) Among those appointed to devise pageants for the occasion and to act as masters of the ceremony was Richard Grafton, the printer.(1480) Eight commoners were appointed by the Court of Aldermen (17 Dec.) to attend upon the chief butler of England at the cupboard at the coronation banquet.(1481)

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A curious instance of a strike among painters is recorded at this time. The painters of the city, we are told, utterly refused to fresh paint and trim the great conduit in Cheap for the coronation for the sum of twenty marks. This being the case, the surveyors of the city were instructed to cause the same to be covered with cloth of Arras having escutcheons of the queen's Arms finely made and set therein, and the wardens of the Painters' Company were called upon to render assistance with advice and men for reasonable remuneration.(1482)

(M741)

The main object which Elizabeth kept before her eyes, from first to last, was the preservation of peace—peace within the Church and without. Her natural inclination was towards the more ornate ritual of the Roman Church, but the necessity she was under of gaining the support of the Protestants, whom even the fires of Smithfield had failed to suppress, inspired restraint. All her actions were marked with caution and deliberation. From the day of her accession religious persecution in its worst form ceased. Non-conformity was no longer punished by death. Preachers who took advantage of the lull which followed the Marian persecution and resumed disputatious sermons, as they did more especially in the city, were silenced by royal proclamation,(1483) which ordered them to confine themselves to reading the gospel and epistle for the day, and the Ten Commandments, in the vulgar tongue, without adding any comment. They were further ordered to make use of no public prayer, rite or ceremony other than that already accepted until parliament should ordain otherwise.

(M742)

Parliament met in January, 1559, and at once acknowledged the queen's legitimacy and her title to the crown, an acknowledgment which she had failed to obtain from the Pope. An Act of Uniformity was passed forbidding the use of any form of public prayer other than that set out in the last Prayer Book of Edward VI, amended in those particulars which savoured of ultra-Protestantism. The same parliament also passed an Act of Supremacy, which dropt the title of supreme head of the Church with reference to the queen, but still upheld the ancient jurisdiction of the Crown over all ecclesiastics. Having accomplished this much, parliament was dissolved (8 May).

(M743)

On the following Whitsunday (14 May) Divine Service was conducted in the city in English according to the Book of Common Prayer.(1484) Commissioners were appointed in July "to ride about the realm for the establishing of true religion," four being nominated for the city, whose duty it was to call before them divers persons of every parish and make them swear to observe "certain injunctions newly set out in print."(1485) The election of a new mayor at Michaelmas was followed by the celebration of a "communion" in the Guildhall Chapel."(1486)

(M744)

The success of Elizabeth's policy was unfortunately marred by the excess of zeal displayed by the reformers. More especially was this the case in the city of London. Had the inhabitants bent their energy towards putting down the disgraceful trafficking that went on within the very walls of their cathedral church, shutting up gambling houses, and stopping interludes and plays which made a jest of religion, instead of leaving such abuses to be corrected by royal proclamation,(1487) their conduct would have met with universal approbation. Instead of this they again set to work pulling down roods, smashing up ancient tombs and committing to the flames vestments and service books—the work of years of artistic labour(1488)—until the wanton destruction was restricted, if not altogether stopped, by the queen's orders.(1489)

(M745)

In the meantime the state of affairs with France and Scotland demanded Elizabeth's attention. The marriage of Mary Stuart with the Dauphin of France had taken place in April, 1558, and the sudden death of Henry II of France by an accident at a tournament had soon afterwards raised her and her husband to the throne. Mary now assumed the arms and style of Queen of England, and the life-long quarrel between her and Elizabeth was about to commence. By the end of the year (1559) Mary had collected a sufficient force at her back to render her mistress of Scotland. In the following January a French fleet was ready to set sail. Nevertheless Elizabeth refused to take any active measures to meet the enemy and to prevent them effecting a landing. On the 6th she caused proclamation to be made for French subjects to be allowed perfect freedom as in time of peace, but English vessels were to be held in readiness "untill yt maye appeare to what ende the greate preparaciouns of Fraunce do entende."(1490) Long after the appearance of a French fleet off the coast of Scotland, and when it had been driven to take refuge in Leith harbour, Elizabeth still declared her intention of keeping, if possible, on friendly terms with France if only the "insolent titles and claims" of Francis and Mary might cease and Scotland left in peace.(1491) With the aid of soldiers and seamen provided by the City(1492) the French were forced to surrender, and, by a treaty signed at Edinburgh, agreed to leave Scotland and to acknowledge Elizabeth's right to the English crown.

(M746)

In 1561 Mary, who had declined to recognise the treaty of Edinburgh from the first, returned to Scotland, in spite of Elizabeth's prohibition, and soon succeeded in drawing over many Protestants to her side. In the following year an opportunity offered itself to Elizabeth for striking a blow at her rival—not in Scotland, but in France. A civil war had broken out between the French Protestants—or Huguenots, as they were called—and their Catholic fellow-subjects, and Elizabeth promised (Sept., 1562) to assist the leaders of the Huguenots on condition that Havre—or Newhaven, as the place was then known—was surrendered to her as security for the fulfilment of a promise to surrender Calais. The queen (23 July, 1562) applied by letter to the City of London for a force of 600 men to be held in readiness to march at a moment's notice. She had determined, the letter said, to put the sea coast into a "fencible arraye of warre."(1493) The men were ordered to muster at the Leadenhall on the 18th September.(1494) The aim and object of the expedition was set out in a "boke" or proclamation.(1495)

(M747)

In 1563 a peace was patched up, and the Catholics and Huguenots united in demanding from Elizabeth the restoration of Havre. The queen refused to surrender the town, and again called upon the City of London to furnish her with 1,000 men for the purpose of enabling her to secure Havre, and to compel the French to surrender Calais as promised.(1496) The Court of Aldermen hesitated to raise so large a force, and sent a deputation of three of their court to wait upon the lords of the Privy Council the same afternoon, with a view to having the number reduced to 500 on the ground that the City had supplied so many soldiers during the past year.(1497) The deputation having reported to the court the next day (3 July) that the Privy Council would make no abatement in the number of soldiers to be furnished, it was agreed to renew the application.(1498) Again the City's request was refused, and the full number of 1,000 men was apportioned among the livery companies.(1499) The citizens, jealous as they always were of the stranger within their gates, availed themselves of a too literal interpretation of a royal proclamation and seized all the Frenchmen they could find in the city with all their belongings. They even went so far as to attack the house of the French ambassador, and would probably have gone yet further lengths had they not been stopt by peremptory orders from the queen.(1500)

On the 8th July the City was informed by letter from the queen that the French had already commenced the siege of Havre, and was asked to have 400 out of the 1,000 men ready to set sail with Lord Clinton by the 16th.(1501) This letter was immediately followed by another from Lord Clinton summoning every inhabitant of the city "usinge the exercise of eny kynde of water crafte" before the lord high admiral or his deputy at Deptford on a certain day.(1502) The Common Hunt, the city's water-bailiffs, two sergeants-at-mace and two sheriff's officers were appointed by the Court of Aldermen to "conduct" the city's contingent to the fleet lying in the Thames.(1503)

(M748)

Before the end of July Havre was lost.(1504) The garrison had been attacked by a plague, which for more than a twelvemonth had been rampant in London,(1505) and the Earl of Warwick, the commander of the town, found himself compelled to accept such terms as he could obtain. The garrison was allowed to leave with all munitions of war. Whilst proclaiming to her subjects the surrender of the town—not through any cowardice on the part of the garrison, but owing to a "plage of infectuous mortall sickness" inflicted by the Almighty—Elizabeth pleaded for tender care and charity to be shown to the soldiers on their return, due precaution being taken by the principal officers of every city, town and parish against the spread of infection.(1506)

(M749)

The approaching end of the war with France is foreshadowed by an order of the Court of Aldermen (25 Nov., 1563) touching the re-delivery to the various civic companies of the "harness" which they severally provided for the war, and which had been forwarded from Portsmouth and was lying in the Guildhall Chapel.(1507) Peace was signed on the 13th April, 1564, and on the 31st July a proclamation was issued for disbanding the navy.(1508) Throughout the war Elizabeth had been careful to keep on good terms with Spain, and English vessels found molesting Spanish ships under pretext of searching for French goods were ordered to be arrested.(1509) An interruption of commerce with Flanders had been threatened, owing to the Duchess of Parma having forbidden the importation of English woollen cloth into the Low Countries for fear of infection from the plague, but Elizabeth retaliated by closing English ports to all Flemish vessels, and matters were accommodated.(1510)

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The period of peace and tranquillity which ensued enabled the citizens to bestow more attention on their own affairs. Their cathedral stood in urgent need of repairs. Its steeple had been struck by lightning in 1561, and 3,000 marks had already been expended on its restoration.(1511) An application to the City from the lord treasurer in 1565 for a sum of L300 towards roofing one of the aisles of the cathedral came as a surprise to the Court of Aldermen, who caused enquiries to be made as to the receipt and delivery of contributions already made, and returned for answer that the City of London had long ago delivered "all such mony as the sayd cyty dyd at eny tyme grant or agree to geve or paye towards the sayd work." His lordship was desired "no further to charge or burden the sayd cytye wth the payment of any more mony towards the sayd work."(1512) Nevertheless the City was called upon for a further contribution two years later (June, 1567), when negotiations were entered into between the City, the Bishop of London and the Dean and Chapter of Saint Paul's, which ended in the Corporation agreeing to find forty foders of lead for roofing the south aisle of the cathedral, and lending a sum of L150 to the bishop and the dean and chapter, on condition the latter granted a further lease to the City of the manor of Finsbury for a term of 200 years beyond the term yet unexpired.(1513) Whilst repairs were being carried out in the cathedral itself, something was also being done outside the building to render the accommodation for hearing the sermons preached at Paul's Cross more convenient for the mayor and aldermen and municipal officers. A gutter which conducted rainwater upon the heads of the lord mayor's suite at sermon time was removed; the bench on which the civic officials sat was enlarged for their better convenience, and places erected for the accommodation of aldermen's wives.(1514)

(M751)

The rapid increase of commerce under the fostering care of Elizabeth rendered the erection of a Burse or Exchange for the accommodation of merchants "to treate of their feate of merchandyzes" a pressing necessity. The matter had been mooted thirty years before, but little had been done beyond ascertaining the opinion of merchants as to the most convenient site.(1515) The project, however, took root in the mind of Sir Richard Gresham, an alderman of the city, whose business had occasionally carried him to Antwerp, where he became familiar with the Burse that had been recently set up there, and in 1537 (the year that he was elected mayor) he forwarded to Thomas Cromwell, then lord privy seal, a design for a similar Burse to be erected in London. Finding little or no attention paid to his communication he again (25 July, 1538) wrote to Cromwell suggesting the erection of a Burse in Lombard Street—the site favoured by city merchants—at a cost of L2,000. If the lord privy seal would but bring pressure to bear upon Sir George Monoux, a brother alderman but a man of "noe gentyll nature," to part with certain property at cost price, he (Gresham) would undertake to raise L1,000 towards the building before he went out of office, and he would himself carry Cromwell's letter to Monoux and "handle him" as best he could.(1516) This application had the desired effect. On the 13th August Henry VIII addressed a letter to Monoux desiring him to dispose of certain tenements about Lombard Street which were required for the commonweal of merchants of the city, and to come to terms with Gresham as to the amount to be paid for them. Both parties having referred the matter to Sir Richard Rich, Chancellor of the Court of Augmentations of the Crown, as arbitrator, the City agreed to pay a yearly sum of twenty marks for the houses that were required. Monoux refusing to accept this sum, another letter was despatched to him from the king urging him not to stand in the way of a project so useful to merchants and tending so much to the "beautifitye" of the city. To this second appeal Monoux gave way, and received the cordial thanks of Henry by letter dated the 25th November.(1517) Nothing more was done in the matter until it was taken up many years later by Sir Thomas Gresham, son of Sir Richard.(1518) Acting, as he did for a long succession of years, as Queen Elizabeth's agent in Flanders, Sir Thomas spent much of his time in Antwerp.(1519) When he was not there himself he employed a factor in the person of Richard Clough to conduct his affairs. In 1561 this Richard Clough, in a letter addressed to his principal from Antwerp (31 Dec.),(1520) expressed much astonishment at the City of London being so far behind continental towns:—"Consideryng what a sittey London ys, and that in so many yeres they have nott founde the menes to make a bourse! but must walke in the raine, when ytt raineth, more lyker pedlers then marchants; and in thys countrie, and all other, there is no kynde of pepell that have occasion to meete, butt they have a plase meete for that pourpose." Indeed, Clough got quite excited over the thought that London, of all cities in the world, possessed no decent accommodation for merchants transacting their everyday business, and declared his readiness to build "so fere a bourse in London as the grett bourse is in Andwarpe" and that "withhoutt molestyng of any man more than he shulld be well dysposyd to geve."

It was not long before Gresham made up his mind that London should have a Burse, and in May, 1563, the Court of Aldermen deputed Lionel Duckett, who was also a mercer, to sound Gresham as to "his benevolence towards the makyng of a burse."(1521) But however desirous Gresham might be to prosecute the work, he was prevented from doing so by stress of business. Commercial difficulties arose between England and the Low Countries owing to the proclamation of the Duchess of Parma. Up to the year 1564 Gresham was forced to make Antwerp his place of abode, and could only occasionally visit London; since that time, however, his business allowed him to look upon London as his permanent residence, and he only crossed over to Antwerp when special circumstances rendered it necessary. An additional reason for the delay in carrying out Gresham's project may perhaps be found in the fact that, during his absence on the queen's business in 1563, Elizabeth had, with her usual parsimony, cut down Gresham's allowance of twenty shillings a day for "his diets." Gresham complained bitterly of this abridgment of his income in a letter to Secretary Cecil, and also in another letter couched in more guarded terms to the queen herself.(1522) In both letters he set out the sum total of the money (L830,000) which he had negotiated for the queen, and referred to his having broken a leg in her majesty's service and to his declining years. Whatever may have been the cause of the delay, it was not until the 4th January, 1565, that a definite offer was made by Gresham to erect a "comely burse" at his own cost and charge, provided the City would furnish a suitable site. This offer was accepted.(1523)

(M752)

Difficulties at once presented themselves in finding a site. It was originally proposed to obtain from the Merchant Taylors' Company a plot of land between Lombard Street and Cornhill, but the company refused to part with the property and a new site had to be chosen.(1524) No sooner was this done, and a place selected to the north of Cornhill, than a difficulty arose between the City and the Dean and Chapter of Canterbury as to the terms of purchase.(1525) This having been successfully overcome and the site purchased, the next step was to invite subscriptions, not only from members of the livery companies, but from merchant adventurers beyond the sea.(1526) Such a liberal response was made to this invitation(1527) that on the 7th June, 1566, Sir Thomas Gresham was able to lay the first stone of the new building, a deed of trust between the City and Gresham having previously (14 May) been executed.(1528)

(M753)

It is curious to note the strong foreign element in connection with the building of Gresham's Burse. The architect as well as the design of the building came from abroad. The clerk of the works (Henryk)(1529) and most of the workmen were foreigners, Gresham having obtained special permission from the Court of Aldermen for their employment.(1530) Most of the material for structural as well as ornamental purposes (saving 100,000 bricks provided by the City)(1531) came from abroad, and to this day the Royal Exchange is paved with small blocks of Turkish hone-stones believed to have been imported in Gresham's day, and to have been relaid after the several fires of 1666 and 1838. It was the employment of these strangers which probably gave rise to an order of the Court of Aldermen (19 June, 1567) that an officer should be appointed to attend at the Burse daily "for a competent season," to see that no "misorder" be done to any of the artificers or other workmen there employed, and to commit to ward any that he should find so-doing.(1532)

(M754)

By the 22nd December, 1568, the Burse was so far complete as to allow of merchants holding their meetings within its walls, but it was not until the 23rd January, 1571, that the queen herself visited it in state and caused it thenceforth to be called the Royal Exchange. Her statue which graced the building bore testimony to the care and interest she always displayed in fostering commercial enterprise.

(M755)

On the door of a staircase leading up to a "pawne" or covered walk on the south side of the building there had been set up the arms and crest of Gresham himself, which some evilly disposed person took it into his head to deface. A proclamation made by the mayor (16 Feb., 1569) for the apprehension of the culprit does not appear from the city's records to have proved successful.(1533) Some years later (21 March, 1577) the mayor had occasion to issue another proclamation for the discovery of persons who had defaced and pulled away "certen peces of timber fixed to thendes and comers of the seates"(1534) in the Royal Exchange, with what result we know not.

(M756)

In 1574 the Court of Aldermen appointed a committee to confer with Gresham touching the "assurance" of the Royal Exchange.(1535) The connection between the new Burse and insurance is remarkable. The principle of insurance policies had been introduced into the city by the Lombards as early as the thirteenth century,(1536) and a Lombard Street policy became a familiar term.(1537) When the Lombard Street merchants quitted their old premises for the more commodious Exchange they carried thither their insurance business with them, and a part of the new building was devoted exclusively to this branch of commerce. A grant of letters patent which Elizabeth made to Richard Candler for the making of policies and registering of assurances within the city was objected to by the Court of Aldermen, as being contrary to the liberties of the City, and a deputation was appointed to wait upon the lords of the Privy Council to have it revoked.(1538) This was early in 1575. A year later we find Candler making answer to a bill of fees drawn up by certain aldermen and citizens of London, respecting his office.(1539)

In order to put an end to the frequent disputes which arose in the Royal Exchange among merchants on matters of insurance, the Court of Aldermen appointed two of their number to consider the difficulty and to report thereon. They made their report to the court on the 29th January, 1577.(1540) They had, in accordance with the oft-repeated desire expressed to previous lord mayors by the lords of the Privy Council, consulted with their brethren the aldermen, as well as with merchants of the city, both Englishmen and foreigners, and had drawn up orders agreeable to those that had hitherto been used in Lombard Street, to which all countries had been accustomed to submit. The orders, however, not yet being completed, the Court of Aldermen decided upon appointing arbitrators from year to year to deal with all matters of insurance, and so relieve the lords of the Privy Council of the trouble which they had hitherto experienced on that score at a time when they had weightier matters to attend to. The arbitrators were to receive one penny in the pound amongst them in all cases, whether the claim were for whole losses, part,(1541) or averages. Their decision was to bind both assurer and assured, and they were to sit twice a week (Monday and Thursday) "in the offyce howse of assurances" in the Royal Exchange. They were to be attended by the "register of assurances," whose business it was to summon witnesses. A poor-box was to be provided, to which the party assured, on judgment, should contribute twelve pence.

(M757)

On Sundays and holy days the Exchange was enlivened during a portion of the year with the music of the city waits, who were ordered by the Court of Aldermen (April, 1572) to play on their instruments as they had hitherto been accustomed at the Royal Exchange, from seven o'clock till eight o'clock in the evening up to the Feast of Pentecost, after which they were to commence playing at eight p.m., and "to hold on" till nine p.m. up to Michaelmas.(1542) There is another circumstance connected with the same building that deserves a passing notice, which is that football used to be played within its walls, a game forbidden in 1576 to be played any longer either there or in any of the city's wards.(1543)

(M758)

The citizens of London are indebted to Sir Thomas Gresham for something more than their Royal Exchange. By will dated 5th July, 1575, proved and enrolled in the Court of Husting,(1544) Gresham disposed of the reversion of the Royal Exchange and of his mansion-house in the parish of St. Helen, Bishopsgate, after the decease of his wife, to the mayor and corporation of the city and to the wardens and commonalty of the Mercers' Company in equal moieties in trust (inter alia) for the maintenance of seven lectures on the several subjects of Divinity, Astronomy, Music, Geometry, Law, Physic and Rhetoric. In 1596 these two corporate bodies came into possession of the property, and in the following year drew up ordinances for the regulation of the various lectures. According to the terms of Gresham's will the lectures were delivered at Gresham House. When Gresham House, which escaped the Fire of London, became dilapidated, the City and the Company on more than one occasion petitioned Parliament for leave to pull it down and to erect another building on its site. The proposal, however, was not entertained, but in the year 1767 an Act was passed vesting Gresham House in the Crown for the purpose of an Excise Office, and providing for the payment by the Crown to the City and Company of a perpetual annuity of L500 per annum. For some time the lectures ceased to be delivered for lack of accommodation. When they were next delivered it was at the City of London School, where they continued until Gresham College was erected in Basinghall Street.(1545)

(M759)

In the meantime Protestantism had been gaining ground in England as well as on the continent. Many who in the evil days of the Marian persecution had sought refuge in Switzerland and Germany had returned to England as soon as they were assured of safety under Elizabeth, and had introduced into the country the religious tenets of Calvin they had learnt abroad. Elizabeth found herself confronted not only by Catholics but by Puritans. As she felt herself seated more strongly on the throne she determined to enforce more strictly than hitherto the Act of Uniformity. In 1565 the London clergy were ordered to wear the surplice and to conform in other particulars. Between thirty and forty of them—and those the most intelligent and active of them—refused and resigned their cures. Their congregations supported them, and thus a large body of good Protestants were driven into opposition. But there all action against them ceased. It was otherwise with the Protestants on the continent, where a determination arrived at in the same year that Elizabeth enforced the Act of Uniformity, to suppress heresy, led to the most horrible persecution, and drove many of the inhabitants to seek refuge in England.

(M760)

Of the hundreds of foreigners who sought this country, driven from France or Spain by religious persecution,(1546) none was more hospitably received than the brother of the great Coligny, the Cardinal Chastillon. The Bishop of London having excused himself entertaining the cardinal at Fulham, his eminence was lodged and hospitably treated for a whole week by Gresham. During his visit he paid a visit, Huguenot as he was, to the French Church established in the city, where his co-religionists were allowed to worship without fear of molestation. He further paid his host the compliment of visiting the Exchange, then approaching completion. At the end of the week he removed to Sion House, where accommodation had been found for him.(1547)

(M761)

The influx of refugees from the continent was far from being an unmixed blessing. Whilst some settled peacefully down and taught the London artizan the art of silk-weaving, others betook themselves to the river's side, where they defied the civic authorities.(1548) A fresh return was ordered to be made of their number.(1549) It became necessary to forbid aliens remaining in the city more than a day and a night; they might reside in other places if they liked, but not in the city of London.(1550) Mortality increased so much that a committee hud to be appointed (March, 1569) "to peruse about the cytie where apte and convenient places maye be had and founde for the buryall of the deade in tyme of plage and other tymes of gret deathe," and to report thereon to the Court of Aldermen.(1551) An acre of ground, more or less, near Bethlem Hospital was subsequently prepared as a cemetery by the civic authorities,(1552) whilst a friend of the mayor agreed under certain conditions to enclose it with a wall, erect a pulpit and make other improvements at his own cost.(1553)

(M762)

In the course of time the persecuted Netherlanders took heart of grace, encouraged by the gallant conduct of the Prince of Orange, their leader, no less than by the active assistance and sympathy of their brethren in England, who were continually passing to and fro with munitions of war, in spite of proclamations to the contrary.(1554) "Whilst Elizabeth dribbled out her secret aid to the Prince of Orange the London traders sent him half-a-million from their own purses, a sum equal to a year's revenue of the Crown."(1555)

(M763) (M764)

The decline of Antwerp which followed Alva's administration marks the foundation of London's supremacy in the world of commerce. Hitherto the queen had been accustomed through Gresham, her factor, to raise what money she required by loans from merchants abroad. Merchant strangers were well content to lend her money at ten or twelve per cent., seeing that the City of London was as often as not called upon to give bonds for repayment by way of collateral security.(1556) When that door was closed to her she turned to her own subjects, the Company of Merchant Adventurers, to whom she had shown considerable favour. Her first application to this company for a loan was, to her great surprise, refused. The matter was afterwards accommodated through the intervention of Sir Thomas Gresham; and as the confidence of the city merchants increased, loans were afterwards frequently negotiated between them and the Crown, much to the convenience of one party and to the advantage of the other.(1557)

(M765)

As another means of raising money Elizabeth had resort to a lottery—the first public lottery ever held in London, although the game called "The Lott" was not unknown in the city in the reign of Henry VIII.(1558) The lottery was advertised in 1567 as being a very rich lottery general, without any blanks, containing a number of good prizes of ready-money, plate and divers sorts of merchandise, the same having been valued by expert and skilful men. The lottery was, as we should say at the present day, "under the immediate patronage" of the queen herself, and the proceeds, after deducting expenses, were to be devoted to the repair of harbours and other public works conducive to strengthening the realm. Besides the prizes, of which a long list is set out in the city's records, there were to be three "welcomes" or bonuses given to the first three winners of lots. The first person to whom a lot should happen to fall was to have for "welcome" a piece of silver-gilt plate of the value of L50, and the second and third fortunate drawers were to have respectively, in addition to their prizes, a piece of gilt plate of the value of L20. The prizes, the chief of which amounted to L5,000 sterling, although the winner was to receive only L3,000 in cash, the rest being taken out in plate and tapestry,(1559) were exhibited in Cheapside at the sign of the Queen's Arms, the house of Antony Derick, goldsmith to Elizabeth and engraver to the Mint in this and the preceding reign.(1560) The mayor and aldermen agreed to put into the lottery thirty "billes or lottes" at the least under one posy, viz.:—God preserve the Cytye of London quod M and A. Any profit that might arise from the lots was to be equally divided between them.(1561)

The livery companies of the city were also invited to subscribe to the lottery as well as the Company of Merchant Adventurers.(1562) On the 4th August the livery of the Merchant Taylors' Company were summoned to their hall to declare the amount each individual was ready to venture—"all under our posy in the name of this Common Hall," the posy subsequently determined upon being the following:—

"One byrde in hande is worthe two in the woode, Yff wee have the greate lott it will do us good."(1563)

The "reading" of the lottery was postponed till the 10th January, 1569.(1564) It took place at the west door of St. Paul's, commencing on the 11th day of that month, and continued day and night until the 6th May following.(1565) It was reported at the time that Elizabeth withdrew a large sum of the prize-money for her own use previous to the drawing of the lots, and this report, whether well founded or not, created no little disgust among the subscribers.(1566)

(M766) (M767)

Before the close of 1568 Alva had severed the last links connecting England with the Low Countries by suddenly seizing and imprisoning all English merchants found at Antwerp on the ground that certain Spanish treasure-ships had been detained in England. Such conduct on his part was characterized by Elizabeth as "verie straunge and hertofore in no tyme used betwixt the Crowne of England and the House of Burgondye wt owt some manner of former conferrence proceedyng and intelligence had of the myndes and intentions of the prynces themselves on both sides," and she forthwith issued a proclamation for the seizure of Spanish vessels and merchants found in English ports by way of reprisal.(1567) She was careful to show that any former detention of Spanish vessels served as a mere pretence for Alva's conduct. Certain Spanish vessels of small tonnage, called "zabras," had, it was true, entered English harbours in the west country, and the bullion and merchandise had been discharged on English soil; but all this had been done in order to prevent the ships and cargo falling into the hands of the French ships which threatened them. Some of the treasure had been even "borrowed"; but this was not contrary to the honorable usage of princes in their own dominions. The Spanish ambassador had called upon her majesty to ask that the vessels and cargo might be given up, "pretending the monye to appertaine to the king his maister," which her majesty had declared her willingness to assent to as soon as she should have had communication from the west country. The ambassador, who was asked to return in four or five days to receive the ships and treasure, had failed to appear, and her surprise was great to find that orders had been given for the arrest of her subjects at Antwerp on the very day (29 Oct.) that the Spanish ambassador was with her majesty. Such was the account of the matter as given in the queen's proclamation to the citizens of London. But there are other and contradictory accounts. Whoever may have been the rightful owner of the treasure, which in all probability was on its way to Flanders for payment of Alva's soldiers,(1568) the opportunity of dealing a blow to Spain and at the same time of replenishing the Exchequer at home afforded by the presence of the ships in English waters was thought too good to be lost.

(M768)

On the 5th January the mayor received orders from Sir Nicholas Bacon to seize all Flemings' goods to the queen's use, inasmuch as it was quite possible that what had taken place in Flanders had been done without the King of Spain's commission. The following day the mayor informed the council that he had arrested the bodies and goods of certain merchant strangers in the city.(1569) Throughout the greater part of the month frequent letters passed between the city, the merchant adventurers, the merchants of the staple and the lords of the council concerning Alva's proceedings and measures to be taken by way of reprisal. The citizens showed themselves very anxious to devise measures of retaliation and to avail themselves to the utmost of the opportunity afforded them of avenging themselves of their foreign rivals, as the following memorial signed by the mayor and nine of the principal merchants of the city proves:—(1570)

"First, we doe thinck it very needfull and necessary that wth all possible speed the bodies, shipps and goodes of all the subiects of the said king be had under arrest, and their bodies to be sequestred from their houses, comptinghouses, books, warehouses and goods; and they themselves to be committed unto severall and sure custodie and keeping. And that alsoe comission may be granted to sage persons to enquire and trie out all coulorable transports and contracts don since the XXth of December last by any of the subiects of the said king or by any other nation. And that a proclamation be made by the queene's mates aucthorite forthwth for the avoiding of collorable bargaines, transports and contracts hereafter to be made."

Thomas Rowe(1571) (he had not yet received the honour of knighthood), who was mayor at the time, happened to be a connection by marriage of Sir Thomas Gresham, having married Mary, the eldest daughter of Sir John Gresham, of Titsey, Sir Thomas's uncle. It was owing to this connection that the mayor received information of Alva's arbitrary proceedings before the news reached the ears of Secretary Cecil; for Gresham's factor at Antwerp, Richard Clough, had lost no time in despatching a special messenger to his master, who, immediately after hearing the news, broke in upon the mayor's slumbers at twelve o'clock on the night of the 3rd January in order to communicate the same to him. The next morning the mayor wrote to Sir William Cecil informing him of what had occurred and how under the circumstances he (the mayor) had taken upon himself to stay the despatch of letters abroad for a while.(1572)

(M769)

Towards the end of January, 1569, the Duke of Alva sent over an agent, Monsieur D'Assoleville, to demand the restitution of the treasure. The mayor deputed John Gresham and another to escort the envoy from Gravesend to London, where he was lodged at Crosby Place, at that time the mansion house of William Bond, alderman of Candlewick Street Ward.(1573) At first he demanded an audience with the queen herself, but was fain to be content with a reference to her council.(1574) The treasure in the meantime had been removed to London for greater security.(1575) Negotiations proving fruitless the agent returned to Antwerp, "having succeeded in obtaining from Elizabeth nothing beyond the assurance that she was ready to surrender the treasure when his master promised indemnity to all her subjects in the Low Countries, and agreed solemnly to ratify the ancient treaty of alliance between the Crown of England and the House of Burgundy."(1576)

(M770)

That such a large amount of treasure should be lying idle did not commend itself to the mind of so astute a financier as Sir Thomas Gresham. He accordingly suggested to Sir William Cecil by letter (14 Aug., 1569) that the queen should cause it to be minted into her own coin, and thereby make a profit of L3,000 or L4,000. As for repayment, her majesty could effect it by way of exchange, to her great profit, or give bonds for a year or more to the merchants who owned the money, and who, in Gresham's opinion, would willingly accede to such proposal.(1577) Bold as this suggestion was, it appears, nevertheless, to have been carried into execution.(1578)

(M771)

The hardships already experienced by Spanish merchants from stoppage of commercial intercourse with England must have been materially increased the following year by an order of the Court of Aldermen (11 July, 1570) to the effect that all matters and suits brought by merchant strangers, subjects of the King of Spain, in any of the Queen's Majesty's Courts within the city of London for the recovery of a debt should be stayed, and no manner of arrest or attachment allowed until further notice, unless the stranger suing were a denizen or a member of the Church.(1579)

(M772) (M773) (M774)

By proclamation made the last day of June, 1570, English merchants who had suffered loss by Alva's proceedings were desired to make a return of such loss to the officers of one or other of the cities or towns of London, Southampton, Bristol, Chester, Newcastle, Hull or Ipswich, as they should find it most convenient,(1580) and on the 20th July following every Englishman into whose hands any goods belonging to Spanish subjects might have come was ordered to make a certificate under his hand and seal into the Court of the Admiralty, in the city of London, for her majesty to take further order thereon as should be thought meet.(1581) Negotiations, which had been renewed for mutual restitution, again broke down, for when the terms on which restitution was to be effected were to be reduced to writing, or, in the language of the record, "put into mundum,"(1582) the Spanish commissioners were found to have no authority to arrange matters, whilst at the same time they wished to introduce clauses and conditions which Elizabeth could in no wise accept. Seeing that she was being played with, and knowing that much of the goods of English merchants seized in Spain and the Netherlands had already been sold, the queen determined to put up for sale the Spanish merchandise which for three years had been in English hands. Proclamation to this effect was made the 14th January, 1572.(1583) The queen showed every desire to treat the Spanish merchants with consideration. The sale was entrusted to Spanish subjects, who, upon their oath, were to make sale of all the ships, goods, wares and merchandise arrested, to the utmost advantage they could; and Spanish owners were allowed, either by themselves, their factor or attorney, freely to enter the realm within thirty days after the date of the proclamation to attend the sale, provided they made no attempt against her majesty or the peace of the country and departed immediately the sale was over. This proclamation, coupled with the hopelessness of Alva's case and the manifestation of discontent displayed by his own ruined merchants, led to articles being drawn up (25 Mar.) between Elizabeth and the King of Spain for an adjustment of their respective claims. Sir Thomas Gresham had previously (4 Feb.) been directed by letter from Lord Burghley and Sir Walter Mildmay to deliver up certain bonds of the Governor and Company of Merchant Adventurers to be cancelled now that the whole matter was to be referred to arbitration.(1584)

(M775)

To add to the queen's difficulties, Mary, who had been deposed from the throne of Scotland and had sought shelter in England, was importuning her for assistance for the recovery of her lost crown. Whilst Elizabeth hesitated either to replace her rival in power or to set her at liberty, the Earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland endeavoured to carry out a scheme for marrying Mary to the Duke of Norfolk and forcing Elizabeth to acknowledge her as successor to the crown of England. The Duke of Norfolk obeyed the queen's summons to attend the court, and was committed to the Tower (Oct., 1569).(1585) The earls refused to obey the summons, and rose in insurrection. On the 24th November they were proclaimed traitors.(1586) Troops were sent against them, but they cowardly left their supporters to their own fate and fled to Scotland. The rebellion, fruitless as it proved to be, caused no little excitement in the city.

(M776)

The same day that the earls were proclaimed traitors the Mayor of London issued his precept to the several aldermen, enjoining them to take steps for safe-guarding the city and taking into custody all rogues, masterless men and vagabonds.(1587) On the following day another precept was issued to the several livery companies for providing a certain number of soldiers, "well and sufficientlie furnyshed wth a jerkyn and a paire of gally sloppes of broad clothe, collor watchet, one calyver wth flaske and tuchebox, a moryan, a sworde and a dagger."(1588) The soldiers were to be ready to serve her majesty at an hour's warning. The Chamberlain received orders to amend the several gates of the city and the portcullises belonging to them, as well as to repair the city's guns and put them in readiness, and lay in a stock of powder and shot to serve as occasion should require.(1589) By the 12th December all fear of immediate danger had passed away, and the livery companies were ordered to receive back the armour and weapons supplied to the soldiers and to keep them in their hall. The men were to be dismissed to their several industries, but still to hold themselves in readiness for service at an hour's warning if occasion should require them. A week later the soldiers were dismissed to their houses, those who had no house being allowed sixpence a day until called upon for active service.(1590)

(M777)

Although the rising in the north had failed, the Catholics were not without hope. They were encouraged by the issue of a Papal Bull excommunicating Elizabeth and absolving her subjects from their allegiance. This Bull was affixed to the door of the Bishop of London's palace by a man named John Felton. The queen was alarmed. She believed that the long-threatened union against her of the Catholic powers had at length been effected. Felton was seized and tried at the Guildhall. He was found guilty, and paid the penalty of his rashness by being hanged, drawn and quartered.(1591) His exemplary punishment failed, however, to put a stop to Catholic intrigues against Elizabeth.

(M778)

The defeat of the Turkish fleet at Lepanto by Don John of Austria (7 Oct., 1571) was commemorated two days later in London by a thanksgiving service at St. Paul's,(1592) which was attended by the mayor, Sir William Allen,(1593) the aldermen and members of the companies in their liveries. In the evening of the same day bonfires were lighted in the streets of the city by precept of the mayor.(1594) The immediate effect of the victory was the release of a large number of captives (variously estimated at 12,000 and 14,000)(1595) from Turkish slavery, for whose redemption the citizens were constantly being called upon to subscribe.(1596)

(M779)

Whilst the Low Countries were winning their way to freedom from the Spanish yoke, and France was suffering the horrors of Saint Bartholomew's day (24 Aug., 1572), England remained tranquil, and the city merchant had little cause to complain, except, it might be, on account of the number of strangers who rivalled him in his business.(1597) For the better preservation of peace members of the French and the Dutch churches were ordered (28 Sept.) not to leave their houses after 9 o'clock at night.(1598)

(M780)

So long as the Spanish king turned a deaf ear to the exhortations of the Pope, and refused to make a descent upon England, Elizabeth was able to cope with Catholicism at home by peaceful measures. But the time was approaching when she could no longer refuse to give practical assistance to her struggling co-religionists on the continent. The Netherlands had for some time past been preparing for open revolt against the barbarous government of Alva. In 1572 a party seized Brill, and thus laid the foundation of the Dutch Republic. It wanted but the active adhesion of Elizabeth to enable the French to drive the Spaniards out of the country, but this the queen was as yet unwilling to give. Two years later (1574) she offered her services to effect an understanding between Spain and the Netherlands, but her mediation proved futile. Both in 1572 and 1574 there are signs of military preparations having taken place in the city. In the first mentioned year Elizabeth held a review of the city troops in Greenwich Park.(1599) In 1574 the city was called upon to furnish 400 soldiers for the queen's service, and steps were taken to allot to the livery companies their quota of men or money in view of future calls.(1600) A store of gunpowder was also laid up.(1601)

(M781)

If one thing more than another was calculated to precipitate a rupture between England and Spain it was the action of English seamen, who roved the seas and indirectly rendered assistance to the Netherlanders by plundering Spanish vessels, in spite of all proclamations to the contrary.(1602) The Londoner was not behind-hand in this predatory warfare.

(M782) (M783)

In June, 1575, the queen borrowed a sum of L30,000 from the citizens on security.(1603) The money was subscribed by the wealthier class of citizens, and a moiety of the loan was repaid in little more than a twelvemonth.(1604) Whatever may have been her faults, Elizabeth honestly paid her debts, and when she discovered in 1577 that money which she had repaid to certain officials had not reached the hands of the original creditor, she forthwith issued a proclamation commanding all such creditors to send in their claims in writing to the chief officer of her majesty's household.(1605) It is difficult to dissociate altogether this proclamation from the removal of George Heton from the office of Chamberlain of the City three months afterwards.(1606)

(M784)

In February, 1578, the City was called upon to provide 2,000 arquebusiers. Refusal was useless, although an attempt was made to get the number reduced to 500. The mayor had scarcely issued his precept to the aldermen to raise the men before he received another order for 2,000 to be trained as directed in handling and using their weapons and kept in readiness for future service.(1607) One hundred and fifty men were ordered (12 June) to be ready at an hour's notice for foreign service.(1608) Strangers and foreigners were not exempt.(1609) Some of the city companies were slow in paying their quota of expenses of fitting out the men, and pressure had to be brought to bear on them by the Court of Aldermen.(1610)

(M785) (M786) (M787)

In the following year Casimir, Count Palatine of the Rhine, paid a visit to England to answer a charge brought against him by the English envoy in Holland, of having used forces against the Netherlanders which had been despatched from these shores for their support. On the evening of Thursday, the 22nd January, 1579, the Count landed at the Tower, where he was received by a party of noblemen and others, among whom we may conjecture was the Mayor of London and representatives of the city.(1611) Thence he was conducted by the light of cressets to Gresham's house, in Bishopsgate Street, where he was received with music and lodged and feasted by the worthy owner for three days. The honour thus shown to Gresham is only one more proof of the esteem and respect in which he was universally held by all parties, and, "in truth," as his biographer justly remarks,(1612) "his great experience, his long and familiar intercourse with men of all grades and professions, from princes and nobles—with whom ... he was on as intimate a footing as the impassable barrier of rank will permit—to the lowliest of his own dependants, the knowledge of men and manners which he must have derived from foreign travel, and his acquaintance with all the languages of civilised Europe, must have rendered him, towards the close of his life especially, as favourable a specimen as could have been selected of the English gentleman of that day." Casimir's reception was one of the last acts of public service performed by Gresham, for before the close of the year he had died (21 Nov.). On Sunday (25 Jan.) the Count was conducted to Westminster for an interview with the queen, after which lodgings were assigned to him in Somerset House. The court of Common Council had already (23 Jan.) voted "Duke Cassimerus" a gratification "in moneye or anye other thinge" to the value of 500 marks.(1613) His visit was one round of feasting, hunting and sight-seeing; one day dining with the lord mayor, another with the merchants of the Steelyard; one day hunting at Hampton Court, and another day witnessing athletic sports at Westminster. That the Count succeeded in clearing his character may be surmised from the fact of his receiving the Order of the Garter before his departure.(1614)

(M788)

In the following year the plague, which had been very virulent towards the end of 1577, and from which the city was seldom entirely free, appeared at Rye (June, 1580). A twelvemonth later it was raging in London, but as the weather grew colder its virulence abated, allowing of the resumption of the lord mayor's feast. The respite was short. In the spring of 1582 it was again rife in the city, increasing in fatality during the hot season and continuing until the winter of 1583.(1615) Business was often at a standstill, the law courts had to be removed to the country, and the sittings of the London Husting suspended.(1616)

St. Paul's Churchyard, which served as the burial ground to no less than twenty-three city parishes, became overcrowded and greatly added to the insanitary condition of the city by its shallow graves. The mayor informed the lords of the council of this state of affairs by letter (15 May, 1582), in which he says that scarcely any grave was then made without exposing corpses, and that the heat of the crowds standing over the shallow graves caused noxious exhalations. It was currently reported at the time that the gravediggers were the cause of the shallow graves "as being desirous to have the infection spred that they might gaine by burieng."(1617)