#44 Historiae ipsius praeter delectationem utilitas nulla est, quam ut religionis Christianae veritas demonstretur, quod aliter quam per historian fieri non potest.—LEIBNIZ, Opera, ed. Dutens, vi. 297. The study of Modern History is, next to Theology itself, and only next in so far as Theology rests on a divine revelation, the most thoroughly religious training that the mind can receive. It is no paradox to say that Modern History, including Medieval History in the term, is coextensive in its field of view, in its habits of criticism, in the persons of its most famous students, with Ecclesiastical History.— STUBBS, Lectures, 9. Je regarde donc l'etude de l'histoire comme l'etude de la providence. L'histoire est vraiment une seconde philosophy.—Si Dieu ne parle pas toujours, il agit toujours en Dieu. —D'AGUESSEAU, OEuvres, xv. 34, 31, 35. Fur diejenigen, welche das Wesen der menschlichen Freiheit erkannt haben, bildet die denkende Betrachtung der Weltgeschichte, besonders den christlichen Weltalters, die hochste, und umfassendste Theodicee.—VATKE, Die Menschliche Freiheit, 1841, 516. La theologie, que l'on regarde volontiers comme la plus etroite et la plus sterile den sciences, en est, au contraire, la plus etendue et la plus feconde. Elle confine a toutes les etudes et touche a toutes les questions. Elle renferme tous les elements d'une instruction liberale.—SCHERER, Melanges, 522. The belief that the course of events and the agency of man are subject to the laws of a divine order, which it is alike impossible for any one either fully to comprehend or effectually to resist—this belief is the ground of all our hope for the future destinies of mankind.—THIRLWALL, Remains, iii. 282. A true religion must consist of ideas and facts both; not of ideas alone without facts, for then it would be mere philosophy; nor of facts alone without ideas, of which those facts are the symbols, or out of which they are grounded; for then it would be mere history.—COLERIDGE, Table Talk, 144. It certainly appears strange that the men most conversant with the order of the visible universe should soonest suspect it empty of directing mind; and, on the other hand, that humanistic, moral and historical studies—which first open the terrible problems of suffering and grief, and contain all the reputed provocatives of denial and despair—should confirm, and enlarge rather than disturb, the prepossessions of natural piety.—MARTINEAU, Essays, i. 122. Die Religion hat nur dann eine Bedeutung fur den Menschen, wenn er in der Geschichte einen Punkt findet, den er sich vollig unbedingt hingeben kann.—STEFFENS, Christliche Religionsphilosophie, 440, 1839. Wir erkennen darin nur eine Thatigkeit den zu seinem achten und wahren Leben, zu seinem verlornen, objectiven Selbstverstandnisse sich zurecksehnenden christlichen Geistes unserer Zeit, einen Ausdruck fur das Bedurfniss desselben, sich aus den unwahren und unachten Verkleidungen, womit ihn der moderne, subjective Geschmack der letzten Entwicklungsphase des theologischen Bewusstseyns umhullt hat, zu seines historischen allein wahren und ursprunglichen Gestalt wiederzugebaren, zu diejenigen Bedeutung zuruckzukehren, die ihm in den Bewusstseyn der Geschichte allein zukommt und deren Verstandniss in den wogenden luxuriosen Leben der modernen Theologie langst untergegangen ist.—GEORGII. Zeitschrift fur Hist. Theologie, ix. 5, 1839.

#45 Liberty, in fact, means just so far as it is realised, the right man in the right place.—EELEY, Lectures and Essays, 109.

#46 In diesem Sinne ist Freiheit und sich entwickelnde moralische Vernunft und Gewissen gleichbedeutene. In diesen Sinne ist der Mensch frei, sobald sich das Gewissen in ihm entwickelt.—SCHEIDLER, Ersch und Gruber, xlix. 20. Aus der unendlichen und ewigen Geltung der menschlichen Personlichkeit vor Gott, aus der Vorstellung von der in Gott freien Personlichkeit, folgt auch der Anspruch auf das Recht derselben in der weltlichen Sphere, auf burgerliche und politische Freiheit, auf Gewissen und Religionsfreiheit, auf freie wissenschaftliche Forschung u.s.w., und namentlich die Forderung, dass niemand lediglich zum Mittel fur andere diene.—MARTENSEN, Christliche Ethik, i. 50.

#47 Es giebt angeborne Menschenrechte, weil es angeborne Menschenpflichten giebt.—WOLFFE, Naturrecht, LOEPER, Einleitung zu Faust, lvii.

#48 La constitution de l'etat reste jusqu'a un certain point a notre discretion. La constitution de la societe ne depend pas de nous; elle est donnee par la force des choses, et si l'on veut elever le langage, elle est l'oeuvre de la Providence.—REMUSAT, Revue des Deux Mondes, 1861, v. 795.

#49 Die Freiheit ist bekanntlich kein Geschenk der Gotter, sondern ein, Gut das jedes Volk sich selbst verdankt und das nur bei den erforderlichen Mass moralischer Kraft und Wurdigkeit gedeiht.— IHERING, Geist den Romischen Rechts, ii. 290. Liberty, in the very nature of it, absolutely requires, und even supposes, that people be able to govern themselves in those respects in which they are free; otherwise their wickedness will be in proportion to their liberty, and this greatest of blessings will become a curse.—BUTLER, Sermons, 331. In each degree and each variety of public development there are corresponding institutions, best answering the public needs; and what is meat to one is poison to another. Freedom is for those who are fit for it.—PARKMAN, Canada, 396. Die Freiheit ist die Wurzel einer neuen Schopfung in der Schopfung.—SEDERHOLM, Die ewigen Thatsachen, 86.

#50 La liberte politique, qui n'est qu'une complexite plus grande, de plus en plus grande, dans le gouvernement d'un peuple, a mesure que le peuple lui-meme contient un plus grand nombre de forces diverses ayant droit et de vivre et de participer a la chose publique, est un fait de civilisation qui s'impose lentement a une societe organisee, mais qui n'apparalt point comme un principe a une societe qui s'organise.— FAGURT, Revue des Deux Mondes, 1889, ii. 942.

#51 Il y a bien un droit du plus sage, mais non pas un droit du plus fort.—La justice est le droit du plus faible.—JOUBERT, Pensees, i. 355, 358.

#52 Nicht durch ein pflanzenahnliches Wachsthum, nicht aus den dunklen Grunden der Volksempfindung, sondem durch den mannlichen Willen, durch die Ueberzeugung, durch die That, durch den Kampf entsteht, behauptet, entwickelt sich das Recht. Sein historisches Werden ist ein bewusstes, im hellen Mittagslicht der Erkenntniss und der Gesetzgebung.—Rundschau. November 1893, 13. Nicht das Normale, Zahme, sondern das Abnorme, Wilde, bildet uberall die Grundlage und den Anfang einer neuen Ordnung.—LASAULX, Philosophie der Geschichte, 143.

#53 Um den Sieg zu vervollstandigen, erubrigte des zweite Stadium oder die Aufgabe: die Berechtigung der Mehrheit nach allen Seiten hin zur gleichen Berechtigung aller zu erweitern, d.h. bis zur Gleichstellung aller Bekenntnisse im Kirchenrecht, aller Volker im Volkerrecht, aller Staatsburger im Staatsrecht und aller socialen Interessen im Gesellschaftsrecht fortzufuhren.—A. SCHMIDT, Zuricher Monatschrift, i. 68.

#54 Notre histoire ne nous enseignait nullement la liberte. Le jour ou la France voulut etre libre, elle eut tout a creer, tout a inventer dans cet ordee de faits.—Cependant il faut marcher, l'avenir appelle les peuples. Quand on n'a point pour cela l'impulsion du passe, il faut bien se confier a la raison.—DUPONT WHITE, Revue des Deux Mondes, 1861, vi. 191. Le peuple francais a peu de gout pour le developpement graduel des institutions. Il ignore son histoire, il ne s'y reconnait pas, elle n'a pas laisse de trace dans sa conscience. —SCHERER, Etudes Critiques, i. 100. Durch die Revolution befreiten sich die Franzosen von ihrer Geschichte.—ROSENKRANZ, Aus einem Tagebuch, 199.

#55 The discovery of the comparative method in philology, in mythology—let me add in politics and history und the whole range of human thought—marks a stage in the progress of the human mind at least as great and memorable as the revival of Greek and Latin learning.—FREEMAN, Historical Essays, iv. 301. The diffusion of a critical spirit in history and literature is affecting the criticism of the Bible in our own day in a manner not unlike the burst of intellectual life in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.—JOWETT, Essays and Reviews, 346. As the revival of literature in the sixteenth century produced the Reformation, so the growth of the critical spirit, and the change that has come over mental science, and the mere increase of knowledge of all kinds, threaten now a revolution less external but not less profound.—HADDAN, Replies, 348

#56 In his just contempt and detestation of the crimes and follies of the Revolutionists, he suffers himself to forget that the revolution itself is a process of the Divine Providence, and that as the folly of men is the wisdom of God, so are their iniquities instruments of His goodness.—COLERIDGE, Biographia Literaria, ii. 240. In other parts of the world, the idea of revolutions in government is, by a mournful and indissoluble association, connected with the idea of wars, and all the calamities attendant on wars. But happy experience teaches us to view such revolutions in a very different light—to consider them only as progressive steps in improving the knowledge of government, and increasing the happiness of society and mankind.—J. WILSON, 26th November 1787, Works, iii. 293. La Revolution, c'est-a-dire l'oeuvre des siecles, ou, si vous voulez, le renouvellement progressif de la societe, on encore, sa nouvelle constitution.-REMUSAT, Correspondance, 11th October 1818. A ses yeux loin d'avoir rompu le tours naturel des evenements, ni la Revolution d'Angleterre, ni la notre, n'ont rien dit, rien fait, qui n'eut ete dit, souhaite, fait, on tente cent fois avant leur explosion. "Il faut en ceci," dit-il, "tout accorder a leurs adversaires, les surpasser meme en severite, ne regarder a leurs accusations que pour y ajouter, s'ils en oublient; et puis les sommer de dresser, a leur tour, le compte des erreurs, des crimes, et des maux de ces temps et de ces pouvoirs qu'ils ont pris sous leur garde."—Revue de Paris, xvi. 303, on Guizot. Quant aux nouveautes mises en oeuvre par la Revolution Francaise on les retrouve une a une, en remontant d'age en age, chez les philosopher du XVIII/e siecle, chez les grands penseurs du XVI/e, chez certains Peres d'Eglise et jusque dans la Republique de Platon.—En presence de cette belle continuite de l'histoire, qui ne fait pas plus de sauts que la nature, devant cette solidarite necessaire des revolutions avec le passe qu'elles brisent.—KRANTZ, Revue Politique, xxxiii. 264. L'esprit du XIX/e siecle est de comprendre et de juger les choses du passe. Notre oeuvre est d'expliquer ce que le XVIII/e siecle avait mission de nier.—VACHEROT, De la Democratie, pref., 28.

#57 La commission recherchera, dans toutes les parties des archives pontificales, les pieces relatives a l'abus que les papes ont fait de leur ministere spirituel contre l'autorite des souveraines et la tranquillite des peuples.—DAUNOU, Instructions, 3rd January 1811. LABORDE, Inventaires, p. cxii.

#58 Aucun des historiens remarquables de cette epoque n'avait senti encore le besoin de chercher les faits hors des livres imprimes, aux sources primitives, la plupart inedites alors, aux manuscrits de nos bibliotheques, aux documents de nos archives.—MICHELET, Histoire de France, 1869, i. 2.

#59 Doch besteht eine Grenze, wo die Geschichte aufhort und das Archiv anfangt, und die von der Geschichtschreibung nicht uberschritten werden sollte.—Unsere Zeit, 1866, ii. 635. Il faut avertir nos jeunes historiens a la fois de la necessite ineluctable du document et, d'autre part, du danger qu'il presente.—M. HANOTAUX.

#60 This process consists in determining with documentary proofs, and by minute investigations duly set forth, the literal, precise, and positive inferences to be drawn at the present day from every authentic statement, without regard to commonly received notions, to sweeping generalities, or to possible consequences.—HARRISSE, Discovery of America, 1893, p. vi. Perhaps the time has not yet come for synthetic labours in the sphere of History. It may be that the student of the Past must still content himself with critical inquiries—Ib. p. v. Few scholars are critics, few critics are philosophers, and few philosophers look with equal care on both sides of a question.—W. S. LANDOR in HOLYOAKE'S Agitator's Life, ii. 315. Introduire dans l'histoire, et sans tenir compte des passions politiques et religieuses, le doute methodique que Descartes, le premier, appliqua a l'etude de la philosophie, n'est-ce pas la une excellente methode? n'est-ce pas meme la meilleure?—CHANTELAUZE, Correspondant, 1883, i. 129. La critique historique ne sera jamais populaire. Comme elle est de toutes les sciences la plus delicate, la plus deliee, elle n'a de credit qu'aupres des esprits cultives.— CHERBULIEZ, Revue des Deux Mondes, xcvii. 517. Nun liefert aber die Kritik, wenn sie rechter Art ist, immer nur einzelne Data, gleichsam die Atome des Thatbestandes, und jede Kombination, jede Zusammenfassung und Schlussfolgerung, ohne die es doch einmal nicht abgeht, ist ein subjektiver Akt des Forschers. Demnach blieb Waitz, bei des eigenen Arbeit wie bei jener des anderen, immer hochst mistrauisch gegen jedes Resume, jede Definition, jedes abschliessende Wort.—SYBEL, Historische Zeitschrift, lvi. 484. Mit blosser Kritik wird darin nichts ausgerichtet, denn die ist nur eine Vorarbeit, welche da aufhort, wo die echte historische Kunst anfangt.—LASAULX, Philosophie der Kunste, 212.

#61 The only case in which such extraneous matters can be fairly called in is when facts are stated resting on testimony; then it is not only just, but it is necessary for the sake of truth, to inquire into the habits of mind of him by whom they are adduced.—BABBAGE, Bridgewater Treatise, p. xiv.

#62 There is no part of our knowledge which it is more useful to obtain at first hand—to go to the fountain-head for—than our knowledge of History.—J. S. MILL, Inaugural Address, 34. The only sound intellects are those which, in the first instance, set their standard of proof high.—J. S. MILL, Examination of Hamilton's Philosophy, 525.

#63 There are so few men mentally capable of seeing both sides of a question; so few with consciences sensitively alive to the obligation of seeing both sides; so few placed under conditions either of circumstance or temper, which admit of their seeing both sides.—GREG, Political Problems, 1870, 173. Il n'y a que les Allemands qui sachent etre aussi completement objectifs. Ils se dedoublent, pour ainsi dire, en deux hommes, l'un qui a des principes tres arretes et des passions tres vives, l'autre qui sait voir et observer comme s'il n'en avait point.—LAVELEYE, Revue des Deux Mondes, 1868, i. 431. L'ecrivain qui penche trop dans le sens ou il incline, et qui ne se defie pas de ses qualites presque autant que ses defauts, cet ecrivain tourne a la maniere.—SCHERER, Melanges, 484. Il faut faire volteface, et vivement, franchement, tourner le dos an moyen age, a ce passe morbide, qui, meme quand il n'agit pas, influe terriblement par la contagion de la mort. Il ne faut ni combattre, ni critiquer, mais oublier. Oublions et marchons!—MICHELET, La Bible de l'Humanite, 483. It has excited surprise that Thucydides should speak of Antiphon, the traitor to the democracy, and the employer of assassins, as "a man inferior in virtue to none of his contemporaries." But neither here nor elsewhere does Thucydides pass moral judgments.— JOWETT, Thucydides, ii. 501.

#64 Non theologi provinciam suscepimus; scimus enim quantum hoc ingenii nostri tenuitatem superet: ideo sufficit nobis to hoti [Gk] fideliter ex antiquis auctoribus retulisse.—MORINUS, De Poenitentia, ix. 10. Il faut avouer que la religion chretienne a quelque chose d'etonnant! C'est parce que vous y etes ne, dira-t-on. Tant s'en faut, je me roidis contre par cette raison-la meme, de peur que cette prevention ne me suborne.—PASCAL, Pensees, xvi. 7. I was fond of Fleury for a reason which I express in the advertisement; because it presented a sort of photograph of ecclesiastical history without any comment upon it. In the event, that simple representation of the early centuries had a good deal to do with unsettling me.—NEWMAN, Apologia, 152.—Nur was sich vor dem Richterstuhl einer achten, unbefangenen, nicht durch die Brille einer philosophischen oder dogmatischen Schule stehenden Wissenschaft als wahr bewahrt, kann zur Erbauung, Belehrung und Warnung tuchtig seyn.—NEANDER, Kirchengeschichte, i. p. vii. Wie weit bei katholischen Publicisten bei der Annahme der Ansicht von der Staatsanstalt apologetische Gesichtspunkte massgebend gewesen sind, mag dahingestellt bleiben. Der Historiker darf sich jedoch nie durch apologetische Zwecke leiten lassen; sein einziges Ziel soll die Ergrundung der Wahrheit sein.—PASTOR, Geschichte der Pabste, ii. 545. Church history falsely written is a school of vainglory, hatred, and uncharitableness; truly written, it is a discipline of humility, of charity, of mutual love.—SIR W. HAMILTON, Discussions, 506. The more trophies and crowns of honour the Church of former ages can be shown to have won in the service of her adorable head, the more tokens her history can be brought to furnish of his powerful presence in her midst, the more will we be pleased and rejoice, Protestant though we be.—NEVIN, Mercersburg Review, 1851, 168. S'il est une chose a laquelle j'ai donne tous mes soins, c'est a ne pas laisser influencer mes jugements par les opinions politiques on religieuses; que si j'ai quelquefois peche par quelque exces, c'est par la bienveillance pour les oeuvres de ceux qui pensent autrement que moi.—MONOD, R. Hist. xvi. 184. Nous n'avons nul interet a faire parler l'histoire en faveur de nos propres opinions. C'est son droit imprescriptible que le narrateur reproduise tous les faits sans aucune reticence et range toutes les evolutions dans leur ordre naturel. Notre recit restera completement en dehors des preoccupations de la dogmatique et des declamations de la polemique. Plus les questions auxquelles nous aurons a toucher agitent et passionnent de nos jours les esprits, plus il est du devoir de l'historien de s'effacer devant les faits qu'il veut faire connaitre.—REUSS, Nouvelle Revue de Theologie, vi. 193, 1860. To love truth for truth's sake is the principal part of human perfection in this world, and the seed-plot of all other virtues.—LOCKE, Letter to Collins. Il n'est plus possible aujourd'hui a l'historien d'etre national dans le sons etroit du mot. Son patriotisme a lui c'est l'amour de la verite. Il n'est pas l'homme d'une race on d'un pays, il est l'homme de tous les pays, il parle au nom de la civilisation generale.—LANFREY, Hist. de Nap. iii. 2, 1870. Juger avec les parties de soi-meme qui sont le moins des formes du temperament, et le plus des facultes penetrees et modelees par l'experience, par l'etude, par l'investigation, par le non-moi.—FAGUET, R. de Paris, i. 151. Aucun critique n'est aussi impersonne que lui, aussi libre de partis pris et d'opinions preconcues, aussi objectif—Il ne mele ou parait meler a ses appreciations ni inclinations personnelles de gout on d'humeur, on theories d'aucune sorte.—G. MONOD, of Faguet, Revue Historique, xlii. 417. On dirait qu'il a peur, et generalisant ses observations, en systematisant ses connaissances, de meler de lui-meme aux choses.—Je lis tout un volume de M. Faguet, sans penser une fois a M. Faguet: je ne vois que les originaux qu'il montre.—J'envisage toujours une realite objective, jamais l'idee de M. Faguet, jamais la doctrine de M. Faguet.—LANSON, Revue Politique, 1894, i. 98

#65 It should teach us to disentangle principles first from parties, and again from one another; first of all as showing how imperfectly all parties represent their own principles, and then how the principles themselves are a mingled tissue.—ARNOLD, Modern History, 184. I find it a good rule, when I am contemplating a person from whom I want to learn, always to look out for his strength, being confident that the weakness will discover itself.—MAURICE, Essays, 305. We may seek for agreement somewhere with our neighbours, using that as a point of departure for the sake of argument. It is this latter course that I wish here to explain and defend. The method is simple enough, though not yet very familiar. It aims at conciliation; it proceeds by making the best of our opponent's case, instead of taking him at his worst. The most interesting part of every disputed question only begins to appear when the rival ideals admit each other's right to exist.—A. SIDGWICK, Distinction and the Criticism of Beliefs, 1892, 211. That cruel reticence in the breasts of wise men which makes them always hide their deeper thought.—RUSKIN, Sesame and Lilies, i. 16. Je offener wir die einzelnen Wahrheiten des Sozialismus anerkennen, desto erfolgreicher konnen wir seine fundamentalen Unwahrheiten widerlegen.—ROSCHER, Deutsche Vierteljahrschrift, 1849, i. 177.

#66 Dann habe ihn die Wahrnehmung, dass manche Angaben in den historischen Romanen Walter Scott's, mit den gleichzeitigen Quellen im Widerspruch standen, "mit Erstaunen" erfullt, und ihn zu dem Entschlusse gebracht, auf das Gewissenhafteste an der Ueberlieferung der Quellen festzuhalten.—SYBEL, Gedachtnissrede auf Ranke. Akad. der Wissenschaften, 1887, p. 6. Sich frei zu halten von allem Widerschein der Gegenwart, sogar, soweit das menschenmoglich, von dem der eignen subjectiven Meinung in den Dingen des Staates, der Kirche und der Gesellschaft.—A. DOVE, Im Neuen Reich, 1875, ii. 967. Wir sind durchaus nicht fur die leblose und schemenartige Darstellungsweise der Ranke'schen Schule eingenommen; es wird uns immer kuhl bis ans Herz heran, wenn wir derartige Schilderungen der Reformation und der Revolution lesen, welche so ganz im kuhlen Element des Pragmatismus sich bewegen und dabei so ganz Undinenhaft sind und keine Seele haben.—Wir lassen es uns lieber gefallen, dass die Manner der Geschichte hier und dort gehofmeistert werden, als dass sie uns mit Glasaugen ansehen, so meisterhaft immer die Kunst sein mag, die sie ihnen eingesetzt hat.—GOTTSCHALL, Unsere Zeit, 1866, ii. 636, 637. A vivre avec des diplomates, il leur a pris des qualites qui sont un defaut chez un historien. L'historien n'est pas un temoin, c'est un juge; c'est a lui d'accuser et de condamner au nom du passe opprime et dans l'interet de l'avenir.—LABOULAYE on RANKE; Debats, 12th January 1852.

#67 Un theologien qui a compose une eloquente histoire de la Reformation, rencontrant a Berlin un illustre historien qui, lui aussi, a raconte Luther et le XVIe siecle, l'embrassa avec effusion en le traitant de confrere. "Ah! permettez," lui repondit l'autre en se degageant, "il y a une grande difference entre nous: vous etes avant tout chretien, et je suis avant tout historien."—CHERBULIEZ, Revue des Deux Mondes, 1872, i. 537

#68 Nackte Wahrheit ohne allen Schmuck; grundliche Erforschung des Einzelnen; das Uebrige, Gott befohlen.—Werke, xxxiv. 24. Ce ne sont pas les theories qui doivent nous servir de base dans la recherche des faits, mais ce sont les faits qui doivent nous servir de base pour la composition des theories.—VINCENT, Nouvelle Revue de Thoologie, 1859, ii. 252.

#69 Die zwanglose Anordnungs—die leichte und leise Andeutungskunst des grossen Historikers voll zu wurdigen, hinderte ihn in fruherer Zeit sein Bedurfniss nach scharfer begrifflicher Ordnung und Ausfuhrung, spater, und in immer zunehmenden Grade, sein Sinn fur strenge Sachlichkeit, und genaue Erforschung der ursichlichen Zusammenhange, noch mehr aber regte sich seine geradherzige Offenheit seine mannliche Ehrlichkeit, wenn er hinter den fein verstrichenen Farben der Rankeschen Erzahlungsbilder die gedeckte Haltung des klugen Diplomaten zu entdecken glaubte.—HAYM, Duncker's Leben, 437. The ground of criticism is indeed, in my opinion, nothing else but distinct attention, which every reader should endeavour to be master of.—HARE, December 1736; Warburton's Works, xiv. 98. Wenn die Quellenkritik so verstanden wird, als sei sie der Nachweis, wie ein Autor den andern benutzt hat, so ist das nur ein gelgentliches Mitte—eins unter anderen—ihr Aufgabe, den Nachweis der Richtigkeit zu losen oder vorzubereiten.—EROYSEN, Historik, 18.

#70 L'esprit scientifique n'est autre en soi que l'instinct du travail et de la patience, le sentiment de l'ordre, de la realite et de la mesure.—PAPILLON, R. des Deux Mondes, 1873, v. 704. Non seulement les sciences, mais toutes les institutions humaines s'organisent de meme, et sous l'empire des memes idees regulatrices.—COURNOT, Idees Fondamentales, i. 4. There is no branch of human work whose constant laws have not close analogy with those which govern every other mode of man's exertion. But more than this, exactly as we reduce to greater simplicity and surety any one group of these practical laws, we shall find them passing the mere condition of connection or analogy, and becoming the actual expression of some ultimate nerve or fibre of the mighty laws which govern the moral world.—RUSKIN, Seven Lamps, 4. The sum total of all intellectual excellence is good sense and method. When these have passed into the instinctive readiness of habit, when the wheel revolves so rapidly that we cannot see it revolve at all, then we call the combination genius. But in all modes alike, and in all professions, the two sole component parts, even of genius, are good sense and method.—COLERIDGE, June 1814, Mem. of Coleorton, ii. 172. Si l'exercice d'un art nous empeche d'en apprendre un autre, il n'en est pas ainsi dans les sciences: la connoissance d'une verite nous aide a en decouvrir une autre.—Toutes les sciences sont tellement liees ensemble qu'il est bien plus facile de les apprendre toutes a la fois que d'en apprendre une seule en la detachant des autres.—Il ne doit songer qu'a augmenter les lumieres naturelles de sa raison, non pour resoudre telle ou telle difficulte de l'ecole, mais pour que dans chaque circonstance de la vie son intelligence montre d'avance a sa volonte le parti qu'elle doit prendre.—DESCARTES, OEuvres Choisies, 300, 301. Regles pour la Direction de l'Esprit. La connaissance de la methode qui a guide l'homme de genie n'est pas moins utile an progres de la science et meme a sa propre gloire, que ses decouvertes.—LAPLACE. Systeme du Monde, ii. 371. On ne fait rien sans idees preconcues, il faut avoir seulement la sagesse de ne croire a leurs deductions qu'autant que l'experience les confirme. Les idees preconcues, soumises au controle severe de l'experimentation, sont la flamme vivante des sciences d'observation; les idees fixes en sont le danger.—PASTEUR, in Histoire d'un Savant, 284. Douter des verites humaines, c'est ouvrir la porte aux decouvertes; en faire des articles de foi, c'est la fermer.—Dumas, Discours, i. 123.

#71 We should not only become familiar with the laws of phenomena within our own pursuit, but also with the modes of thought of men engaged in other discussions and researches, and even with the laws of knowledge itself, that highest philosophy.—Above all things, know that we call you not here to run your minds into our moulds. We call you here on an excursion, on an adventure, on a voyage of discovery into space as yet uncharted.—ALLBUTT, Introductory Address at St. George's, October 1889. Consistency in regard to opinions is the slow poison of intellectual life.—DAVY, Memoirs, 68.

#72 Ce sont vous autres physiologistes des corps vivants, qui avez appris a nous autres physiologistes de la societe (qui est aussi un corps vivant) la maniere de observer et de tirer des consequences de nos observations.—J. B. SAY to DE CANDOLLE, 1st June 1827; DE CANDOLLE, Memoires, 567.

#73 Success is certain to the pure and true: success to falsehood and corruption, tyranny and aggression, is only the prelude to a greater and an irremediable fall.—STUBBS, Seventeen Lectures, 20. The Carlylean faith, that the cause we fight for, so far as it is true, is sure of victory, is the necessary basis of all effective activity for good.—CAIRD, Evolution of Religion, ii. 43. It is the property of truth to be fearless, and to prove victorious over every adversary. Sound reasoning and truth, when adequately communicated, must always be victorious over error.—GODWIN, Political Justice (Conclusion). Vice was obliged to retire and give place to virtue. This will always be the consequence when truth has fair play. Falsehood only dreads the attack, and cries out for auxiliaries. Truth never fears the encounter; she scorns the aid of the secular arm, and triumphs by her natural strength.—FRANKLIN, Works, ii. 292. It is a condition of our race that we must ever wade through error in our advance towards truth: and it may even be said that in many cases we exhaust almost every variety of error before we attain the desired goal.—BABBAGE, Bridgewater Treatise, 27. Les hommes ne peuvent, en quelque genre que ce soit, arriver a quelque chose de raisonnable qu'apres avoir, en ce meme genre, epuise toutes les sottises imaginables. Que de sottises ne dirions-nous pas maintenant, si les anciens ne les avaient pas deja dites avant nous, et ne nous les avaient, pour ainsi dire, enlevees!— FONTENELLE. Without premature generalisations the true generalisation would never be arrived at.—H. SPENCER, Essays, ii. 57. The more important the subject of difference, the greater, not the less, will be the indulgence of him who has learned to trace the sources of human error,—of error, that has its origin not in our weakness and imperfection merely, but often in the most virtuous affections of the heart.—BROWN, Philosophy of the Human Mind, i. 48, 1824. Parmi les chatiments du crime qui ne lui manquent jamais, a cote de celui que lui inflige la conscience, l'histoire lui en inflige un autre encore, eclatant et manifeste, l'impuissance.—COUSIN, Phil. Mod ii. 24. L'avenir de la science est garanti; car dans le grand livre scientifique tout s'ajoute et rien ne se perd. L'erreur ne fonde pas; aucune erreur ne dure tres longtemps.—RENAN, Feuilles Detachees, xiii. Toutes les fois que deux hommes sont d'un avis contraire sur la meme chose, a coup sur, l'un on l'autre se trompe; bien plus, aucun ne semble posseder la verite; car si les raisons de l'un etoient certaines et evidentes, il pourroit les exposer a l'autre de telle maniere qu'il finiroit par le convaincre egalement.—DESCARTES, Regles; OEuvres Choisies, 302. Le premier principe de la critique est qu'une doctrine ne captive ses adherents que par ce qu'elle a de legitime.—RENAN, Essais de Morale, 184. Was dem Wahn solche Macht giebt ist wirklich nicht er selbst, sondern die ihm zu Grunde liegende und darin nur verzerrte Wahrheit.—FRANTZ, Schelling's Philosophie, i. 62. Quand les hommes ont vu une fois la verite dans son eclat, ils ne peuvent plus l'oublier. Elle reste debout, et tot ou tard elle triomphe, parce qu'elle est la pensee de Dieu et le besoin du modee.—MIGNET, Portraits, ii. 295. C'est toujours le sens commun inapercu qui fait la fortune des hypotheses auxquelles il se mele.—COUSIN, Fragments Phil. i. 51. Preface of 1826. Wer da sieht, wie der Irrthum selbst ein Trager mannigfaltigen und bleibenden Fortschritts wird, der wird such nicht so leicht aus dem thatsachlichen Fortschritt der Gegenwart auf Unumstosslichkeit unserer Hypothesen schliessen.—Das richtigste Resultat der geschichtlichen Betrachtung ist die akademische Ruhe, mit welcher unsere Hypothesen und Theorieen ohne Feindschaft und ohne Glauben als das betrachtet werden, was sie sind; als Stufen in jener unendlichen Annaherung an die Wahrheit, welche die Bestimmung unserer intellectuellen Entwickelung zu sein scheint.—LANGE, Geschichte des Materialismus, 502, 503. Hominum errores divina providentia reguntur, ita ut saepe male jacta bene cadant.—LEIBNIZ, ed. Klopp, i. p. lii. Sainte-Beuve n'etait meme pas de la race des liberaux, c'est-a-dire de ceux qui croient que, tout compte fait, et dans un etat de civilisation donne, le bien triomphe du mal a armes egales, et la verite de l'erreur.— D'HAUSSONVILLE, Revue des Deux Mondes, 1875, i. 567. In the progress of the human mind, a period of controversy amongst the cultivators of any branch of science must necessarily precede the period of unanimity.—TORRENS, Essay on the Production of Wealth, 1821, p. xiii. Even the spread of an error is part of the wide-world process by which we stumble into mere approximations to truth.—L. STEPHEN, Apology of an Agnostic, 81. Errors, to be dangerous, must have a great deal of truth mingled with them; it is only from this alliance that they can ever obtain an extensive circulation.—S. SMITH, Moral Philosophy, 7. The admission of the few errors of Newton himself is at least of as much importance to his followers in science as the history of the progress of his real discoveries.—YOUNG, Works, iii. 621. Error is almost always partial truth, and so consists in the exaggeration or distortion of one verity by the suppression of another, which qualifies and modifies the former.—MIVART, Genesis of Species, 3. The attainment of scientific truth has been effected, to a great extent, by the help of scientific errors.—HUXLEY: WARD, Reign of Victoria, ii. 337. Jede neue tief eingreifende Wahrheit hat meiner Ansicht mach erst das Stadium der Einseitigkeit durchzumachen.— IHERING, Geist des R. Rechts, ii. 22. The more readily we admit the possibility of our own cherished convictions being mixed with error, the more vital and helpful whatever is right in them will become.—RUSKIN, Ethics of the Dust, 225. They barely grasp the plain truth unless they examine the error which it cancels.—CORY, Modern English History, 1880, i. 109. Nur durch irrthum kommen wir, der eine kruzeren und glucklicheren Schrittes, als der andere, zur Wahrheit; und die Geschichte darf nirgends diese Verirrungen ubergehen, wenn sie Lehrerin und Warnerin fur die nachfolgenden Geschlechter werden will.—Munchen Gel. Anseigen, 1840, i. 737.

#74 Wie die Weltgeschichte das Weltgericht ist, so kann in noch allgemeinerem Sinne gesagt werden, dass das gerechte Gericht, d. h. die wahre Kritik einer Sache, nur in ihrer Geschichte liegen kann. Insbesondere in der Hinsicht lehrt die Geschichte denjenigen, der ihr folgt, ihre eigene Methode, dass ihr Fortschritt niemals ein reines Vernichten, sondern nur ein Aufheben im philosophischen Sinne ist.—STRAUSS, Hallische Jahrbucher, 1839, 120.

#75 Dans tous les livres qu'il lit, et il en devore des quantites, Darwin ne note que les passages qui contrarient ses idees systematiques.—Il collectionne les difficultes, les cas epineux, les critiques possibles.—VERNIER, Le Temps, 6th Decembre 188. Je demandais a un savant celebre ou il en etait de ses researches. "Cela ne marche plus," me dit-il, "je ne trouve plus de faits contradictoires." Ainsi le savant cherche a se contredire lui-meme pour faire avancer sa pensee.—JANET, Journal des Savants, 1892, 20. Ein Umstand, der uns die Selbstandigkeit des Ganges der Wissenschaft anschaulich machen kann, ist auch der: dass der Irrthum, wenn er nur grundlich behandelt wird, fast ebenso fordernd ist als das Findern der Wahrheit, denn er erzeugt fortgesetzten Widerspruch.—BAER, Blicke auf die Entwicklung der Wissenschaft, 120. It is only by virtue of the opposition which it has surmounted that any truth can stand in the human mind.—ARCHBISHOP TEMPLE; KINGLAKE, Crimea, Winter Troubles, app. 104. I have for many years found it expedient to lay down a rule for my own practice, to confine my reading mainly to those journals the general line of opinions in which is adverse to my own.—HARE, Means of Unity, i. 19. Kant had a harder struggle with himself than he could possibly have had with any critic or opponent of his philosophy.—CAIRD, Philosophy of Kant, 1889, i. p. ix.

#76 The social body is no more liable to arbitrary changes than the individual body.—A full perception of the truth that society is not a mere aggregate, but an organic growth, that it forms a whole, the laws of whose growth can be studied apart from those of the individual atom, supplies the most characteristic postulate of modern speculation.—L. STEPHEN, Science of Ethics, 31. Wie in dem Leben der einzelnen Menschen kein Augenblick eines vollkommenen Stillstandes wahrgenommen wird, sondern stete organische Entwicklung, so verhalt es sich such in dem Leben der Volker, und in jedem einzelnen Element, woraus dieses Gesammtleben besteht. So finden wir in der Sprache stete Fortbildung und Entwicklung, und auf gleiche Weise in dem Recht. Und auch diese Fortbildung steht unter demselben Gesetz der Erzeugung aus innerer Kraft und Nothwendigkeit, unabhangig von Zufall und individueller Willkur, wie die ursprungliche Entstehung.—SAVIGNY, System, i. 16, 17. Seine eigene Entdeckung, dass auch die geistige Produktion, bis in einem gewissen Punkte wenigstens, unter dem Gesetze der Kausalitat steht, dass jedeiner nor geben kann, was er hat, nur hat, was er irgenewoher bekommen, muss such fur ihn selber gelten.—BEKKER, Das Recht des Besitzes bei den Romern, 3, 1880. Die geschichtliche Wandlung der Rechts, in welcher vergangene Jahrhunderte halb ein Spiel der Zufalls und halb ein Werk vernunftelnder Willkur sahen, als gesetzmassige Entwickelung zu begreifen, war das unsterbliche Verdienst der von Mannern wie Savigny, Eichhorn und Jacob Grimm gefuhrten historischen Rechtsschule.—GIERKE, Rundschau, xviii. 205.

#77 The only effective way of studying what is called the philosophy of religion, or the philosophical criticism of religion, is to study the history of religion. The true science of war is the history of war, the true science of religion is, I believe, the history of religion.—M. MULLER, Theosophy, 3, 4. La theologie ne doit plus etre que l'histoire des efforts spontanes tentes pour resoudre le probleme divin. L'histoire, en effet, est la forme necessaire de la science de tout ce qui est soumis aux lois de la vie changeante et successive. La science de l'esprit humain, c'est de meme, l'histoire de l'esprit humain.—RENAN, Averroes, Pref. vi.

#78 Political economy is not a science, in any strict sense, but a body of systematic knowledge gathered from the study of common processes, which have been practised all down the history of the human race in the production and distribution of wealth.—BONAMY PRICE, Social Science Congress, 1878. Such a study is in harmony with the best intellectual tendencies of our age, which is, more than anything else, characterised by the universal supremacy of the historical spirit. To such a degree has this spirit permeated all our modes of thinking, that with respect to every branch of knowledge, no less than with respect to every institution and every form of human activity, we almost instinctively ask, not merely what is its existing condition, but what were its earliest discoverable germs, and what has been the course of its development.—INGRAM, History of Political Economy, 2. Wir dagegen stehen keinen Augenblick an, die Nationalekonomie fur eine reine Erfahrungswissenschaft zu erklaren, und die Geschichte ist uns daher nicht Hulfsmittel, sondern Gegenstand selber.—ROSCHER, Deutsche Vierte Jahrschrift, 1849, i. 182. Der bei weitem grosste Theil menschlicher Irrthumer beruhet darauf, lass man zeitlich und Ortlich Wahres oder Heilsames fur absolut wahr oder heilsam ausgiebt. Fur jede Stufe der Volksentwickelung passt eine besondere Staatsverfassung, die mit allen ubrigen Verhaltnissen der Volks als Ursache und Wirkung auf's Innigste verbunden ist; so passt such fur jede Entwickelungsstufe eine besondere Landwirthschaftsverfassung. —ROSCHER, Archiv f. p. Oek. viii. 2 Heft 1845. Seitdem vor allen Roscher, Hildebrand und Knies den Werth, die Berechtigung und die Nothwendigkeit derselben unwiderleglich dargethan, hat sich immer allgemeiner der Gedanke Bahn gebrochen, dass diese Wissenschaft, die bis dahin nur auf die Gegenwart, auf die Erkenntniss der bestehenden Verhaltnisse und die in ihnen sichtbaren Gesetze den Blick gerichtet hatte, auch in die Vergangenheit, in die Erforschung der bereits hinter uns liegenden wirthschaftlichen Entwicklung der Volker sich vertiefen musse.—SCHONBERG, Jahrbucher f. Nationaloekonomie und Statistik, Neue Folge, 1867, i. 1. Schmoller, moins dogmatique et mettant comme une sorte de coquetterie a etre incertain, demontre, par les faits, la faussete on l'arbitraire de tous ces postulats, et laisse l'economie politique se dissoudre dans l'histoire.—BRETON. R. de Paris, ix. 67. Wer die politische Oekonomie Feuerlands unter dieselben Gesetze bringen wollte mit der des heutigen Englands, wurde damit augenscheinlich nichts zu Tage fordern als den allerbanalsten Gemeinplatz. Die politische Oekonomie ist somit wesentlich eine historische Wissenschaft. Sie behandelt einen geschichtlichen, das heisst einen stets wechselnden Stoff. Sie untersucht zunachst die besondern Gesetze jeder einzelnen Entwicklungsstufe der Produktion und der Austausches, und wird erst am Schluss dieser Untersuchung die wenigen, fur Produktion und Austausch uberhaupt geltenden, ganz allgemeinen Gesetze aufstellen konnen.—ENGELS, Duhrings Umwalzung der Wissenschaft, 1878, 121.

#79 History preserves the student from being led astray by a too servile adherence to any system.—WOLOWSKI. No system can be anything more than a history, not in the order of impression, but in the order of arrangement by analogy.—DAVY, Memoirs, 68. Avec der materiaux si nombreux et si importants, il fallait bien du courage pour resister a la tentation de faire un systeme. De Saussure eut ce courage, et nous en ferons le dernier trait et le trait principal de son eloge.—CUVIER, Eloge de Saussure, 1810..

#80 C'etait, en 1804, une idee heureuse et nouvelle, d'appeler l'histoire au secours de la science, d'interroger les deux grandes ecoles rivales au profit de la verite.—COUSIN, Fragments Litteraires, 1843, 95, on Degerando. No branch of philosophical doctrine, indeed, can be fairly investigated or apprehended apart from its history. All our systems of politics, morals, and metaphysics would be different if we knew exactly how they grew up, and what transformations they have undergone; if we knew, in short, the true history of human ideas.— CLIFFE LESLIE, Essays in Political and Moral Philosophy, 1879, 149. The history of philosophy must be rational and philosophic. It must be philosophy itself, with all its elements, in all their relations, and under all their laws represented in striking characters by the hands of time and of history, in the manifested progress of the human mind.—SIR WILLIAM HAMILTON, Edin. Rev. l. 200, 1829. Il n'est point d'etude plus instructive, plus utile que l'etude de l'histoire de la philosophie; car on y apprend a se desabuser des philosophes, et l'on y desapprend la fausse science de leurs systemes.—ROYER COLLARD, OEuvres de Reid, iv. 426. On ne peut guere echapper a la conviction que toutes les solutions des questions philosophiques n'aient ete developpes on indiquees avant le commencement du dix-neuvieme siecle, et que par consequent il ne soit les difficile, pour ne pas dire impossible, de tomber, en pareille matiere, sur une idee neuve de quelque importance. Or si cette conviction est fondee, il s'ensuit que la science est faite.—JOUFFROY, in DAMIRON, Philosophie du XIXe Siecle, 363. Le but dernier de tous mes efforts, l'ame de mes ecrits et de tout mon enseignement, c'est l'identite de la philosophie et de son histoire.—COUSIN, Cours de 1829. Ma route est historique, il est vrai, mais mon but est dogmatique; je tends a une theorie, et cette theorie je la demande a l'histoire.—COUSIN, Ph. du XVIIIe Siecle, 15. L'histoire de la philosophie est contrainte d'emprunter d'abord a la philosophie la lumiere qu'elle doit lui rendre un jour avec usure.—COUSIN, Du Vrai, 1855, 14. M. Cousin, durant tout son professorat de 1816 a 1829, a pense que l'histoire de la philosophie etait la source de la philosophie meme. Nous ne croyons pas exagerer en lui pretant cette opinion.—B. ST. HILAIRE, Victor Cousin, i. 302. Il se hata de convertir le fait en loi, et proclama que la philosophie, etant identique a son histoire, ne pouvait avoir une loi differante, et etait vouee a jamais a l'evolution fatale der quatre systemes, se contredisant toujours, mais se limitant, et se moderant, par cela meme de maniere a maintenir l'equilibre, sinon l'harmonie de la pensee humaine.—VACHEROT, Revue der Deux Mondes, 1868, iii. 957. Er hat uberhaupt das unvergangliche Verdienst, zuerst in Frankreich zu der Erkenntniss gelangt zu sein, dass die menschliche Vernunft nur durch das Studium der Gesetzes ihrer Entwickelungen begriffen werden kann.—LAUSER, Unsere Zeit, 1868, i. 459. Le philosophe en quete du vrai en soi, n'est plus reduit a ses conceptions individuelles; il est riche du tresor amasse par l'humanite.—BOUTROUX, Revue Politique, xxxvii. 802. L'histoire, je veux dire l'histoire de l'esprit humain, est en ce sens la vraie philosophie de notre temps.—RENAN, Etudes de Morale, 83. Die Philosophie wurde eine hochst bedeutende Hulfswissenschaft der Geschichte, sie hat ihre Richtung auf das Allgemeine gefordert, ihren Blick fur dasselbe gescharft, und sie, wenigstens durch ihre Vermittlung, mit Gesichtspuncten, Ideen, bereichert, die sie aus ihrem eigenen Schoosse sobald noch nicht erzeugt haben wurde. Weit die fruchtbarste darunter war die aus der Naturwissenschaft geschopfte Idee der organischen Lebens, dieselbe auf der die neueste Philosophie selbst beruht. Die seit zwei bis drei Jahrzehnten in der Behandlung der Geschichte eingetretene durchgreifende Veranderung, wie die vollige Umgestaltung so mancher anderen Wissenschaft . . . ist der Hauptsache nach ihr Werk.—HAUG, Allgemeine Geschichte, 1841, i. 22. Eine Geschichte der Philosophie in eigentlichen Sinne wurde erst moglich, als man an die Stelle der Philosopher deren Systeme setzte, den inneren Zusammenhang zwischen diesen feststellte und—wie Dilthey sagt—mitten in Wechsel der Philosophien ein siegreiches Fortschreiten zur Wahrheit nachwies. Die Gesammtheit der Philosophie stellt sich also dar als eine geschichtliche Einheit—SAUL, Rundschau, February 1894,307. Warum die Philosophie eine Geschichte habe und haben musse, blieb unerortert, ja ungeahnt, dass die Philosophie am meisten von allen Wissenschaften historisch sei, denn man hatte in der Geschichte den Begriff der Entwicklung nicht entdeckt—MARBACH, Griechische Philosophie, 15. Was bei oberflachlicher Betrachtung nur ein Gewirre einzelner Personen und Meinungen zu rein schien, zeigt sich bei genauerer und grundlicherer Untersuchung als eine geschichtliche Entwicklung, in der alles, bald naher, bald entfernter, mit allem anderen zusammenhangt.—ZELLER, Rundschau, February 1894, 307. Nur die Philosophie, die an die geschichtliche Entwickelung anknupft kann auf bleibenden Erfolg auch fur die Zukunft rechnen und fortschreiten zu dem, was in der bisherigen philosophischen Entwickelung nur erst unvollkommen erreicht oder angestrebt worden ist Kann sich doch die Philosophie uberhaupt und insbesondere die Metaphysik ihrer eigenen geschichtlichen Entwickelung nicht entschlagen, sondern hat eine Geschichte der Philosophie als eigene und zwar zugleich historische und spekulative Disziplin, in deren geschichtlichen Entwickelungsphasen und geschichtlich aufeinanderfolgenden Systemen der Philosophen die neuere Spekulation seit Schelling und Hegel zugleich die Philosophie selbst als ein die verschiedenen geschichtlichen Systeme umfassendes ganzes in seiner dialektischen Gliederung erkannt hat—GLOATZ, Spekulative Theologie, i. 23. Die heutige Philosophie fuhrt uns auf einen Standpunkt von dem aus die philosophische Idee als das innere Wesen der Geschichte selbst erscheint. So trat an die Stelle einer abstrakt philosophischen Richtung, welche das Geschichtliche verneinte, eine abstrakt geschichtliche Richtung, welche das Philosophische verlaugnete. Beide Richtungen sine als uberschrittene und besiegte zu betrachten.—BERNER, Strafrecht, 75. Die Geschichte der Philosophie hat uns fast schon die Wissenschaft der Philosophie selbst ersetzt. —HERMANN, Phil. Monatshefte, ii. 198, 1889.

#81 La siecle actuel sera principalement caracterise par l'irrevocable preponderance de l'histoire, en philosophie, en politique, et meme en poesie.—COMTE, Politique Positive, iii. 1.

#82 The historical or comparative method has revolutionised not only the sciences of law, mythology, and language, of anthropology and sociology, but it has forced its way even into the domain of philosophy and natural science. For what is the theory of evolution itself, with all its far-reaching consequences, but the achievement of the historical method?—PROTHERO, Inaugural; National Review, December 1894, 461. To facilitate the advancement of all the branches of useful science, two things seem to be principally requisite. The first is, an historical account of their rise, progress, and present state. Without the former of these helps, a person every way qualified for extending the bounds of science labours under great disadvantages; wanting the lights which have been struck out by others, and perpetually running the risk of losing his labour, and finding himself anticipated.—PRIESTLEY, History of Vision, 1772, i., Pref. i. Cuvier se proposait de montrer l'enchainement scientifique der decouvertes, leurs relations avec les grands evenements historiques, et leur influence sur les progres et le developpement de la civilisation.—DARESTE, Biographie Generale, xii. 685. Dans ses eloquentes lecons, l'histoire des sciences est devenue l'histoire meme de l'esprit humain; car, remontant aux causes de leurs progres et de leurs erreurs, c'est toujours dans les bonnes ou mauvaises routes suivies par l'esprit humain, qu'il trouve ces causes.—FLOURENS, Eloge de Cuvier, xxxi. Wie keine fortlaufende Entwickelungsreihe von nur Einem Punkte aus vollkommen aufzufassen ist, so wird auch keine lebendige Wissenschaft nur aus der Gegenwart begriffen werden konnen.—Deswegen ist aber eine solche Darstellung doch noch nicht der gesammten Wissenschaft adaquat, und sie birgt, wenn sie damit verwechselt wird, starke Gefahren der Einseitigkeit, des Dogmatismus und damit der Stagnation in sich. Diesen Gefahren kann wirksam nur begegnet werden durch die verstandige Betrachtung des Geschichte der Wissenschaften, welche diese selbst in stetem Flusse zeigt und die Tendenz ihres Fortschreitens in offenbarer und sicherer Weise klarlegt.—ROSENBERGER, Geschichte der Physik, iii. p. vi. Die Continuitat in der Ausbildung aller Auffassungen tritt um so deutlicher hervor, je vollstendiger man sich damit wie sie zu verschiedenen Zeiten waren, vertraut macht-KOPP, Entwickelung der Chemie, 814.

#83 Die Geschichte und die Politik sind Ein und derselbe Janus mit dem Doppelgesicht, das in der Geschichte in die Vergangenheit, in der Politik in die Zukunft hinschaut—GUGLER'S Leben, ii. 59.

84 The papers inclosed, which give an account of the killing of two men in the county of Londonderry; if they prove to be Tories, 'tis very well they are gone.—I think it will not only be necessary to grant those a pardon who killed them, but also that they have some reward for their own and others' encouragement.—ESSEX, Letters, 10, 10th January 1675. The author of this happened to be present. There was a meeting of some honest people in the city, upon the occasion of the discovery of some attempt to stifle the evidence of the witnesses.—Bedloe said he had letters from Ireland, that there were some Tories to be brought over hither, who were privately to murder Dr. Oates and the said Bedloe. The doctor, whose zeal was very hot, could never after this hear any man talk against the plot, or against the witnesses, but he thought he was one of these Tories, and called almost every man a Tory that opposed him in discourse; till at last the word Tory became popular.—DEFOE, Edinburgh Review, l. 403

#85 La Espana sera el primer pueblo en donde se encendera esta guerra patriotica que solo puede libertar a Europa.—Hemos oido esto en Inglaterra a varios de los que estaban alli presentes. Muchas veces ha oido lo mismo al duque de Wellington el general Don Miguel de Alava, y dicho duque refirio el suceso en una comida diplomatica que dio en Paris el duque de Richelieu en 1816.—TORENO, Historia del Levantamiento de Espana, 1838, i.508.

#86 Nunquam propter auctoritatem illorum, quamvis magni sint nominis (supponimus scilicet semper nos cum eo agere qui scientiam historicam vult consequi), sententias quas secuti sunt ipse tamquam certas admittet, sed solummodo ob vim testimoniorum et argumentorum quibus eas confirmarunt.—DE SMEDT, Introductio ad historiam critice tractandam, 1866, i. 5.

#87 Hundert schwere Verbrechen wiegen nieht so schwer in der Schale der Unsittlichkeit, als ein unsittliches Princip.—Hallische Jahrbucher, 1839, 308. Il faut fletrir les crimes; mais il faut aussi, et surtout, fletrir les doctrines et les systemes qui tendent a les justifier.—MORTIMER TERNAUX, Histoire de la Terreur.

#88 We see how good and evil mingle in the best of men and in the best of causes; we learn to see with patience the men whom we like best often in the wrong, and the repulsive men often in the right; we learn to bear with patience the knowledge that the cause which we love best has suffered, from the awkwardness of its defenders, so great disparagement, as in strict equity to justify the men who were assaulting it.—STUBBS, Seventeen Lectures, 97.

#89 Caeteris paribus, on trouvera tousjours que ceux qui ont plus de puissance sont sujets a pecher davantage; et il n'y a point de theoreme de geometrie qui soit plus asseure que cette proposition. —LEIBNIZ, 1688, ed. Rommel, ii. 197. Il y a toujours eu de la malignite dans la grandeur, et de l'opposition a l'esprit de l'Evangile; mais maintenant il y en a plus que jamais, et il semble que comme le monde va a sa fin, celui qui est dans l'elevation fait tous ses efforts pour dominer avec plus de tyrannie, et pour etouffer les maximes du Christianisme et le regne de Jesus-Christ, voiant qu'il s'approche.—GOIDEAU, Lettres, 423, 27th March 1667. There is, in fact, an unconquerable tendency in all power, save that of knowledge, acting by and through knowledge, to injure the mind of him by whom that power is exercised.—WORDSWORTH, 22nd June 1817; Letters of Lake Poets, 369.

#90 I cieli han messo sulla terra due giudici delle umane azioni, la coscienza e la storia—COLLETTA. Wenn gerade die edelsten Manner um den Nachruhmes willen gearbeitet haben, so soll die Geschichte ihre Belohnung sein, sie auch die Strafe fur die Schlechten.—LASAULX, Philosophie der Kunste, 211. Pour juger ce qui est bon et juste dans la vie actuelle ou passe il faut posseder un criterium, qui ne soit pas tire du passe ou du present, mais de la nature humaine.—AHRENS. Cours de Droit Naturel, i. 67.

#91 L'homme de notre temps! La conscience moderne! Voila encore de ces termes qui nous ramenent la pretendue philosophie de l'histoire et la doctrine du progres, quand il s'agit de la justice, c'est-a-dire de la conscience pure et de l'homme rationnel, que d'autres siecles encore que le notre ont connu.—RENOUVIER, Crit. Phil. 1873, ii. 55.

#92 Il faut pardonner aux grands hommes le marchepied de leur grandeur.—COUSIN, in J. SIMON, Nos Hommes d'Etat, 1887, 55. L'esprit du XVIIIe siecle n'a pas besoin d'apologie: l'apologie d'un siecle est dans son existence.—COUSIN, Fragments, iii. 1826. Suspendus aux levres eloquentes de M. Cousin, nous l'entendimes s'ecrier que la meilleure cause l'emportait toujours, que c'etait la loi de l'histoire, le rhythme immuable du progres.—GASPARIN, La Liberte Morale, ii. 63. Cousin verurtheilen heisst darum nichts Anderes als jenen Geist historischer Betrachtung verdammen, durch welchen das 19. Jahrbunhert die revolutionare Kritik den 18. Jahrhunderts erganzt, durch welchen insbesondere Deutschland die geistigen Wohlthaten vergolten hat, welche es im Zeitalter der Aufklarung von seinen westlichen Nachbarn empfangen.—IODL, Gesch. der Ethik, ii. 295. Der Gang der Weltgeschichte steht ausserhalb der Tugene, den Lasters, und der Gerechtigkeit.—HEGEL, Werke, viii. 425. Die Vermischung den Zufalligen im Individuum mit dem an ihm Historischen fuhrt zu unzahligen falschen Ansichten und Urtheilen. Hierzu gehort namentlich alles Absprechen uber die moralische Tuchtigkeit der Individuen, und die Verwunderung, welche bis zur Verzweiflung an gottlicher Gerechtigkeit sich steigert, dass historisch grosse Individuen moralisch nichtswudig erscheinen kennen. Die moralische Tuchtigkeit besteht in der Unterordnung alles dessen, was zuuellig am Einzelnen unter das an ihm dem Allgemeinen Angehorige.—MARBACH, Geschichte der Griechischen Philosophie, 7. Das Sittliche der Neuseelander, der Mexikaner ist vielmehr ebenso sittlich, wie das der Griechen, der Romer; und das Sittliche der Christen den Mittelalters ist ebenso sittlich, wie das der Gegenwart.—KIRCHMANN, Grundbegriffe des Richts, 194. Die Geschichtswissenschaft als solche kennt nor ein zeitliches und mithin auch nor ein relatives Maass der Dinge. Alle Werthbeurtheilung der Geschichte kann daher nur relativ und aus zeitlichen Momenten fliessen, und wer sich nicht selbst tauschen und den Dingen nicht Gewalt anthun will, muss ein fur allemal in dieser Wissenschaft auf absolute Werthe verzichten.—LORENZ, Schlosser, 80. Only according to his faith is each man judged. Committed as this deed has been by a pure-minded, pious youth, it is a beautiful sign of the time.—DE WETTE to SAND'S Mother; CHEYNE, Founders of Criticism, 44. The men of each age must be judged by the ideal of their own age and country, and not by the ideal of ours.—LECKY, Value of History, 50.

#93 La duree ici-bas, c'est le droit, c'est la sanction de Dieu.— GUIRAUD, Philosophie Catholique de l'Histoire.

#94 Ceux qui ne sont pas contens de l'ordere des choses ne scauroient se vanter d'aimer Dieu comme il faut—Il faut toujours estre content de l'ordre du passe, parce qu'il est conforme a la volonte de Dieu absolue, qu'on connoit par l'evenement. Il faut tacher de rendre l'avenir, autant qu'il depene de nous, conforme a la volonte de Dieu presomptive.—LEIBNIZ, Werke, ed. Gerhardt, ii. 136. Ich habe damals bekannt and bekenne jetzt, dass die politische Wahrheit aus denselben Quellen zu schopfen ist, wie alle anderen, aus dem gottlichen Willen und dessen Kundgebung in der Geschichte den Menschengeschlechts.— RADOWITZ, Neue Gesprache, 65.

#95 a man is great as he contends best with the circumstances of his age.—FROUDE, Short Studies, i. 388. La persuasion que l'homme est avant tout une personne morale et libre, et qu'ayant concu seul, dans sa conscience et devant Dieu, la regle de sa conduite, il doit s'employer tout entier a l'appliquer en lui, hors de lui, absolument, obstinement, inflexiblement, par une resistance perpetuelle opposee aux autres; et par une contrainte perpetuelle exercee sur soi, voila la grande idee anglaise.—TAINE; SOREL, Discours de Reception, 24. In jeder Zeit des Christenthums hat es einzelne Manner gegeben, die uber ihrer Zeit Standen und von ihren Gegensatzen nicht beruhrt wurden.—BACHMANN. Hengstenberg, i. 160. Eorum enim qui de iisdem rebus mecum aliquid ediderunt, aut solus insanio ego, aut solos non insanio; tertium enim non est, nisi (quod dicet forte aliquis) insaniamus omnes.—HOBBES, quoted by DE MORGAN, 3rd June 1858: Life of Sir W. R. Hamilton, iii. 552.

#96 I have now to exhibit a rare combination of good qualities, and a steady perseverance in good conduct, which raised an individual to be an object of admiration and love to all his contemporaries, and have made him to be regarded by succeeding generations as a model of public and private virtue.—The evidence shows that upon this occasion he was not only under the influence of the most vulgar credulity, but that he violated the plainest rules of justice, and that he really was the murderer of two innocent women.—Hale's motives were most laudable.—CAMPBELL'S Lives of the Chief Justices, i. 512, 561, 566. It was not to be expected of the colonists of New England that they should be the first to see through a delusion which befooled the whole civilised world, and the gravest and most knowing persons in it.—The people of New England believed what the wisest men of the world believed at the end of the seventeenth century.—PALFREY, New England, iv. 127, 129 (also speaking of witchcraft). Il est donc bien etrange que sa severite tardive s'exerce aujourd'hui sur un homme auquel elle n'a d'autre reproche a faire que d'avoir trop bien servi l'etat par des mesures politiques, injustes peut-etre, violentes, mais qui, en aucune maniere, n'avaient l'interet personnel du coupable pour objet.—M. Hastings peut sans doute paraitre reprehensible aux yeux des etrangers, des particuliers meme, mais il est assez extraordinaire qu'une nation usurpatrice d'une partie de l'Indostan veuille meler les regles de la morale a celles d'une administration forcee, injuste et violente par essence, et a laquelle il faudrait renoncer a jamais pour etre consequent.—MALLET DU PAN, Memoires, ed. Sayous, i. 102.

#97 On parle volontiers de la stabilite de la constitution anglaise. La verite est que cette constitution est toujours en mouvement et en oscillation et qu'elle se prete merveilleusement au jeu de ses differentes parties. Sa solidite vient de sa souplesse; elle plie et ne rompt pas.—BOUTMY, Nouvelle Revue, 1878, 49.

#98 This is not an age for a man to follow the strict morality of better times, yet sure mankind is not yet so debased but that there will ever be found some few men who will scorn to join concert with the public voice when it is not well grounded.—Savile Correspondence, 173;

#99 Cette proposition: L'homme est incomparablement plus porte au mat qu'au bien, et il se fait dans le monde incomparablement plus de mauvaises actions que de bonnes—est aussi certaine qu'aucun principe de metaphysique. Il est donc incomparablement plus probable qu'une action faite par un homme, est mauvaise, qu'il n'est probable qu'elle soit bonne. Il est incomparablement plus probable que ces secrets ressorts qui font produite sont corrompus, qu'il n'est probable qu'ils soient honnetes. Je vous avertis que je parle d'une action qui n'est point mauvaise exterieurement.—BAYLE, OEuvres, ii. 248.

#100 A Christian is bound by his very creed to suspect evil, and cannot release himself:—His religion has brought evil to light in a way in which it never was before; it has shown its depth, subtlety, ubiquity; and a revelation, full of mercy on the one hand, is terrible in its exposure of the world's real state on the other. The Gospel fastens the sense of evil upon the mind; a Christian is enlightened, hardened, sharpened, as to evil; he sees it where others do not.—MOZLEY, Essays, i. 308. All satirists, of course, work in the direction of Christian doctrine, by the support they give to the doctrine of original sin, making a sort of meanness and badness a law of society.—MOZLEY, Letters, 333. Les critiques, meme malveillants, sont plus pres de la verite derniere que les admirateurs.—NISARE, Lit. fr., Conclusion. Les hommes superieurs doivent necessairement passer pour mechants. Ou les autres ne voient ni un defaut, ni un ridicule, ni un vice, leur implacable oeil l'apercoit.-BARBEY D'AUREVILLY Figaro; 31st March 1888.

#101 Prenons garde de ne pas trop expliquer, pour ne pas fournir des arguments a ceux qui veulent tout excuser.—BROGLIE. Reception de Sorel, 46.

#102 The eternal truths and rights of things exist, fortunately, independent of our thoughts or wishes, fixed as mathematics, inherent in the nature of man and the world. They are no more to be trifled with than gravitation.—FROUDE, Inaugural Lecture at St. Andrews, 1869, 4. What have men to do with interests? There is a right way and a wrong way. That is all we need think about.—CARLYLE to FROUDE, Longman's Magazine, December 1892, 151. As to History, it is full of indirect but very effective moral teaching. It is not only, as Bolingbroke called it, "Philosophy teaching by examples," but it is morality teaching by examples.—It is essentially the study which best helps the student to conceive large thoughts.—It is impossible to overvalue the moral teaching of History.—FITCH, Lectures on Teaching, 432. Judging from the past history of our race, in ninety-nine cases out of a hundred, war is a folly and a crime. Where it is so, it is the saddest and the wildest of all follies, and the most heinous of all crimes.—GREG, Essays on Political and Social Science, 1853, i. 562. La volonte de tout un peuple ne peut rendre juste ce qui est injuste: les representants d'une nation n'ont pas le droit de faire ce que la nation n'a pas le droit de faire elle-meme.—B. CONSTANT, Principes de Politique, i. 15.

#103 Think not that morality is ambulatory; that vices in one age are not vices in another, or that virtues, which are under the everlasting seal of right reason, may be stamped by opinion.—SIR THOMAS BROWNE, Works, iv. 64.

#104 Osons croire qu'il seroit plus a propos de mettre de cote ces traditions, ces usages, et ces coutumes souvent si imparfaites, si contradictoires, si incoherentes, ou de ne les consulter que pour saisir les inconveniens et les eviter; et qu'il faudroit chercher non-seulement les elements d'une nouvelle legislation, mais meme ses derniers details dans une etude approfondie de la morale.—LETROSNE, Reflexions sur la Legislation Criminelle, 137. M. Renan appartient a cette famille d'esprits qui ne croient pas en realite la raison, la conscience, le droit applicables a la direction des societes humaines, et qui demandent a l'histoire, a la tradition, non a la morale, les regles de la politique. Ces esprits sont atteints de la maladie du siecle, le scepticisme moral.—PILLON, Critique Philosophique, i. 49.

#105 The subject of modern History is of all others, to my mind, the most interesting, inasmuch as it includes all questions of the deepest interest relating not to human things only, but to divine.—ARNOLD, Modern History, 311.

I

BEGINNING OF THE MODERN STATE

MODERN HISTORY tells how the last four hundred years have modified the medieval conditions of life and thought. In comparison with them, the Middle Ages were the domain of stability, and continuity, and instinctive evolution, seldom interrupted by such originators as Gregory VII or St. Francis of Assisi. Ignorant of History, they allowed themselves to be governed by the unknown Past; ignorant of Science, they never believed in hidden forces working onwards to a happier future. The sense of decay was upon them; and each generation seemed so inferior to the last, in ancient wisdom and ancestral virtue, that they found comfort in the assurance that the end of the world was at hand.

Yet the most profound and penetrating of the causes that have transformed society is a medieval inheritance. It was late in the thirteenth century that the psychology of Conscience was closely studied for the first time, and men began to speak of it as the audible voice of God, that never misleads or fails, and that ought to be obeyed always, whether enlightened or darkened, right or wrong. The notion was restrained, on its appearance, by the practice of regarding opposition to Church power as equivalent to specific heresy, which depressed the secret monitor below the public and visible authority. With the decline of coercion the claim of Conscience rose, and the ground abandoned by the inquisitor was gained by the individual. There was less reason then for men to be cast of the same type; there was a more vigorous growth of independent character, and a conscious control over its formation. The knowledge of good and evil was not an exclusive and sublime prerogative assigned to states, or nations, or majorities. When it had been defined and recognised as something divine in human nature, its action was to limit power by causing the sovereign voice within to be heard above the expressed will and settled custom of surrounding men. By that hypothesis, the soul became more sacred than the state, because it receives light from above, as well as because its concerns are eternal, and out of all proportion with the common interests of government. That is the root from which liberty of Conscience was developed, and all other liberty needed to confine the sphere of power, in order that it may not challenge the supremacy of that which is highest and best in man.

The securities by which this purpose has been attempted compose the problem of all later history, and centuries were spent in ascertaining and constructing them. If in the main the direction has been upward, the movement has been tardy, the conflict intense, the balance often uncertain. The passion for power over others can never cease to threaten mankind, and is always sure of finding new and unforeseen allies in continuing its martyrology. Therefore, the method of modern progress was revolution. By a series of violent shocks the nations in succession have struggled to shake off the Past, to reverse the action of Time and the verdict of success, and to rescue the world from the reign of the dead. They have been due less to provocation by actual wrong than to the attraction of ideal right, and the claims that inspired them were universal and detached. Progress has imposed increasing sacrifices on society, on behalf of those who can make no return, from whose welfare it derives no equivalent benefit, whose existence is a burden, an evil, eventually a peril to the community. The mean duration of life, the compendious test of improvement, is prolonged by all the chief agents of civilisation, moral and material, religious and scientific, working together, and depends on preserving, at infinite cost, which is infinite loss, the crippled child and the victim of accident, the idiot and the madman, the pauper and the culprit, the old and infirm, curable and incurable. This growing dominion of disinterested motive, this liberality towards the weak, in social life, corresponds to that respect for the minority, in political life, which is the essence of freedom. It is an application of the same principle of self-denial, and of the higher law.

Taking long periods, we perceive the advance of moral over material influence, the triumph of general ideas, the gradual amendment. The line of march will prove, on the whole, to have been from force and cruelty to consent and association, to humanity, rational persuasion, and the persistent appeal to common, simple, and evident maxims. We have dethroned necessity, in the shape both of hunger and of fear, by extending the scene from Western Europe to the whole world, so that all shall contribute to the treasure of civilisation, and by taking into partnership in the enjoyment of its rewards those who are far off as well as those who are below. We shall give our attention to much that has failed and passed away, as well as to the phenomena of progress, which help to build up the world in which we live. For History must be our deliverer not only from the undue influence of other times, but from the undue influence of our own, from the tyranny of environment and the pressure of the air we breathe. It requires all historic forces to produce their record and submit to judgment, and it promotes the faculty of resistance to contemporary surroundings by familiarity with other ages and other orbits of thought.

In these latter days the sum of differences in international character has been appreciably bound down by the constant process of adaptation and adjustment, and by exposure to like influences. The people of various countries are swayed by identical interests, they are absorbed in the same problems, and thrill with the same emotions; their classics are interchangeable, authorities in science are nearly alike for all, and they readily combine to make experiments and researches in common. Towards 1500, European nations, having been fashioned and composed out of simple elements during the thousand years between the fall of the Roman Empire and that of its successor is the East, had reached full measure of differentiation. They were estranged from each other, and were inclined to treat the foreigner as the foe. Ancient links were loosened, the Pope was no longer an accepted peacemaker; and the idea of an international code, overriding the will of nations and the authority of sovereigns, had not dawned upon philosophy. Between the old order that was changing and the new that was unborn, Europe had an inorganic interval to go through.

Modern History begins under stress of the Ottoman Conquest. Constantinople fell, after an attempt to negotiate for help, by the union of the Greek and Latin Churches. The agreement come to at Florence was not ratified at home; the attempt was resented, and led to an explosion of feeling that made even subjugation by the Turk seem for the moment less intolerable, and that hastened the catastrophe by making Western Christians slow to sacrifice themselves for their implacable brethren in the East. Offers of help were made, conditional on acceptance of the Florentine decree, and were rejected with patriotic and theological disdain. A small force of papal and Genoese mercenaries shared the fate of the defenders, and the end could not have been long averted, even by the restoration of religious unity. The Powers that held back were not restrained by dogmatic arguments only. The dread of Latin intolerance was the most favourable circumstance encountered by the Turks in the Eastern Empire, and they at once offered protection and immunities to the patriarch and his prelates. The conquest of the entire peninsula, with the islands, occupied a generation, and it was good policy meanwhile to do nothing that would diminish the advantage or awaken alarm of persecution. Their system required the increase rather than the conversion of Christian subjects, for the tribute of gold as well as the tribute of blood. The Janissaries were selected among the sons of Christian parents, who became renegades, and who, having neither home nor family, no life but in camp, no employment but arms, became not only the best professional soldiers in the world, but a force constantly active to undo the work of pacific statesmen and to find fresh occasion for war. There were occasional outbreaks of blind ferocity, and at all times there was the incapacity of an uncivilised race to understand the character and the interest of alien subjects more cultivated than themselves. But there was not at first the sense of unmitigated tyranny that arose later; and there was not so great a contrast with life as it was under Italian despots as to make Christians under the Sultan passionately long for deliverance.

From the perjury of Varna, in 1444, when the Christians broke the treaty just concluded at Szegedin, it was understood that they could never be trusted to keep engagements entered into with people of another religion. It seemed a weak-minded exaggeration of hypocrisy to abstain from preying on men so furiously divided, so full of hatred, so incapable of combining in defence of their altars and their homes, so eager in soliciting aid and intervention from the infidel in their own disputes. The several principalities of the circumference, Servia, Bosnia, Wallachia, the Morea, and the islands, varying in nationality and in religion, were attacked separately, and made no joint defence. In Epirus, Scanderberg, once a renegade, then in communion with Rome, drawing his supplies from the opposite coast of Apulia, which his sentinels on Cape Linguetta could see at sunrise, maintained himself for many years victoriously, knowing that his country would perish with him. John Hunyadi had defended Christendom on the Hungarian frontier so well that the monarchy of his son stemmed the tide of invasion for seventy years. While the Turkish outposts kept watch on the Danube, Mahomet seized Otranto, and all the way upwards to the Alps there was no force capable of resisting him. Just then, he died, Otranto was lost, and the enterprise was not renewed. His people were a nation of soldiers, not a nation of sailors. For operations beyond sea they relied on the seamen of the AEgean, generally Christians, as they had required the help of Genoese ships to ferry them over the Hellespont.

Under Bajazet, the successor, there was some rest for Europe. His brother, who was a dangerous competitor, as the crown went to the one who survived, fled for safety to the Christians, and was detained as a hostage, beyond the possibility of ransom, by the Knights of St. John, and then by the Pope. The Sultan paid, that he might be kept quiet.

For years the Turks were busy in the East. Selim conquered Syria and part of Persia. He conquered Arabia, and was acknowledged by the Sheriff of Mecca caliph and protector of the holy shrine. He conquered Egypt and assumed the prerogative of the Imaum, which had been a shadow at Cairo, but became, at Constantinople, the supreme authority in Islam. Gathering up the concentrated resources of the Levant, Solyman the Magnificent turned, at last, against the enemy who guarded the gates of civilised Europe. Having taken Belgrade, he undertook, in 1526, the crowning campaign of Turkish history. At the battle of Mohacs Hungary lost her independence. The Turks found a Transylvanian magnate who was willing to receive the crown from them; and the broad valley of the Danube continued to be their battlefield until the days of Sobieski and Eugene. But the legitimate heir of King Ladislas, who fell at Mohacs, was Ferdinand, only brother of Charles V; and Hungary, with the vast region then belonging to the Bohemian crown, passing to the same hands as the ancient inheritance of the Habsburgs, constituted the great Austrian monarchy which extended from the Adriatic to the far Sarmatian plain, and Solyman's victory brought him face to face with the first Power able to arrest his progress. The Turks were repulsed at Vienna in 1529, at Malta in 1564. This was their limit in Western Europe; and after Lepanto, in 1571, their only expansion was at the expense of Poland and Muscovy. They still wielded almost boundless resources; the entire seaboard from Cattaro all round by the Euxine to the Atlantic was Mahomedan, and all but one-fourth of the Mediterranean was a Turkish lake. It was long before they knew that it was not their destiny to be masters of the Western as well as of the Eastern world.

While this heavy cloud overhung the Adriatic and the Danube, and the countries within reach of the Turk were in peril of extinction, the nations farther west were consolidating rapidly into unity and power. By the marriage of Ferdinand and Isabella, by their conquest of Granada and the rise of a new hemisphere at their command, Spain for the first time became a great Power; while France, having expelled the English, having instituted a permanent army, acquired vast frontier provinces, and crushed the centrifugal forces of feudalism, was more directly formidable and more easily aggressive. These newly created Powers portended danger in one direction. Their increase was not so much in comparison with England or with Portugal, as in contrast with Italy. England, through the Tudors, had achieved internal tranquillity; and Portugal was already at the head of Europe in making the ocean tributary to trade. But Italy was divided, unwarlike, poor in the civic virtues that made Switzerland impregnable, rich in the tempting luxuries of civilisation, an inexhaustible treasure-house of much that the neighbours greatly needed and could never find elsewhere. The best writers and scholars and teachers, the most consummate artists, the ablest commanders by land and sea, the deepest explorers of the mystery of State that have been known before or since, all the splendours of the Renaissance, and the fruits of a whole century of progress were there, ready to be appropriated and employed for its own benefit by a paramount Power.

It was obvious that the countries newly strengthened, the countries growing in unity and concentration and superfluous forces, would encroach upon those that were demoralised and weakened. By strict reason of State, this was not the policy of France; for the French frontiers were assigned by nature everywhere but in the north-east. There the country was open, the enemy's territory approached the capital; and the true line of expansion was towards Antwerp, or Liege, or Strasburg. But the French were invited into Italy with promise of welcome, because the Angevin claim to Naples, defeated in 1462, had passed to the King of France. The Aragonese, who had been successful in resisting it, was not legitimate, and had been compelled again to struggle for existence by the Rising of the Barons. The rising was suppressed; the discontented Neapolitans went into exile; and they were now in France, prophesying easy triumphs if Charles VIII would extend his hand to take the greatness that belonged to the heir of the house of Anjou. They were followed by the most important of the Italian Cardinals, Della Rovere, nephew of a former Pope, himself afterwards the most famous pontiff who had appeared for centuries. Armed with the secrets of the Conclave, the Cardinal insisted that Alexander VI should be deposed, on the ground that he had paid for the papacy in ascertainable sums of money and money's worth; whereas spiritual office obtained in that way was ipso facto void.

The advent of the French, heralded by the passionate eloquence of Savonarola, was also hailed by Florence and its dependencies, in their impatience of the Medicean rule, now that it had dropped from the hands of the illustrious Lorenzo into those of his less competent son. Lodovico Sforza, the Regent of Milan, was also among those who called in the French, as he had a family quarrel with Naples. His father, Francesco, the most successful of the Condottieri, who acquired the Milanese by marriage with a Visconti, is known by that significant saying: "May God defend me from my friends. From my enemies I can defend myself." As the Duke of Orleans also descended from the Visconti, Lodovico wished to divert the French to the more alluring prospect of Naples.

In September 1494 Charles VIII invaded Italy by the Mont Genevre, with an army equal to his immediate purpose. His horsemen still displayed the medieval armour, wrought by the artistic craftsmen of the Renaissance. They were followed by artillery, the newer arm which, in another generation, swept the steel-clad knight away. French infantry was not thought so well of. But the Swiss had become, in their wars with Burgundy, the most renowned of all foot-soldiers. They were unskilled in manoeuvres; but their pikemen, charging in dense masses, proved irresistible on many Italian fields; until it was discovered that they would serve for money on either side, and that when opposed to their countrymen they refused to fight. At Pavia they were cut down by the Spaniards and their fame began to wane. They were Germans, hating Austria, and their fidelity to the golden lilies is one of the constant facts of French history, until the Swiss guard and the white flag vanished together, in July 1830.

Charles reached Naples early in 1495, having had no resistance to overcome, but having accomplished nothing, and having manifested no distinct purpose on his way, when he found himself, for a moment, master of Florence and of Rome. The deliverance of Constantinople was an idea that occurred inevitably to a man of enterprise who was in possession of Southern Italy. It was the advanced post of Europe against the East, of Christendom against Islam; the proper rendezvous of Crusaders; the source of supplies; the refuge of squadrons needing to refit. The Sultan was not an overwhelming warrior, like his father; he had not, like Selim, his successor, control of the entire East, and he was held in check by the existence of his brother, whom Charles took with him, on leaving Rome, with a view to ulterior service, but whom he lost soon after.

Charles VIII was not a man ripened by experience of great affairs, and he had assumed the title of King of Jerusalem, as a sign of his crusading purpose. But he also called himself King of Sicily, as representing the Anjous, and this was not a disused and neglected derelict. For the island belonged to the King of Aragon, the most politic and capable of European monarchs. Before starting for Italy, Charles had made terms with him, and Ferdinand, in consideration of a rectified frontier, had engaged, by the Treaty of Barcelona, to take no unfriendly advantage of his neighbour's absence. The basis of this agreement was shattered by the immediate unexpected and overwhelming success of the French arms. From his stronghold in the South it would be easy for Charles to make himself master of Rome, of Florence, of all Italy, until he came in sight of the lion of St. Mark. So vast and sudden a superiority was a serious danger. A latent jealousy of Spain underlay the whole expedition. The realm of the Catholic kings was expanding, and an indistinct empire, larger, in reality, than that of Rome, was rising out of the Atlantic. By a very simple calculation of approaching contingencies, Ferdinand might be suspected of designs upon Naples. Now that the helplessness of the Neapolitans had been revealed, it was apparent that he had made a false reckoning when he allowed the French to occupy what he might have taken more easily himself, by crossing the Straits of Messina. Ferdinand joined the Italians of the North in declaring against the invader, and his envoy Fonseca tore up the Treaty of Barcelona before the face of the French king.

Having been crowned in the Cathedral, and having garrisoned his fortresses, Charles set out for France, at the head of a small army. As he came over the Apennines into Lombardy, at Fornovo he was met by a larger force, chiefly provided by Venice, and had to fight his way through. A fortnight after his departure, the Spaniards, under Gonsalvo of Cordova, landed in Calabria, as auxiliaries of the dethroned king. The throne was once more occupied by the fallen family, and Charles retained nothing of his easy and inglorious conquests when he died in 1498.

His successor, Lewis XII, was the Duke of Orleans, who descended from the Visconti, and he at once prepared to enforce his claim on Milan. He allied himself against his rival, Sforza, with Venice, and with Pope Alexander. That he might marry the widowed queen, and preserve her duchy of Brittany for the Crown, he required that his own childless marriage should be annulled. Upon the Legate who brought the necessary documents the grateful king bestowed a principality, a bride of almost royal rank, and an army wherewith to reconquer the lost possessions of the Church in Central Italy. For the Legate was the Cardinal of Valencia, who became thenceforward Duke of Valentinois, and is better known as Caesar Borgia. The rich Lombard plain, the garden of Italy, was conquered as easily as Naples had been in the first expedition. Sforza said to the Venetians: "I have been the dinner; you will be the supper"; and went up into the Alps to look for Swiss levies. At Novara, in 1500, his mercenaries betrayed him and he ended his days in a French prison. On their way home from the scene of their treachery, the Swiss crowned their evil repute by seizing Bellinzona and the valley of the Ticino, which has remained one of their cantons.

Lewis, undisputed master of Milan and Genoa, assured of the Roman and the Venetian alliance, was in a better position than his predecessor to renew the claim on the throne of Naples. But now, behind Frederic of Naples, there was Ferdinand of Aragon and Sicily, who was not likely to allow the king for whom he had fought to be deposed without resistance. Therefore it was a welcome suggestion when Ferdinand proposed that they should combine to expel Frederic and to divide his kingdom. As it was Ferdinand who had just reinstated him, this was an adaptation to the affairs of Christendom of the methods which passed for justice in the treatment of unbelievers, and were applied without scruple by the foremost men of the age, Albuquerque and Cortez. Frederic turned for aid to the Sultan, and this felonious act was put forward as the justification of his aggressors. The Pope sanctioned the Treaty of Partition, and as the Crown of Naples was technically in his gift, he deprived the king on the ground stated by the allies. The exquisite significance of the plea was that the Pope himself had invited Turkish intervention in Italy, and now declared it a cause of forfeiture. In 1501 French and Spaniards occupied their allotted portions, and then quarrelled over the distribution of the spoil. For a time Gonsalvo, "the great Captain," was driven to bay at Barletta on the Adriatic; but at the end of 1503 he won a decisive victory, and the defeated French, under Bayard, withdrew from the Garigliano to the Po. Naples remained a dependency of Spain, for all purposes, in modern history.