No place, in point of convenience, could have been better selected for a settlement, than that on which Clarence is situated. The bay affords safe anchorage for shipping, from the furious tornadoes, which are common in this part of the world, and is sufficiently capacious to shelter as many vessels as are likely to visit the island; it abounds with fish, and is free from sunken rocks, and the shore is steep and easy of access to boats. There is another bay, called George's Bay, on the western side of the island, but it has the disadvantage of being open to that quarter, and consequently affords no safety to shipping. The proximity of Clarence Cove to the coast of Africa, is also another important point in favour of the object for which the establishment was formed.

The natives of Fernando Po are the filthiest race of people in the whole world. They are different in their manners and appearance from their neighbours on the coast, to whom the Landers had of late been so much accustomed, and possess no single trait of character similar to them, except that of pilfering. In point of civilization, to which the natives of Brass Town have not the most distant pretensions, these people have even still less; their language is totally different, and they have no resemblance whatever to them. This in itself affords a tolerable proof of the little intercourse they have had with the world, for while the other islands of the gulf are plentifully stocked with the same race of people as those of the coast, Fernando Po which is so much nearer to it, is inhabited by a totally different class. They are, generally speaking, a stout, athletic, and well-made race of people, and peculiarly harmless and peaceably inclined in their dispositions, although each individual is generally armed with a spear about eight feet in length, made of a hard wood, and barbed at one end. They appeared also to be a healthy race of people, for although here and there one or two might be less favoured by nature in their persons, no signs of the diseases so common among the natives of Africa were to be seen amongst them.

They have already been described as a filthy race, but no words can convey an idea of their disgusting nature. They have long hair, which it is difficult to distinguish, from being matted together with red clay and palm oil. The clay and oil are so profusely laid on; that it forms an impenetrable shield for the head, and the long tresses, which descend to their shoulders, are generally in a moist condition. Although this covering is a complete safeguard to all inconvenience from without, they still further adorn their heads with a kind of cap, made of dry grass, ornamented round the border with the feathers of fowls, or any other bird, carefully stuck into it apart from each other. Some are so vain as to affix the horns of a ram in front of this cap, which gives them a most strange and ludicrous appearance. Finally, the cap with all its ornaments of feathers, horns, shells, &c. is secured in its place with a piece of stick, which answers the purpose by being forced through it on one side and out on the opposite, after passing underneath the hair. Sometimes this elegant pin, as it may be called, is formed of the leg bone of some small animal, and is pointed at one end for the purpose of penetrating more easily. The expression of their countenance, scared and marked as it is, and surmounted by the cap already described, is wild and barbarous. They smear their faces entirely over with red clay, mixed with palm oil, sometimes a kind of grey dust is used instead of the clay, and this preparation being equally distributed over their whole persons, renders their presence scarcely tolerable. It is difficult to find out the colour of their skin under the filthy covering of oil and clay by which it is concealed, but it is believed not to be so dark as the African negro, and more resembling a copper colour.

The natives make use of no other dress than the cap, which they wear on their heads, but a few leaves, or a bunch of dried grass, are usually secured round the middle by the people of both sexes, while the younger, naturally unconscious of indecency, go entirely naked. The vertebrae of snakes, the bones of fowls and birds, as well as sheep, broken shells, small beads, and pieces of cocoa nut shell are put in requisition by the natives, for the ornament of their persons. A profusion of these strung together hang round the waist, which it seems to be the principal care to decorate in this manner, while their necks are scarcely less favoured with a proportion of these articles. Strings of them are also fastened round the arms and legs, but not in such quantities as round the waist. The pieces of hoop they have obtained from the ships which have visited the island, are formed into rude knives, or polished, and worn on the arm, in a kind of band made of straw, and are much valued. In their first intercourse with Europeans, the natives were very shy, and displayed much fear, but this gradually wore off, and they now venture boldly on board for the purpose of obtaining knives, hatchets, or any thing they can get. They have a few canoes of small dimensions, capable of containing ten or twelve people, but are not very expert in the management of them, although they are so far advanced as to make use of a mast and sail, which latter is constructed of a sort of mat. They seem to be little addicted to the water, and none were seen amongst them; who could swim. In their fishing excursions, the natives are generally very successful, and those who pursue this mode of obtaining their livelihood, are compelled to adhere to it, and allowed to have nothing to do with cultivating the land. They exchange their fish for yams, and thus the wants of the fishermen and the cultivators are both supplied.

On the first visit of ships to this island, very considerable aversion was shown by the natives to any of their people attempting to go to their huts, or even to their endeavouring to penetrate into the woods, although only a short distance from the shore, from a fear perhaps of their plantations being plundered. Their huts, which are of the rudest construction imaginable, may be distinctly seen amongst the trees in small groups, surrounding a clear space of ground, in which they cultivate the yam, and are formed of a few stakes driven firmly into the ground, thatched over with the palm leaf, the sides being completed with a sort of wicker work. They are about ten or twelve feet long, and half that in breadth, and not more than four or five feet in height. Their only furniture consists of some long flat pieces of wood, raised a few inches from the ground, and slightly hollowed out, to answer the purpose of sleeping in.

Numerous instances have occurred, of the thieving propensities of the natives, and it required, at first, a considerable degree of vigilance to prevent them from being successful, but it is due to the chiefs to say, that since the establishment of Clarence, they have invariably taken an active part in putting a stop to it. Whatever may have been their habits previously to the formation of the settlement, they seem to be little improved by their intercourse with the settlers. Their principal chief has received the formidable appellation of cut-throat from Captain Owen, a name, by which he will be known as long as he lives. This fellow is a most determined savage, and seems to have lost none of his natural propensities by communicating with the settlers. He has received innumerable presents from the English, of clothes, and a variety of things, which are all thrown away upon him, and he goes about as usual, wearing his little hat, with feathers stuck in it, and the long grass about his waist, disdaining such useless coverings as he imagines them. This is not to be wondered at, for accustomed as he has been all his life time, to the unrestrained freedom of his whole person, it would be rather a matter of surprise to see him make use of them, particularly in the climate of Fernando Po, where one almost wishes to follow the example of the natives, excepting in the use of their clay and palm oil. No doubt Cut-throat thinks this quite a sufficient covering.

The natives pay frequent visits to the colony, and, however they may deal out justice amongst themselves, are by no means backward in seeing it administered among the free negroes and Kroomen of Clarence. It frequently happens, that in the scarcity of live stock, some of the former, unable to restrain their desire for more substantial food, and tired of their Indian corn, venture to help themselves to what the natives will not bring them; parties of these people are accordingly formed, who find their way to the huts of the natives in the interior, and steal their yams, goats, and sheep, or whatever they meet with. These depredations are sure to bring the unfortunate owners to the colony with complaints of their losses, which are laid before the governor. The negroes are then mustered before them, and the native who has been plundered, is allowed, if he can do so, to point out the thief. If he should be successful, which is frequently the case, he is allowed to witness the punishment, which the offender is sentenced to receive, and generally gets some recompense for his loss. On the Sunday after the arrival of the Landers at Clarence, a party of four Kroomen set off into the interior, with the full determination of plunder, let the consequences be what it might. They had not gone far before they met with a goat belonging to a native, which they immediately shot, and returned with it carefully concealed, that they might not be discovered. Their precautions, however, were of little avail, for the owner of the animal accompanied by a party of his friends, made his appearance at Clarence the next morning, and preferred his complaint in strong terms against the luckless Kroomen, whom, it appeared, he knew perfectly well. The Kroomen were accordingly mustered, and the very four, who had gone on this unfortunate expedition, were pointed out with exultation by the natives. The law took its course, the Kroomen each received one hundred and fifty lashes from the African drummer, usually employed on these occasions, while the natives stood by, to see that the punishment was duly performed. This they did to admiration, by counting the number of lashes each received; and having witnessed the last punished, with eyes sparkling with brutal satisfaction at the tortures of the unfortunate sufferers, they went away quite satisfied. The place where this disagreeable operation is performed, is in the barrack yard, on Point William, between the officers' house and the hospital. The culprit is tied up to a kind of strong gallows, erected for the purpose. Two stout pieces of timber, about seven or eight feet high, are driven perpendicularly into the ground, about four feet apart from each other, a piece is secured firmly across them at the top, and another at a short distance from the ground. The hands of the man who is to be punished, are tied at each end of the upright pieces, and his legs are secured to the same on each side below, in which position he is exposed to the merciless scourge of the drummer, which is a common cat-o-nine-tails. It is painful even to think of such scenes as these, and when they take place at the mere whim and caprice of the hardened slave merchant, such a picture is revolting in the extreme. Here, however, severe as it may appear, it must be looked upon in a different point of view. The punishment is great, but with the certainty of receiving it, if discovered, the negro will run the risk of incurring it, by what may be termed the breach of the first law of civilized society. In addition to the tendency it has to keep the free blacks in control, such a proceeding convinces the natives of the island, that their depredations are not sanctioned by the colony. Were some punishment not instituted to curb the restless, pilfering propensities of these people, no order could be maintained; they would return to a worse condition, than that which they were in at first, and the colony would no longer be secure; for the natives of the island, finding their homes invaded, and their property carried off, unable to obtain redress, would soon take the law into their own hands, and would either murder the colonists, or drive them from the island. Therefore, although a severe one, it is a salutary measure, and it has no doubt done much towards keeping the natives themselves honest. What punishment is adopted by the natives, the Landers were not able to ascertain. The chiefs appear to possess considerable authority over them, and it is not improbable that the custom of the settlement is imitated in some shape or other.

The only weapon used by the natives, excepting the knife before mentioned, is a spear, of about eight feet in length, made of iron wood, and barbed at one end. The nature of the wood is so hard, as not to require the protection of iron at the end, and they did not see any pointed with it. They are very plentiful amongst the natives, who do not appear to attach any particular value to them. The Landers during their stay had no opportunity of witnessing their expertness with them, but they are said to use them for killing monkeys and other animals.

The resources of the island, in point of provisions are exhausted, or the natives are determined to reserve what are left for their own purposes. On the first formation of the establishment, they gladly brought to market all they had to dispose of, in the same manner as they had done to any vessel that chanced to visit the island. These consisted of a few goats, sheep, and fowls, of a very poor quality, and plenty of yams, which were all readily exchanged for pieces of iron hoop, of about six inches long. A piece of hoop of this length would purchase a goat, three or four fowls, or a large bundle of yams, weighing about twenty pounds. As their stock became exhausted, so the iron hoops became less valuable; more were demanded, until the natives could no longer supply the settlement, and had enough to do to provide for themselves, when they discontinued their supplies, and the settlement, not yet able to provide for itself, is dependent on supplies from the Calebar, and other rivers near it. Bullocks are stated by the natives, to be plentiful on the hills in the interior, but the Landers did not hear of any having been seen by the people of Clarence, and they are generally obtained from the Calebar River. Deer are also said to be on the island, abundance of wild fowl, and a great number of monkeys, some black and others of a brown colour. Parrots are also innumerable, and the natives are particularly partial to them and monkeys for food. Turtle have been caught in the bay, as well as fish, but these supplies are uncertain, and, therefore, not to be depended upon. The island is entirely mountainous, and contains a fine rich soil, capable of producing any thing required of it. Several small mountain streams fall into the sea, the largest of which are the two, named Hay and Horton Brooks, before mentioned. The principal vegetable cultivated by the natives is the yam, with which they are particularly successful. The best yams of the island are said to be those of George's Bay, which are very large, and of an uncommonly fine flavour. The supply of these at Clarence is now very limited, and not to be depended on always, which may be probably to a difference in the season for growing them. This deficiency has been in some measure remedied by the construction of a government garden, from which some men of war have received supplies, but these are not sufficient to supply the wants of the colony, and recourse is had for them to the Calebar River.

Palm wine at the colony, as well as on the coast, is the common and favourite drink of the natives. It is easily procured in any quantity, and is used in either an unfermented state, when just fresh from the tree, or after it has been kept some days. It seems peculiarly intended by a bountiful providence for the untutored and destitute Indian, who is unable to supply himself with those beverages which are the result of art. The palm tree affords him a pleasant drink, a valuable oil, a fruit from the nut, and besides food, it furnishes him with a material to construct his hut, and is always ready for any immediate purpose. The juice, which is called "wine," is obtained by making a hole in the trunk of the tree, and inserting a piece of the leaf into it, so as to form a spout; the liquid flows through this, and is received in a calabash placed beneath it, which probably holds two or three gallons, and will be thus filled in the course of a day. It shortly assumes a milky appearance, and is either used in this state, or preserved till it acquires rather a bitter flavour. The produce of the palm tree, fish, and yams, form the principal food of the natives; they devour monkeys when they can get them.

This method of obtaining the juice of the palm tree is exactly similar to that which is adopted by the Indians of North America, with respect to the maple tree. A hole is made in the same manner in the trunk of the tree, and a piece of birch bark inserted into it as a spout, which, from its peculiar nature, answers the purpose remarkably well. The juice of the maple instead of being preserved is converted into sugar by evaporation. There are various sorts of timber at Fernando Po, amongst which the African oak is very plentiful, and particularly so in George's Bay, where it grows close to the sea side; satin wood, ebony, lignum vitae, yellow cam wood, and several sorts of mahogany, besides other wood of a very hard nature, grow in profusion all over the island, and may probably hereafter become valuable.

The Landers had the good fortune to arrive at the island during the season of fine weather, but they had not enjoyed much of the sea breeze, which about noon, sometimes set in from the north west quarter, The harmattan is said to be experienced here, although it extends not to the other islands of the gulf. This wind, which passes over the sands of Africa, would be almost insupportable, were it not for the sea breezes. While the harmattan lasts, the dryness in the atmosphere produces an unpleasant feeling, although it is said not to be injurious to health. The atmosphere is filled with a fine light sand, which prevents objects from being distinctly seen; the sun loses its brilliancy, and everything appears parched and suffering from a want of moisture. The effect of the harmattan after the rainy season is said to be most beneficial in drying up the vapours with which the atmosphere is loaded, and it has been observed, that on the return of this wind at the end of the rainy season, the recovery of invalids commences. The harmattan has also the effect of drying up the skin of the natives in a very extraordinary manner. After an exposure to it, the skin peals off in white scales from their whole body, which assumes an appearance as if it were covered over with white dust.

The islands in the gulf of Guinea, with the exception of Fernando Po, have each a capital town of some consequence, and although they produce sufficient supplies for ships that visit them, and carry on a small trade, it is much to be doubted, whether they are not more indebted for their importance to the slave trade than any other source. With respect to Prince's Island and St. Thomas, they are known to be the receptacles for slaves from the coast, from whence they are re-embarked and conveyed away as opportunities offer; and the natives of the small island of Anna Bon, appear to be living in constant fear of the same, from the effects of their former treatment by the Spaniards.

The natives of Anna Bon, have a tradition that they once belonged to the Portuguese, and exhibit proofs of their having been formerly initiated in the ceremonies of the Roman Catholic religion. They are said to be particularly careful, when any stranger visits their settlement, to let them see their church, which is appropriately situated for this purpose immediately opposite the landing place. At present, by all accounts, they are living in a state of natural simplicity and ignorance of the world. Some idea may be formed of the condition of their minds, by a story that is currently related of them, in which the effects of their former tuition are apparent. The king once gravely told a visitor, with an idea of impressing him with his importance, that a short time previously to his arrival, he had held a conference with the supreme being, from whom he had learnt the cause of a recent sickness which had visited them, and also that he had approved of his being the king of the island. Other stories, equally nonsensical, are told of them, such as might be expected from people in this half-informed condition. But the old king's word was sufficient for his subjects, and this assurance was quite enough to satisfy the harmless, inoffensive creatures, that he was their legitimate king. Although Anna Bon is a healthy island in comparison with any other in the Gulf of Guinea; it is too far removed from the coast to be of use in putting down the slave trade, unless it were made a rendezvous for half a dozen steam vessels, which would do more than any other class of vessels towards effecting this object.

Favourable as the situation of Clarence is for the purpose for which it is intended, it is much to be regretted that it is so unhealthy for Europeans. During the stay of the Landers on the island, four deaths occurred; these persons were the sail maker, one of the carpenters of the colony, a seaman of the Portia, a colonial schooner, and one of the crew of the Susan, an English brig that they found there, on their arrival. The Susan was in the Calebar, waiting for a cargo, when her crew were attacked with fever, which quickly carried off her captain, mates, and left only one person alive. The vessel thus reduced, was without her crew to bring her out of the river, much less to complete her cargo, and she might have remained there till the last had died, but for the watchful attention of Mr. Becroft, who brought her to Clarence with a party of men, and after putting a new mast into her, and doing all in his power to set the vessel in order, supplied her with provisions and fresh people, and sent her to sea. The Landers were offered a passage in her to England, but declined accepting it in consequence of the condition in which she had been. She was afterwards obliged to stop at Cape Coast, in consequence of the fever having broken out afresh on board of her. The most melancholy account of the effects of the climate here, which came within the knowledge of the Landers, was in the family of Lieutenant Stockwell, the officer commanding the party of marines, whose name has been already mentioned. This gentleman had brought his wife and a large family with him from the island of Ascension, who were residing with his brother officer in a building called the Waterfall House, which had been erected by Captain Owen. Mr. Stockwell successively lost five of his children, and five servants, the latter of whom successively died, as they came into his service. His brother officer also died, making eleven in number, and Mr. Stockwell and his wife narrowly escaped with their lives. The house was in consequence deserted by them, and since been occupied by the black people. The fever, which attacks Europeans at this island, is said to be similar to the yellow fever in the West Indies. The symptoms are the same, from the commencement to the end of the disease, and it is equally as summary in its effects. George's Bay, is said to be far healthier than Clarence, and being on the western side of the island, receives the full benefit of the sea breeze, while at Clarence, the wind is later, and is interrupted by land to the westward of it. In addition to this, the sea breeze passes over a long and disagreeable swamp in its progress to Clarence, which no doubt charges it with all kinds of noxious vapours. George's Bay, besides having the benefit of a pure sea breeze, has a good deal of clear land about it, and equally as good a soil as Clarence.

It is more than probable, as the Landers had now ascertained, that a water communication may be carried on with so extensive a part of the interior of Africa, that a considerable trade will be opened with the country through which they had passed. The natives only require to know what is wanted from them, and to be shown what they will have in return, and much produce that is now lost from neglect, will be turned to a considerable account. The countries situated on the banks of the Niger, will become frequented from all the adjacent parts, and this magnificent stream will assume an appearance, it has never yet displayed. The first effects of a trade being opened, will be to do away with the monopoly near the mouth of the river, which has hitherto been held by the chiefs of the lower countries. Steam boats will penetrate up the river even as far as Lever, at the time of year in which the Landers came down, and will defy the efforts of these monopolists to arrest their progress. The steam engine, the greatest invention of the human mind, will be a fit means of conveying civilization amongst the uninformed Africans, who, incapable of comprehending such a thing, will view its arrival amongst them with astonishment and terror, and will gradually learn to appreciate the benefits they will derive, and to hail its arrival with joy. In this case, Fernando Po will become of still greater consequence, and will no doubt be a depot of considerable importance. It was, however, the opinion of Richard Lander, that much expense would be saved, and above all, many valuable lives, if it were possible to adopt George's Bay, as the place for the principal establishment. Of the different parts of the coast, Accra is the most healthy, and were it nearer, Lander would recommend it for such a purpose, the soil being good and clear of underwood for many miles round. But the distance at which it lies from the mouth of the river is too great for such a purpose.

On the 23rd December, Mr. Becroft, the superintendent, invited Richard Lander to accompany him in the Portia, to the Calebar River, whither he was going to procure stock for the use of the colony. The place from which this is obtained, is called Ephraim Town, where it appears to be very plentiful. Being tired of Fernando Po, Lander accepted his invitation, in order to pass away the time that they would still have to wait before they could get away, notwithstanding all their anxiety to reach home with the news of their discovery. John Lander, being very ill, was unable to accompany them. Richard, therefore, left him at Clarence, and embarked with Mr. Becroft in the evening. They departed from Clarence with a fine breeze, but found it necessary in going out, to be particularly careful of being drifted by the tide, either on Point William, or on the Adelaide islets at each extremity of the cove, as the tide always sets either towards the one or the other. In leaving the cove, it is best to keep, as near as possible, midway between the two extremes, and not to approach either the one or the other, nearer than can be possibly avoided. The currents in the Gulf of Guinea are stated to be very variable, although they are most generally from the westward, obeying the direction of the sea breeze. The harmattan generally produces a very strong westerly current in direct opposition to this, and the want of knowing it, has frequently proved fatal to vessels; the masters of which, imagining that they were under the influence of an easterly current, have been actually drifted many miles to the westward in the course of a single night, and have found themselves on shore the next morning; the violence of the current from the westward when the sea breezes are strong, is so great, that it is scarcely possible to believe, that a day or two of the harmattan would overcome it, but the effect of this is so powerful, that it is well known, to those, who have frequented the gulf, that the current produced by the harmattan, will even continue against the westerly winds, after they may have again set in. A remarkable instance is related of the velocity of the currents in the gulf, to the southward of Fernando Po. In the month of June, a vessel performed the passage between Prince's Island and St. Thomas in twenty hours, which generally occupies from eight to ten days. The distance is about ninety three miles, and the vessel must have averaged from four to six miles per hour. The harmattan is said not to extend to the southward of Fernando Po, but this has not yet been fully ascertained.

The passage through the gulf from Fernando Po to Sierra Leone, is generally extremely long and tedious, owing to the prevalence of calms and the different currents. It is usually made either by running to the southward and getting into the southeast trade, or by keeping in shore, as far as Cape Palmas, so as to benefit by the landwinds. The former method is generally recommended by the merchantmen as being safer and quicker, for a vessel adopting the latter, is more under the dangerous influence of the currents, besides being obliged to keep close to the shore; it is also adopted by the merchantmen in their homeward voyage. Sometimes vessels by taking a mean between these two methods, get between two different winds, by which means they lose the benefit of both, and are delayed by calms and rains. This part, according to accurate information, is at the distance of sixty miles from the land, so that vessels should pass either far without or else within that distance on leaving Fernando Po.

In this part of the Gulf of Guinea, between Fernando Po and the Calebar River, the rainy season is stated to commence in the month of July, and to be at the worst in August and September, accompanied by tornadoes of the most terrific description. The rains continue during November, and cease in the month of December, but the coast is said to be seldom many days together without a tornado. During the other months of the year, dry, hot weather is experienced, excepting about May, when slight rains take place. These rains are looked upon as the winter of the natives, and are considered by them equally as cold in their effects, as our winters in England are by ourselves. They are equally alive to the change of the seasons as in northern countries, and prepare themselves against the cold weather during the rains, comparatively with as much care, as we do against our winter's frost.

The chief peculiarity of this climate, which distinguishes it from all others within the tropics, consists in the furious storms of wind and rain, accompanied by the most terrific thunder and lightning it is possible to imagine. These storms are known by the name of tornadoes, and one would be almost inclined to think that the ancient's belief of the torrid zone being of a fiery nature, and too hot for mankind to live in, originated in the exaggerated reports of them, which might have gradually found their way into the part of the world then known, and from which they were not very far distant. The Landers witnessed three of these tornadoes, but they were trifling in their effects, compared with those which take place in the rainy season. They are described as being most violent, but happily of short duration; nothing can withstand the fury of the wind while they last, but they give sufficient indications of their approach, to enable the experienced mariner, who is ever on the watch for the changes in the weather, to reduce his sail on the ship, and put her head in that position, in which she is best able to withstand its effects, by running before the wind. This awful period lasts generally about a quarter of an hour, when the wind subsides rather suddenly, while the rain falls incessantly; shortly afterwards, the wind shifts round by the south to its old quarter, the west, until another tornado comes to disturb it. There are several peculiarities attending the tornadoes, which are rather remarkable. It has been remarked by experienced navigators, that they are much influenced by the different phases of the moon, that they generally commence with the full or new moon, at which time they are the most violent, and that they even come on at the time that the moon sets. The influence of the moon on the weather In other countries is doubted, but this is an extraordinary fact, relating to the tornadoes, which has been proved by experience.

On Saturday December 25th, after a pleasing passage, Richard Lander, in company with Mr. Becroft, anchored off Ephraim Town, in the Calebar River. The distance from Fernando Po to the north of the Calebar River, is about sixty miles, and Ephraim Town is distant about fifty miles, on the eastern bank. On their way up the river, the attention of Richard Lander was attracted by something of a very extraordinary appearance, hanging over the water from the branch of a tree. His curiosity was excited by it, and he was at a loss to conjecture what it was. He did not remain long in suspense, for they soon passed sufficiently near it to enable him to discover, that it was the body of one of the natives suspended by the middle, with the feet and hands just touching the water. So barbarous a sight quickly reminded him, that he was again amongst the poor deluded wretches on the coast, although he had not seen any thing so bad on his way down to the Brig Thomas, in the River Nun. The natives of this place are Pagans, in the most depraved condition, and know nothing of Mahommedanism, nor any other creed. They believe in a good spirit, who they imagine dwells in the water, and sacrifices of human beings, such as that which has just been mentioned, are frequently made to him, with the idea of gaining his favour and protection. The object selected for this purpose is generally some unfortunate old slave, who may be worn out and incapable of further service, or unfit for the market, and he is there left to suffer death, either from the effects of the sun, or from the fangs of some hungry alligator or shark, which may chance to find the body. The circumstance of the hands and feet being just allowed to be immersed in the water, is considered by these deluded people as necessary, and they are thereby rendered an easier prey.

It is usual with ships on their first arrival in the river, to be visited by Duke Ephraim, the chief of the town; a personage who is well known to the numerous Liverpool traders, that frequent the river. The reason of this visit is, that the duke may receive his present, which consists generally of cloth, muskets, rum, or any articles of that description, and he always goes on board in great state, in his canoe, for this purpose, previously to which, no one is allowed to leave the ship. This regulation, which is a method of securing the port dues, affects those only, who come to the river for the purpose of trade, and as the Portia was a government vessel, they were not included in the number of those, who had the port dues to pay. As soon as they had anchored, Richard Lander accompanied Mr. Becroft on shore, and proceeded with him to the duke's residence, for the purpose of paying their respects to him. A walk of about ten minutes brought them to his house, and they found him in the palaver square which belongs to it, busily engaged in writing, and surrounded by a great number of his principal people. It was something unusual to find a native chief thus employed, but the large dealings which Duke Ephraim appears to have with the Liverpool merchants, accounts in some measure for this accomplishment, and the smattering of English which he has obtained. His only pretensions to dress, consisted in a smart, gold laced hat, which he wore, and a handsome piece of silk tied round his loins. His chief officers, who were next to him, also wore gold laced hats, while those next in rank wore silver lace, and the lower class contented themselves without either. They arrived at council time, but Mr. Becroft being immediately recognized by the duke, he received them very cordially, and made them sit down. Duke Ephraim bears the character of being always very civil and attentive to the English, and of making himself very active in supplying their wants of live stock. He has formed a favourable opinion of them, from the fine things they bring him, but his discernment goes beyond these; for the circumstance of slave vessels having being captured and taken out of the river, by the boats of the English ships of war on the station, has impressed him with admiration of their boldness and courage, and given him a very exalted opinion of their power. Vessels of war formerly came up the river in search of slaves, and he has always received their commanders with much kindness, and assisted them all in his power; a trait in his character, which is rather extraordinary, when their object is considered, as he is the principal agent by whom supplies of slaves are furnished from the interior. None, however, are allowed to come up now, in consequence of the deaths that have occurred.

After a short time, they were desired to go up stairs into his best room, and they accordingly ascended about thirty or forty wooden steps, and entered a spacious apartment, when the sight that presented itself was of the most extraordinary description. The room, which was about thirty feet in length, by about twenty in breadth, was literally crammed full of all kinds of European furniture, covered with cobwebs and dust about half an inch thick. Elegant tables and chairs, sofas of a magnificent description, splendid looking-glasses, and prints of the principal public characters of England, as well as views of sea and land engagements, set in handsome gilt frames, beautifully cut glass decanters, and glasses, glass chandeliers, and a number of other things, too numerous to mention, were all mixed together in the utmost confusion. A handsome organ attracted the notice of Lander, and a large, solid brass arm-chair, which from an inscription upon it, appeared to be the present of Sir John Tobin of Liverpool. The inscription, or rather raised characters upon it were, "Presented by Sir John Tobin of Liverpool, to his friend Duke Ephraim," and vain enough is the chief of his present. He exhibits this chair with the rest of his presents to the people, or any stranger who may happen to visit him, and allows them to feast their eyes, as he imagines, on the goodly sight, but such are his care and pride of them, that he will not allow them to be touched by any one, and his attendants are not permitted to approach them, even for the purpose of cleaning off the dust which has accumulated since their first arrival. The whole of this miscellaneous assemblage of goods, are presents which have been made to the duke by merchants of Liverpool, as well as French, Spanish, and Portuguese traders, and are the accumulation of a considerable length of time.

Duke Town, or Ephraim Town, as it is known by both of these appellations, is situated on rather elevated ground, On the left or east bank of the river, and is of considerable size, extending principally along it. From the appearance of it, it may be concluded that its inhabitants amount to at least six thousand people. The houses are generally built of clay, like those of the Eboe people. The breadth of the river opposite to it, is not quite so wide as the Thames at Waterloo Bridge, and the opposite bank is not so high as that on which the town stands. The houses are built in an irregular manner, leaving very little room for the road between them, which at that time was exceedingly wet and dirty. The duke's house is situate in the middle of the town, and like the rest is built of clay. It consists of several squares, round each of which is a verandah, similar to the houses in Yarriba. The centre square is occupied by the duke and his wives, the others being the abode of his servants and attendants, which altogether amount to a considerable number. Immediately opposite to the first square, which forms the entrance to his residence, stands a small tree, profusely decorated with human skulls and bones. This tree is considered by the people as fetish or sacred, and is supposed to possess the virtue of preventing the evil spirit from entering the duke's residence. Near the tree stands the house, which is inhabited by their priests, a class of beings, certainly in the most savage condition of nature that it is possible to imagine. The fetish priests of Brass Town, chalked themselves from head to foot, besides dressing after a fashion of their own, but these fellows outdo them far, and make themselves the most hideous and disgusting objects possible.

Whether it may be with the idea of personifying the evil spirit of whom they are so afraid, Lander could not learn, but they go about the town with a human skull fastened over their face, so that they can see through the eye-holes; this is surmounted by a pair of bullock's horns; their body is covered with net, made of stained grass, and to complete the whole, and give them an appearance as ridiculous behind as they are hideous before, a bullock's tail protrudes through the dress, and hangs down to the ground, rendering them altogether the most uncouth looking beings imaginable. Sometimes a cocked hat is substituted for the horns, and the skull of a dog or monkey used, which renders their appearance, if possible, still more grotesque. Thus equipped, they are ready to perform the mysteries of their profession, which Lander had not sufficient opportunity to inquire into, but which are quite enough to enslave the minds of the people. They seem to believe in a good and evil spirit; that the good spirit dwells in the river, which accounts for their sacrifices being made on it, and that the evil spirit dwells in a tree, which being full of human skulls, keeps him away from them.

On the morning of the 26th, the duke's principal man came on board the Portia to receive payment for some bullocks, which Mr. Becroft had purchased. There was something in his appearance which attracted the attention of Lander, and he fancied that he seemed to be much dirtier than any that had been seen on the preceding day. On a nearer inspection, his head, and the whole of his body were found to be covered with ashes, and a very dirty piece of sackcloth fastened round his loins; besides this he appeared to be suffering great distress of mind, and presented a most wretched and woeful appearance. Lander asked him the cause of his grief, and why he had covered himself with ashes in such a manner, when he gave the following relation of the cause of all his distress. It appeared that he had possessed six wives, one of whom was gifted with a larger share of personal charms than the rest, the consequence of which was, that she received more attention from him and was loved more than any of the others. This partiality naturally excited the jealousy of the other ladies, and mortified by his neglect of them, they were determined on revenge, and was resolved to get rid of their favoured rival by mixing poison with her food. They had just succeeded in effecting their purpose, which had caused the poor fellow much distress, and he had not recovered the effects of his loss on the morning on which he came onboard the Portia. His tale was simple and unvarnished, and while he was relating it to Lander, the tears were trickling down his face. Lander never before saw a black man feel so much for the loss of a wife as he did. This remarkable custom of mourning in sackcloth and ashes, appears to be peculiar to these people, and it was ascertained that they do not cease to cover their bodies with them as long as their sorrow lasts. They do the same on the death of a relation, and it is the only instance of the kind that Lander met with in the part of the country through which he had travelled.

Great uproar and confusion prevailed the whole of this day throughout the town occasioned by an adventure of the doctor with the duke's most favourite wife, which is likely to end tragically to the parties concerned. This person, who is the doctor of the town, it appears was the bosom friend of the duke, in whom the latter had the greatest confidence, and allowed him to visit his wives professionally as often as he thought proper. The gentleman's visit had lately become so frequent as to excite suspicion and a look out was accordingly kept on all his movements. The poor doctor was soon caught in the snare; the motive of his visit was found to be of an illegal nature, and the enraged duke has ordered both to be bound hand and foot and thrown into the river on the following day.

Lander found seven French vessels lying in the river, one Spanish, and two English. One of the latter, named the Caledonia, a ship of five hundred tons burden, was the property of Sir John Tobin, of Liverpool, which, with the other, the brig Elizabeth were taking in a cargo of palm oil.

The river Calebar is very serpentine, and there is scarcely any other tree but the mangrove to be seen on its banks. The right bank is intersected by numerous creeks, well known to the natives, who frequent them in their canoes; they communicate with all the rivers that fall into the Gulf of Guinea, between this river and that on which Benin is situated. The natives go as far as Benin in their canoes, but there is no communication by water with the Camaroons river, which seems to be totally distinct from the Calebar. The canoes of the natives are the same sort as those of the Eboe people. The river is full of crocodiles which are generally about twelve or fourteen feet long, and are very daring in their search of prey. A short time previous to their arrival two deaths had been occasioned by them. Sir John Tobin has a large store close to the river side, in which palm oil is kept for shipment on board the Liverpool vessels, and one evening an unfortunate native boy, tired with his day's work, fell asleep on the shore. In the course of the night an alligator attacked him, and was awakened by finding himself in the jaws of the monster; his struggles and cries were all in vain; the powerful creature lacerated him in a dreadful manner, and tore off one of his legs, with which he retreated into the water, and the remains of the unfortunate boy were found the next morning shockingly disfigured and weltering in blood, the death of the other was occasioned by his losing an arm in a similar manner.

Provisions are generally dear at Duke Town. Bullocks fetch twenty dollars each, and those not of a very good quality. Goats and sheep are valued at three dollars, ducks at half a dollar each, and fowls at half a dollar a pair. Yams are cultivated by the natives very successfully, and are considered the best flavoured and finest of the country. There are no cleared portions of ground on the banks of the river, and their cultivation of the yam and other vegetables is at a distance in the woods.

Since Lander's first return to Fernando Po from the Calebar river, he accompanied Mr. Becroft twice to Duke Town in the Portia. In this interval the Carnarvon, an English vessel had arrived with government stores from England for the establishment, and as she was going to Rio Janeiro for a cargo to take back, and there seemed to be no prospect at present of their getting away from Fernando Po by any other means, the Landers requested Mr. Becroft to conclude an agreement for their passage to that place, from whence they hoped to be more successful in finding their way to England. About a week previously, the brig Thomas, in which they came from the river Nun, touched at the island on her way home from the Camaroons, her commander, Lake, supposing that they would take a passage with him. They had now been upon the island seven weeks, and they would have preferred staying seven more, rather than put themselves into his power again. They had experienced quite enough of his care and kindness, and therefore declined his offer of taking them. After waiting three days at the island, he sailed about six o'clock in the afternoon, and had not got more than a mile from the anchorage, when a large vessel with long, raking masts, suddenly appeared from behind a part of the island, and was seen in pursuit of him. They observed the vessel to fire several guns at him, which at length made him take in all sail and wait. No doubt was entertained that this vessel was a pirate, and their suspicions were confirmed the next day by seeing the two vessels lying becalmed close to each other. There were no signs of them on the following day, and they saw nothing more of the Thomas. Nor, indeed, was this vessel ever heard of again, in fact, the Landers considered it a most providential escape, that they did not take their passage in her. No doubt rested on the minds of the people of the settlement that the stranger vessel was a pirate, and that when his people had murdered the crew of the Thomas, with their captain, or had compelled them to walk the plank, as they usually do, that they sunk her after taking everything out of her which they wanted. "Walking the plank," is literally walking into the sea. A plank is placed across the side of the ship, so that one end projects some distance over it while the other remains inside. The person condemned by these ruffians to this mode of death, which is generally chosen to avoid one of a more dreadful nature, is placed on the inner end of the plank, and compelled to walk along it till he reaches the outer end, which immediately yields to his weight, and he falls into the sea, never to rise again. To make shorter work of it, he is sometimes loaded with a large shot, which quickly carries him down. These fellows have another method of disposing of any unfortunate vessel that may fall into their hands; after having got rid of the captain and crew as above, they fill her with slaves, and send her across the Atlantic, should the vessel be met with by any ship of war, she escapes examination, as her appearance when in the hands of her own commander was known, and therefore no suspicion is excited.

Everything being prepared for their departure they embarked on board the Carnarvon,—Garth, commander, for Rio Janeiro. The Landers speak in terms of high commendation of the conduct observed towards them, during their stay at Fernando, by Mr. Becroft, Mr. Crichton, and Mr. Beatty. Everything was supplied them which the place could afford, and it was always a source of gratification to them to reflect on the time that they passed in their society.

Having taken leave of their friends, they embarked and bade adieu to the island of Fernando Po. Mr. Stockwell, the officer of marines, accompanied them on board, having taken his passage like themselves to return to England. Their crew consisted of seven European seamen, two free negroes and one Krooman, besides the commander of the vessel and two mates. So great, however, was the mortality amongst them, that before a week had elapsed, the two Landers with the three black men were all that were left to work the vessel, and one of them only knew how to steer. Richard Lander was obliged to take the helm until twelve at night, and every morning after four, having only a few minutes allowed him to take a hasty meal, and in addition to their troubles, the vessel was so completely over-run with rats, that it was quite impossible to stay below with any comfort, and as for sleeping there, it was wholly out of the question.

On the evening of the 14th March, the Krooman fell into the sea. This poor fellow, whose name was Yellow Will, called loudly to them for help, and although the vessel was not sailing at a great rate, he missed every thing that was thrown overboard to save him. To have altered the ship's course would have endangered the masts and sails, and their small boat was so leaky that it would not swim. They had therefore no alternative, but were obliged to abandon him to his fate with the most painful feelings, and they heard his cries nearly an hour afterwards. [Footnote] There is nothing more distressing than an accident of this nature. To see an unfortunate man grasping in vain at any thing which is thrown to him, as the ship passes by him, to see him struggling against his fate as he rises on the distant wave, which frequently conceals him from view, and to be unable to render him the least assistance, whilst his cries die away in the breeze, raise sensations which it is impossible to describe. This man in the condition in which they then were, particularly, was a great loss to them, and was the best amongst the black people.

[Footnote: We have given this as it is stated in Lander's Narrative, but there is something highly improbable in the circumstance of the cries of a man, who could not swim, being heard for an hour after his immersion in the sea, and yet that during that time no effectual means could be devised for his deliverance.]

On the morning of the 15th, the weather was very hazy, which prevented them seeing the land, although they knew it to be at no great distance from them. They were becalmed during the whole of the day, but found by the decrease of the depth, that they were drifting close on towards the shore. At five in the afternoon, the ship was about a quarter of a mile from the land, discovered by three large hills of a sugar loaf appearance being close to them. Finding by pieces of cork and other things that they threw into the water, that they were drifting fast on the breakers, which they could distinctly hear, they made an attempt to get the long boat out to save themselves, as they expected the ship would be very soon wrecked, but they found that they could not muster sufficient strength to lift her over the side. At this critical moment, a breeze of wind from off the land saved them from destruction, and enabled them to get the vessel under command.

On the 16th March they arrived at Rio Janeiro, and on the following day paid their respects to Admiral Baker, the commander in chief on the South American station, and made known to him their situation and anxiety to return to England. The admiral received them in that kind and hospitable manner, which is the peculiar characteristic of a British seaman. He invited them to his table with his officers, and ordered them a passage in the William Harris, a government transport, which was to sail for England in a day or two.

Accordingly on the 20th they sailed for England, and on the 9th June arrived at Portsmouth, after a tedious voyage, and gladly landed with hearts full of gratitude for all their deliverance.

One of the first steps which government adopted on the arrival of Richard Lander, was to issue an order to the authorities at Cape Coast Castle, to pay to King Boy the whole of his demand for the ransom of the Landers, and thereby re-establishing that faith and good opinion with the natives of the country, touching the honour and integrity of the English character.

This journey by individuals who make no pretensions to science, has not afforded materials for the illustration of any of its branches, but previously to the loss of the instruments, the range of the thermometer is recorded. At Badagry, on the coast, where the heat was most oppressive, it was between 86 deg. and 94 deg., oftener stationary near the latter than the former point. At Jenna it fell suddenly one day from 94 deg. to 78 deg., and remained stationary for some hours. At Assinara at noon, on the 23rd April it attained the height of 99 deg.. Near Katunga it fell upon one occasion to 71 deg. in the shade, the air being then cooler than they had felt it since landing. At Kiama the extremes were 75 deg. and 94 deg., the mean 84 deg.. At Youri, the range was the same. On their voyage from Youri to Boussa, on the 2nd August, it varied from 75 deg. to 92 deg.. At Boussa it varied from 76 deg. to 93 deg., but most commonly between 80 deg. and 90 deg.. At Patashie, generally between 74 deg. and 89 deg., once 93 deg.. Lever 77 deg. to 93 deg.. Bajiebo 70 deg. to 95 deg.. On the passage down the river below that place, on the 5th October, 78 deg. to 94 deg.. Belee 79 deg. to 94 deg.. Such has been the issue of this important voyage, by which the grand problem that perplexed Europe during so many ages, and on which, for a period of nearly forty years, so many efforts and sacrifices had been expended in vain, was completely solved. British enterprise completed, as it had begun this great discovery. Park in his first journey reached the banks of the Niger, and saw it rolling its waters towards the interior of the continent. In the second he embarked at Bammakoo, and by sailing downwards to Boussa, proved its continuous progress for upwards of a thousand miles. The present voyage has exhibited it following a farther course, which with its windings must amount to about eight hundred miles, and finally emptying itself into the Atlantic. This celebrated stream is now divested of that mysterious character, which surrounded it with a species of supernatural interest. Rising in a chain of high mountains, flowing through extensive plains, receiving large tributaries, and terminating in the ocean, it exhibits exactly the ordinary phenomena of a great river. But by this discovery we see opened to our view a train of most important consequences. The Niger affords a channel of communication with the most fertile, most industrious, and most improved regions of interior Africa. Its navigation is very easy and safe, unless at intervals between Boussa and Youri, and between Patashie and Lever, and even there it becomes practicable during the malca or flood, produced by the periodical rains. British vessels may, therefore, by this stream and its tributaries ascend to Rabba, Boussa, Youri, Soccatoo, Timbuctoo, Sego, and probably to other cities as great, but yet unknown. They may navigate the yet unexplored Tchadda, a river, which at its junction, is nearly as large as the Niger itself, and no doubt waters extensive and fertile regions. It was even stated to the Landers by different individuals, that by this medium, vessels might reach the Lake Tchadda, and thereby communicate with the kingdom of Bornou. But this statement appears erroneous, for though the Tchadda be evidently the same with the Shary, which runs by Adomowa and Durrora, yet flowing into the Niger, it must be a quite different stream from the Shary, which flows into the Tchad, and in a country so mountainous, there is little likelihood of any connecting branches. The decided superiority of the interior of Africa to the coast, renders this event highly important. Steam, so peculiarly adapted to river navigation, affords an instrument by which the various obstacles may be overcome, and vessels may be enabled to penetrate into the very heart of the African continent.

On the return of the Landers, the question was mooted by the Geographical Society of London, whether the Quorra or Niger, as discovered by Lander, was the same river as the Kigir of the ancients. Upon the whole subject it would have been sufficient to refer to D'Anville and Rennell, who favour the affirmative of the question, and on the opposite side to M. Wakkenaer, who of all later writers has examined it with the greatest diligence, had not recent discoveries furnished us with better grounds for forming a conclusive opinion, than even the latest of these authors possessed.

Maritime surveys have now completed a correct outline of Northern Africa. Major Laing, by ascertaining the source of the Quorra to be not more than sixteen hundred feet above the sea, proved that it could not flow to the Nile. Denham and Clapperton demonstrated that it did not discharge itself into the Lake of Bornou, and at length its real termination in a delta, at the head of the great gulf of the western coast of Africa, has rewarded the enlightened perseverance of the British government, and the courage and enterprise of its servants. The value to science of this discovery, and the great merit of those, whose successive exertions have prepared and completed it, is the more striking, when we consider that the hydrography of an unknown country is the most important step to a correct knowledge of its geography, and that in barbarous Africa, nothing short of the ocular inquiries of educated men, is sufficient to procure the requisite facts, and yet it is not a little extraordinary, that the termination of the Quorra or Niger has been discovered by two men, who, in point of scientific knowledge, education, or literary acquirements, stand the lowest in the scale of the African travellers. It is, however, curious to observe how even the best collectors of oral information in that country, have failed in arriving at the truth, as to the origin, cause, and termination of the rivers. Edrisi, Abulfida, Leo Africanus,[Footnote] Delile, and Bruce, all come to the determination that the Quorra flowed from east to west. Burckhardt, whose oral inquiries on Bornou, have proved generally correct, concluded that the Shary flowed from N.E. to S.W., and Lyon, though particularly successful in his information on the countries not visited by him, was induced to confound the Shary of Bornou with the Tchadda or Yen, and like Sultan Bello, to carry the Quorra, after passing Youri and Funda, into the Lake Tchadda, and thence into Egypt. The most intelligent natives are confused, when questioned on the subject of rivers, while the majority, unable to understand the object or utility of such enquiries, can neither inform the traveller whether two streams are different rivers or part of the same; where any river rises, or whither it flows, and appear often to believe that all the lakes and streams of Africa, are parts of one and the same water. It is not surprising, therefore, that ancients as well as moderns have obtained the knowledge of a large river flowing to the east, should have supposed that it was a branch of the Nile of Egypt, or that when the existence of a great lake, in the direction of the known portion of its stream, became known, the opinion should have followed, that the river terminated in that lake, or that it was discharged through the lake into the Nile. Such, consequently have been the prevalent notions in all ages, even amongst the most intelligent foreigners, as well as the higher class of natives, from Herodotus, Etearchus, and Juba, to Ibn, Batuta, and Bello of Soccatoo.

[Footnote: It is supposed by W. Martin Leake, Esq. Vice President of the Geographical Society, that Leo Africanus actually reached Timbuctoo. The narrative of Adams places the matter at rest, that Leo never did reach that famous city. Mr. Leake says, that Leo was very young at the time, and, therefore that his memory probably failed him, when he came to describe the city, which was many years after his return.]

Considering these circumstances, it will hardly be contended that the late discovery of the Landers, has made any alteration in the nature of the question, as to the identity of the Quorra and Nigir; the sudden bend of the river to the southward, through a country, which has been equally unknown to the ancients and moderns, having always left the best informed of them in ignorance of any part of the river, except that of which the course was northerly or easterly. If then, there be sufficient reason for the belief, that these latter portions were known to the, ancients, we have only to suppose them to have had some such imperfect knowledge of the interior of North Africa, as we ourselves had attained previously to the expedition of Denham and Clapperton, to justify the application of the name Nigir to the whole course of the river. Although we find Ptolemy to be misinformed on several points concerning central Africa, yet there still remains enough in his Data, on Interior Libya and Northern Ethiopia, to show a real geographical approximation, very distant indeed from the accuracy at which science is always aiming, but quite sufficient to resolve the question as to the identity of the Nigir, in which an approximation is all that can be expected or required. Having been totally ignorant of the countries through which that river flows in a southerly direction, Ptolemy naturally mistook it for a river of the interior; he knew the middle Ethiopia to be a country watered by lakes, formed by streams rising in mountains to the southward; he was superior to the vulgar error of supposing that all the waters to the westward of the Nile flowed into that river, and he knew consequently that the rivers and lakes in the middle region, had no communication with the sea. It is but lately that we ourselves have arrived at a certainty on this important fact. We now know enough of the level of the Lake Tchad, to be assured that no water from that recipient can possibly reach the Nile. This wonderful river, of which the lowest branch is 1200 geographical miles from the Mediterranean, (measuring the distance along its course, in broken lines of 100 G.M. direct,) has no tributary from the westward below the Bahr Adda of Browne, which is more than 1600 miles from the sea, similarly measured. It is scarcely possible, therefore, that the latter point can be less, taking the cataracts into consideration than 1500 feet above the sea, whereas the following considerations lead to the belief that the Tchadda is not more than 500 feet in height.

We learn from the information of Clapperton, confirmed and amplified by that of Lander, that there exists a ridge, which about Kano and Kashna, extends forth the Yeu to the Lake Tchadda on one side, and on the other the river of Soccatoo, which joins the Quorra at a distance from the sea of about 500 miles, measured in the manner above mentioned. A similar process of measurement gives a length of 1700 miles to the whole course of the Quorra, the sources of which, according to Major Laing, are about 1600 feet above the sea; the stream, therefore, has an average fall of something less than a foot in a mile in lines of 100 geographical miles. This would give to the confluence of the river of Soccatoo with the Quorra, a height of less than 500 feet above the sea, but as that confluence occurs above the most rapid part of the main stream, 500 feet seem to be very nearly the height.

As a knowledge of the origin and course of rivers, conducts in every country to that of the relative altitude and directions of its highlands, the late discoveries on the waters of Africa have thrown great light on its orography. The sources of the largest, or rather longest of its rivers, namely, the white or true Nile, now appears to be in a point nearly equidistant from the Indian and Atlantic Oceans in one direction, and from the Mediterranean and the Cape of Good Hope on the other. These central summits, it is fair to suppose, are at least as high as the snowy peak Samen, in Abyssinia, which is the culminating point towards the sources of the minor branch or Blue Nile, and that they are covered, therefore, with perpetual snow. From hence flow the White Nile, the Djyr, the Bahr Culla, the Congo, and several rivers of the coast of Zanguebar.

As a part of these great African Alps was described to Denham as lying beyond the mountain of Mendefy, the latter would seem to be an advanced northerly summit of them. The range is probably united to the eastward with the mountains of Abyssinia, and to the westward, terminates abruptly in some lofty peaks on the eastern side of the delta of the Quorra, but not till after it has sent forth a lower prolongation, which crosses the course of the Quorra nearly at right angles, and terminates at the end of 1500 miles, at the sources of the Quorra, Gambia, and Senegal. A minor counterfort advances from the central range to the northwestward, commencing about the Peak of Mendefy, and vanishing at the end of about 900 miles in the desert of the Tuaricks. It gives rise to the two Sharys, which flow in opposite directions to the Quorra and the Lake Tchadda, and further north to the streams which flow to the same two recipients from about Kano and Kashna.

Though the knowledge of interior Africa now possessed by the civilized world, is the progressive acquisition of many enterprising men, to all of whom we are profoundly indebted, it cannot be denied that the last great discovery has done more than any other to place the great outline of African geography on a basis of certainty. When to this is added the consideration that it opens a maritime communication into the centre of the continent, it may be described as the greatest geographical discovery that has been made since that of New Holland. Thrice during the last thirty years, it has been on the eve of accomplishment; first when Horneman had arrived from Fezzan and Nyffle, secondly when Park had navigated the Quorra as far as Boussa, and lastly when Tuckey, supplied with all possible means For prosecuting researches by water, was unfortunately expedited to The Congo, instead of being sent to explore the mouths of the Niger.



CHAPTER XLIII.

A maritime communication with the interior of Africa having been now opened, by the discovery of the termination of the Niger in the Bight of Benin, it was considered, that some great commercial advantages might be derived by fitting out an expedition on a large scale, and as Lander on his return home had reported, that the Niger was navigable for vessels of a light burden for a considerable distance into the country, it was resolved to fit out two steam vessels, well armed and amply supplied with all stores both in a commercial point of view, and for attack and defence when arriving amongst the natives in the interior. It was an enterprise every way worthy of the British character, and one likely to be productive of future consequences, the importance of which it would be difficult to overrate either in a commercial or in a moral and political point of view. Sir John Tobin of Liverpool was one of its great promoters, and the immediate object of the expedition was to ascend the Niger, to establish a trade with the natives, and to enlarge our geographical knowledge of the country. When we look at the dense population of Africa described in the preceding parts of this work, it is obvious that in them might be found an extensive market for the manufactured goods and wares of England; for the cottons of Manchester, Glasgow, &c., and for many other products of our skill and industry. In return for these, the rich commodities of gold, ivory, hippopotami teeth, and the more common articles of wood, peltry, gums, &c. &c. may be imported, and if encouragement be given, indigo and other valuable things would be largely cultivated to barter with Europe. And still nobler aims were before us, the ending of the traffic in human beings, and the gradual illumination and civilization of Africa.

Although in unison with the enlightened spirit of the times, this expedition may be considered as simply a mercantile speculation, yet at the same time it purposed to combine objects of greater and more general interest. The sum of L300 was presented by Sir John Tobin, and other individuals concerned in the expedition. Government had nothing to do with the outfit of the expedition, but it was to be accompanied by Lieutenant William Allen, of the royal navy, but without rank or command, as a passenger, with instructions to make surveys and observations, for which his scientific attainments well qualified him.

Richard Lander was appointed to the command of the expedition, leaving his brother John as his locum tenens in the Customhouse of Liverpool until his return.

The expedition, considering the object which it had in view was of a formidable kind, two steam vessels were equipped for the purpose, the larger was computed to be 145 tons burden, and propelled by a fifty horse engine. Her sides were pierced and mounted with ten six pounders. Forward, a very formidable display was made by a twenty-four pound swivel gun, whilst a long swivel eighteen pound carronade astern seemed to threaten destruction to every foe. In addition to these precautions against the Spanish pirates who infest the coast, and of which Lander was himself an eye witness in the capture of the brig Thomas, and also against such of the native tribes, who might prove hostile to the expedition, she was completely surrounded by a chevaux de frise, and amply provided with small arms and boarding pikes for forty persons, of which number the crew were to consist. This steamer was named after the river she was intended to ascend, namely the Quorra, which is the Arabic for "shining river." Her draft of water was easy, and in her ascent would not be more than two feet six inches, which was very small, considering that no sacrifice had been made of those operations, which constitute the beau ideal of a steamer, which the Quorra certainly was. The construction of the paddles was such, that should favourable winds occur, they could be removed in such a manner, that she could use sails instead of steam, and receive no impediment to her progress by their immersion in the water. She was schooner rigged and rather lofty. The Quorra was intended to ascend the principal stream, and the lesser vessel, which was built entirely of wrought iron, and of a draught of only 18 inches, was intended to explore all the tributary streams, and to visit Timbuctoo, Warree, Soccatoo, &c. &c. This latter vessel was only 55 tons burden, and called the Alburkha, which is the Arabic for "blessing." The brig Columbine, which was to accompany them as far as the river Nun, was principally laden with fuel and other articles for the use of the two steamers. She was not to ascend the river, but to anchor in a convenient place as a kind of store-house for the steamers. It was expected that a sufficiency of wood would be found on the banks of the river to generate steam, when the supply of coal was exhausted, or not easily to be procured. The whole squadron was under the command of Captain Harris of the royal navy, whose experience on the coast during a period of six years entitled him to the confidence of the promoters of the expedition. Macgregor Laud, esquire, of Liverpool, as supercargo, and Mr. Briggs, of Liverpool, surgeon, accompanied the expedition. To the latter gentlemen was confided the botanical department, and also that of natural history, being fully competent to investigate the very important branches connected with those sciences, either for philosophical or commercial results.

The Columbine brig was 170 tons, commanded by Captain Miller, being laden with coals for the steamers, and a variety of articles for presents, trade, or barter, and a few passengers. The Alburkha steamer was commanded by Captain Hill, and was admitted to be a model of a vessel, although with the exception of the decks, being entirely built of iron. She had a crew of fourteen men.

Lander carried with him a number of copies of an address, prepared by Mr. Salame, and intended to explain the objects of their visit to the native chiefs and kings. They were printed on all kinds of coloured paper and being adorned with pictures of the two steam boats, were likely enough to be regarded not merely as ambassadorial letters, but as beautiful specimens of the fine arts by the sovereigns to whom they were to be presented.

By the ample provision that was made, it would almost seem that every difficulty was anticipated, and certainly no individual was better fitted than Lander to direct the outfit of the expedition, he having been twice in the country, and had acquired a perfect knowledge of the articles most in request by the natives, and particularly those kinds which would be the most acceptable to the native chiefs. Every thing that could be procured for the success, safety, comfort, and happiness of the adventurous travellers was supplied in the most bountiful manner, nor should it be omitted to state that an abundance of trinkets, &c. &c. was shipped for the purpose of conciliating the good will of the natives. No correct estimate could be formed of the length of the absence of the expedition, it might, however, be naturally inferred that it would not be great, as the steamers would present a facility hitherto unknown in exploring the African rivers, and that the progress thus obtained would in no way be impeded by the caprice of any of the African chiefs in obtaining leave to proceed, or paying a compulsory tribute &c. for such a favour. A glance at the Quorra would almost convince any one that her implements of destruction were such as to defy the whole condensed bow and arrow force of Africa, and it was generally hoped, as the expedition was of a trading description, conducted at the entire expense of a body of Liverpool merchants, that the speculations would be attended with profitable results, and finally with great advantages to open a trade between this country and the whole of Western Africa.

The expedition sailed from Liverpool in the month of July, 1822, and put into Milford, there to wait for orders, and also for Richard Lander who was expected to join them over land. They were also to obtain at Milford clean bills of health. On Tuesday the 19th June the Columbine brig and the Alburkha were towed out to sea by the Quorra, which vessel returned to Milford to wait the arrival of Lander, and then to sail immediately for Porto Praga on the African coast, the place of rendezvous.

From the unfortunate issue of the expedition we are excluded from the general information, which would otherwise have been obtained, had Lander survived to communicate the result of his researches on his return to England. We know that he was bound in honour not to send public intelligence, except to the owners of the vessels employed, and therefore all the information that can be gleaned, is from his private letters to his friends and relatives, and that even would be necessarily confined to the news of his personal situation. The expedition was expected to enter the Niger in six or seven weeks, and to return to England in about nine months.

On Sunday the 7th October, the expedition reached Cape Coast Castle in seventy-two days after sailing from Milford Haven, after having touched at the isle De Los, Sierra Leone and other points for a supply of fuel for the two steamers. Some cases of fever had taken place, but as yet no death had occurred. At Cape Coast, the governor Maclean and the officers of the garrison treated their visitors with the utmost kindness and hospitality. Here Lander fortunately secured the services of his old tried servant Pascoe, as well as Jowdie, and two natives of the Eboe country, who were likely to be of great service to the expedition, one of them being the son of a chief, and both intelligent, with a slight knowledge of the English language. The Alburkha, of which vessel some fears were entertained, was found to work admirably, exceeding the expectations of her commander and the other officers attached to the expedition. They sailed from Cape Coast Castle about the middle of October, for the river Nun, and proceeded direct from that river to the river Niger.

At the meeting of the geographical society of London in the month of June 1833, the following letter was read, addressed to R. W. Ray, esquire, from Richard Lander, dated——

Niger Expedition, River Nun, October 26, 1832.

I have the honour to inform you that the expedition under my command arrived here on the 20th instant, all well. I found on my arrival here that the captain of the Liverpool brig Susan, had paid king Boy. I hope you will be pleased to honour the bill. I have made king Boy a handsome present from the ordnance stores you were good enough to supply me with, and he accompanies me to the Eboe country to settle the palaver with king Obie. King Boy and king Forday were very glad to see me again, and say I am no man but a devil. I sail this evening and, expect to reach the Eboe country in four days, and feel quite confident of success. I find Mr. Alien sent out by the admiralty a very agreeable companion.

(Signed,) Richard Lander.

From the account of the seaman who was the bearer of it from Richard Lander to his brother in Liverpool, some further information was obtained, that all the vessels of the expedition had reached the Eboe country previously to the sailors leaving the Nun river. The seaman stated that the steamers stemmed the current bravely, and ascended the Niger with apparent ease.

The following extract of a letter from Sierra Leone, dated May 23, contains some interesting intelligence respecting the expedition:

The boats of his majesty's ship Curlew had boarded the Columbine about the 20th April, the master of which vessel had died a few weeks previously. The doctor on board the Columbine had received letters from Mr. Lander dated from king Obie's palace at Eboe, about three weeks after they had sailed from the entrance of the river Nun. King Obie had treated them with much kindness, and had made Lander a present of some canoes, with people to pilot them up the river. A few days before their arrival at Eboe, the steamers sent their boats ashore to cut wood. They were fired upon by the inhabitants of a village, and obliged to return. The next morning a large number of men were sent armed, these were immediately fired upon by the natives. The Quorra then sent a signal rocket into the town, and continued firing her long gun at intervals for an hour and a half. The natives still continuing to fire, the crews of both the steamers landed and drove them out of the town or village, and then burned it to the ground. Three of the natives were found killed, and one was dying, one or two of the English were slightly wounded. The news of this engagement reached Eboe before the steamer, and Mr. Lander is of opinion, it will have a salutary effect on the natives up the river, and be the means of preventing any further resistance. Nine men are said to have died before they left the Nun, and two or three afterwards. There was also an American merchant brig, the Agenoria, lying in the Nun. She had been fitted out by a company of merchants of New Providence to explore the Niger. She had with her two small schooners, which were to proceed up the river, while she remained at the entrance. Nearly all the white men belonging to these vessels had died, and the remainder appeared in the most wretched state, and they had abandoned all intention of attempting to proceed up the river with the schooners, it being considered impossible to do so with any sailing vessel. The brig intended to procure a cargo of palm oil, and proceed to the United States. The Agenoria was fitted out secretly by the company, and had cleared out for a whaling voyage.

No doubt whatever exists, and the sequel fully confirms the opinion, that the conduct observed by the crews of the steamers in attacking and destroying the town of the natives was highly impolitic and uncalled for. It is true the natives had commenced the attack, and we have only to refer to the accounts transmitted to us, of various travellers on penetrating into the country of a savage people, and especially a people of the depraved nature of the Africans, with whom Lander had to deal, that they are generally the first to resort to force, not so much with the hope of victory, as with the desire of plunder. In the generality of cases, however, it is to be found that the hostility on the part of the natives was more easy to be quelled by a show of forbearance and an inclination to enter into terms of amity with them, than by an open desire to meet force by force. Lander was by no means ignorant of the African character, he came not amongst them as a perfect stranger, and in all his former transactions with the natives, he had invariably found that he ultimately obtained their good will by a show of forbearance and lenity, more than by a determined spirit of resistance and reprisal. In no instance was this principle more completely verified than in the travels of Major Denham, in which in several instances, had he not maintained a complete control over his temper, on the insults and affronts offered to him by the natives, the consequences, would doubtless have been fatal to him, and although the natives were, in the case of Lander, undoubtedly the aggressors, yet had a temper of conciliation been manifested towards them, that spirit of hatred and of vengeance would not have been awakened in their breasts, which led to a most fatal catastrophe, and to the death of one of the most enterprising travellers, who ever attempted to explore the interior of Africa.

For some reason not properly explained, Richard Lander, returned to Fernando Po on the 1st May from the Quorra steam boat, which he had left afloat in deep water, near the River Tchadda. From her he descended the Niger in a native canoe, and arrived on board the brig Columbine, which was lying in the Nun River, having been 13 days on his passage. During this period he stopped to sleep every night at a native village on the banks of the Niger.

At Fernando Po, Mr. Lander was evidently very ill, though he was rapidly recovering from an attack of the dysentery, with which he had been afflicted for some months. His object in returning alone to Fernando Po, was to procure medicines, as well as tea and other condiments, for the use of the invalids on board the steam boats. The reports of the grievous mortality which had prevailed on board the steamers were confirmed by the arrival of Lander; the number of deaths on board the vessels had indeed been frightfully great; no fewer than twenty-five had perished before Mr. Lander undertook his journey to the coast, including most of the officers and engineers.

The following may be considered as the principal circumstances which led to this lamentable result. The vessels were unfortunately detained at a place called Attah, until Mr. Lander, accompanied by one or two of his associates, went to see the king. They were very hospitably received by his sable majesty, who was equipped in silk velvet, and attended by about three hundred well-dressed youths, all of them eunuchs, and forming a kind of body guard to their prince.

This delay was followed by another still more vexatious. The larger steam boat, was forced by the strength of the current on a sand bank, where she was fixed for several weeks; till lifted into deep water by the swelling of the river. Here she was examined, and found to have sustained no damage, but owing to this unseasonable accident, as well as the detention at Attah, and above all, to the deplorable loss of life, which had ensued on board the vessels, the party had not in their power to cultivate their mercantile speculations either to the extent or so successfully as they wished, or as their friends anticipated.

Still, however, when Mr. Lander left the Quorra, they might be said to have only begun to trade with the natives, and as there was unquestionably an abundance of ivory in the country, there was reason to hope that the adventure would be yet as prosperous in this point of view as its spirited and enterprising proprietors could reasonably desire.

The great mortality which took place amongst the crews of the vessels, was mainly attributed to the injudicious conduct of Captain Harris, who, instead of pushing on direct for the Niger, spent a great deal of time, as he coasted along, in examining inlets, &c., which exposed the crew to the fatal fever, which committed such ravages amongst them. Captain Harris himself fell a victim to his want of judgement, and Lander, Laird, Lieutenant Alien, and the captain of the Alburkha, were the only persons in office, who survived, and but fourteen whites besides were left alive.

The provisions were found to be uncommonly cheap and plentiful. A bullock weighing two cwt. cost eight shillings. Fowls one penny each, and other things in proportion, so that the victualling of thirty men was not more than eighteen pence a day, including yams and rice.

On the 18th May, Lander left Fernando Po in a native canoe as before, in order to rejoin his companions, who were no doubt anxiously awaiting his return. Richard Lander returned to Attah on the 21st July, in high health and spirits, and immediately made preparations for ascending the river in the Alburkha, accompanied by Lieutenant Allen, and a medical man. His voyage from the coast in a canoe, occupied him thirty-two days. From Attah, he wrote to his brother John, of which the following is an interesting extract:

"You know, that when we were here together, Abucco, chief of Damaggoo, had been at variance with his brother for several years. On arriving at the former place from the coast, I was sorry to find the brothers, with their respective subjects, still engaged in that petty, but obstinate and ferocious warfare, which had distinguished the quarrel at its commencement. Determined, if possible, to effect a reconciliation between them, I prevailed on our old friend Abucco to accompany me to Attah, promising to introduce him to his brother, and pledging my life for his safety. The meeting took place on the 22nd November, and a highly interesting one it was, I assure you. One party, preceded by Jowdie, and a few drummers, were introduced into a large square enclosure. The chief seated on a kind of throne, was surrounded by all his mallams, and a multitude of attendants. His wives were seated under a verandah, from which were suspended several handsome Turkey carpets, which served them for a screen. Abucco instantly drew back, as he approached the throne, but, taking him by the hand, I led, or rather pulled him towards his brother. At this moment, his confidence seemed to have forsaken him entirely; his head hung down on his breast, and I could feel him tremble violently. Whilst I was displaying my presents to the chief of Attah, I perceived him several times bestow a hasty and displeased look on his brother, who had disengaged himself from my hand, and was sitting on the ground. Though seven years had elapsed since their last meeting, neither of the rulers uttered a word. The curiosity of the chief of Attah, having in some measure been gratified, I immediately introduced his brother to his notice, by paying him a high compliment, which Abucco had certainly deserved. I then expressed the regret I felt in witnessing the bad effects of the misunderstanding, which had existed amongst them for so many years; insisted on the necessity of brothers living in harmony, and said I was determined not to quit the spot, until I had established a perfect reconciliation between them. The chief was extremely disconcerted, but he made no reply, I then desired Abucco to rise, and leading him to his brother, I took the right hand of each, and pressing both hands together, made them shake hands heartily, observing; You are now friends, and may God keep you so. The brothers were deeply affected, and neither of them could utter a syllable, for several seconds afterwards. Every countenance beamed with delight at the happy termination of the interview, and the multitude gave vent to their feelings, in a loud, long, and general shout. For my part, I need not say, I cannot tell the heartfelt gratification, I felt at that moment. But this is not the most important good, that I have been the humble means of effecting at this place. From time immemorable it has been a custom with the rulers of Attah, to sacrifice human beings on rejoicing days, and on all public occasions. At the interview, which I have just described to you, two poor creatures were brought before us to be slain, in order that their blood might be sprinkled about the yard. I shuddered at the proposal, and begged with earnestness, that nothing of the kind might be done, I assured the chief he would one day have to give an account to God, of every life he might wantonly destroy; and also made him sensible, that though after death, his body would moulder into dust, his soul would live for ever, and that it would be happy or miserable, in proportion to the good or bad actions he had performed, or might yet perform in this world. The chief was evidently much affected at my words, and desired his followers to unbind the intended victims, and remove them from the yard. He then made a solemn promise, to put an end to the custom of sacrificing human beings. As soon as this declaration was made known to the mallams, and the crowd of attendants in the yard, they all held up their hands in token of approbation, and shouted for joy. It is now seven or eight months since this promise was made, and I am happy to say, it has been religiously kept."

As further lights continued to be thrown upon the course of the Niger, that geographical problem of many years, and as its importance in a commercial point of view, opening a way into the interior of Africa, becomes more appreciable, our attention was naturally drawn to every circumstance connected with its exploration. Thus the expeditions of Mungo Park excited a strong sensation, and have left a mournful recollection on the public mind, and thus the equally adventurous, and noble, and more successful enterprises of the brothers, Landers, and especially of Richard, whose narrative of his third voyage we are now relating, have fixed the admiration of their country. This feeling was probably greatly enhanced, as the prospect of utility is certainly much enlarged by the remarkable coincidence of these gallant efforts, with the application of the navigating powers of steam. There might have been generations of Landers, with lives devoted to the cause, the sole reward of which would have been the discovery of a river's source and termination, but now there was combined with that end, the cheering hope of extending civilization, of strangling the hydra, slavery, in its cradle, and of diffusing comfort and happiness over a wide quarter of the globe. Assuredly it is a glorious thing to be signally and prosperously engaged in laying the foundation for a consummation so devoutly to be wished.

Lander had not made great progress in the interior, before he found that he was deficient in some particular kinds of goods, which were required for the markets in the interior, and he, therefore, descended the river in a canoe, and embarked on board the Curlew ship of war, to convey him to Cape Coast Castle, where he expected to meet with the articles which he required. Having succeeded in effecting his purchases, he returned to the mouth of the Nun, thence to reascend the Niger for the third time, and endeavour to penetrate as far up the river as Boussa.

It is, however, highly interesting to know, that previously to his last return to the Coast, Lander and Lieutenant Alien, had fortunately reached Rabba, a large Fellata town, in the iron steam boat, and for the period of thirteen or fourteen days had maintained a friendly intercourse, and carried on an advantageous trade with its inhabitants. The depth of the water at that place was between two and three fathoms, and as far as could be seen beyond it, the Niger was free from rocks and other obstructions, and assumed a majestic and very encouraging appearance. For the reason already mentioned, Lander was obliged to return to the coast, though it was supposed that he hastily quitted Rabba on account of some unfavourable rumours which had reached him, to the effect that the people wished to inveigle our countrymen on shore, in order to seize their persons and destroy their boat. This is, however, an improbable supposition, for as far as could be ascertained, the general bearing of the inhabitants towards the English was any thing but hostile. This important town was inhabited by Fellatas and negroes, and fully realized the expectations that had been formed of it, as regards its extent, its wealth, and its population. A few Tuaricks from the borders of the desert, and other Arabs were observed by our countrymen in the streets of Rabba.

Another important feature of this expedition is, the circumstance that the travellers ascended the river Tchadda, as high as one hundred and fifty miles from its junction with the Niger. At that point, and at some distance below and above it, the river was found to be intersected with islands, and comparatively shallow, alternately becoming broad and narrow in proportion as its channel was free from, or obstructed by these islands. No traces of inhabitants appeared on the banks of this very interesting river, and Lander and his valuable coadjutor were compelled to return to the Niger for want of provisions. All the natives in this part of the country agreed in the assertion, that the Tchadda communicates with Lake Tchad, the inland sea of Africa. They do not hazard this as a mere conjecture, but state it with confidence, as a well-known and undisputed fact. This being the case, though it be at variance with the opinion entertained of it by many of our scientific countrymen, the concurrent testimony of the natives, who, after all, are better acquainted with the geography of their own country, is entitled to respect. It should also be remembered, that the Tchadda has not received its name, any more than its gigantic namesake, from Europeans, but from the natives themselves, who have never bestowed on it any other appellation. On a small island, near Attah, Lander erected a kind of mud fort, which would answer the purpose of a depot for British goods. This place has been named English island, and it possesses peculiar facilities for trading purposes in that part of the country. The king of Attah, who seemed to have formed an attachment to Lander, presented him with four small but very beautiful horses, which he succeeded in conveying to Fernando Po. Poor old Pascoe the black, who buried Belzoni, and whose name occurs so frequently in Clapperton's journal, and the narrative of the Landers, as a faithful and brave servant, died at Attah.